In this article, the author examines the role of the countries that have signed the TLC (USA, Canada, Mexico) with respect to the protection of the environment, analyzes the importance that environment plays in the process of the integrations of electrical industries in North America and reviews the link between electrical energy-environment-integration, identifying the future challenges in relation to the reduction of the environmental impacts that the generation of electricity entails. Adapted from the source document.
Some theorists and practitioners argue that the stability of the global trade system is endangered by trade distorting effects of regional Free Trade Agreements. Does this also hold true for interregional FTAs? Based on criteria, such as scope, rules of origin and WTO notification, it is argued here that interregional FTAs between East Asia and Latin America do not fully confirm the distortion thesis, as the positive effects of WTO-plus elements in the examined FTAs and their positive notification record to the WTO signify. Yet, overlaps between different rules of origin may lessen the multilateral effectiveness of interregional FTAs. Adapted from the source document.
Since his inauguration in 2005, Iran's foreign policy focus has shifted from Africa to Latin America in order to, as Ahmadinejad puts it, 'counter lasso' the US.
Education has a key role in the development of societies. From strengthening of social cohesion, the organization of biographical and professional projects, and the sustainability of democratic integration, education contributes to the expansion of opportunities for participation. The structural changes produced in Latin America by the reforms of the 1990s, economic and cultural globalization, and the problems inherent in vulnerability and socioeconomic exclusion, created a new framework of restrictions and possibilities for the new generations. This article gives a critical insight into the socioeconomic scene of the educational offer. Subsequently, it inquires into the pertinence of its training proposals, the aim of which is to encourage the participation of the young and to recognize their specific demands. ; La educación tiene una importancia capital en el desarrollo de las sociedades a partir de su aporte para la ampliación de las posibilidades de participación, el fortalecimiento de la cohesión social, la organización de los proyectos biográficos y profesionales y la sustentabilidad de la integración democrática. En América Latina las transformaciones estructurales propiciadas por las reformas de los años noventa, la globalización económica y cultural, y los diversos problemas inherentes a la vulnerabilidad y a la exclusión socioeconómica han abierto para las nuevas generaciones un nuevo escenario plagado de restricciones pero también de posibilidades. Este artículo presenta una mirada crítica acerca del escenario socio histórico en que el se sitúa la propuesta educativa para indagar sobre la pertinencia o no de las propuestas de formación que intentan favorecer la participación de los jóvenes y reconocer sus demandas especificas.
This paper places the experiences of the Active Citizenship in Central America project led by Dublin City University within wider discussions on the role of civil society in building democracy and furthering development. The paper examines project development and content and assesses its effectiveness using a framework derived from Nancy Fraser's (1993) concept of 'weak' and 'strong' publics. It finds that the project oscillates between both these positions, and makes policy recommendations to help move it closer to a 'strong publics' conception. The paper ends by asserting that in the current conjuncture a 'strong publics' conception is a useful guiding principle for the design of development projects on civil society.
In this chapter, the Annual Review of World Affairs turns to events in Latin America, beginning with a discussion of the emergence of the left as a core value in the region's political scheme, pointing to leftist leaders such as Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, Fernando Lugo in Paraguay, and Mauricio Funes in El Salvador. At the same time, many of the region's up-and-coming leaders have proven interested in taking a more conciliatory left-center position in emulation of Brazil's President da Silva. The author maintains that the Obama administration has proven itself interested in recovering its damaged relations with Latin American countries, willing to cede its hegemonic status in favor of a more supportive role. According to the author, Mr. Obama's election in the US has meant new opportunities for collaboration between the United States and its Latin American neighbors, with loosening embargo restrictions on Cuba and new levels of cooperation in Mexico's drug war. Adapted from the source document.
Latin American mass media are going beyond the mere production of information to become agents of social projects from a corporate and socially responsible framework in alliance with external players, particularly civil society organizations (cso). This paper puts forward the results of research work which collects, for the first time, the experiences of some of these alliances between media and cso in Latin America and Colombia for the benefit of Democracy and Human Rights. Via interviews with some of the main players, the study identifies both challenges and lessons for future alliances in an attempt to strengthen the contribution of mass media to the development of democracy and human rights in Colombia. ; Los medios de comunicación latinoamericanos están trascendiendo de productores de información a gestores de proyectos sociales desde un marco de responsabilidad social empresarial, y en alianza con actores externos, en particular con organizaciones de la sociedad civil (OSC). El presente artículo recoge los resultados de una investigación financiada por la embajada del Reino Unido en Colombia que recopila, por primera vez, algunas experiencias en América Latina y Colombia de alianzas entre medios y OSC, en pro de la democracia y los derechos humanos. A través de entrevistas con algunos de sus protagonistas, el estudio identifica retos y lecciones para futuras alianzas. Así ayuda a fortalecer la contribución de los medios de comunicación a la democracia y los derechos humanos en Colombia.
The article analyzes the important role of animals from Spanish America and the Philippines in Royal zoological collections during the 18th Century. It studies not only the species that were included more frequently in the collections and the criteria for their selection, but also the political and lobbying mechanisms devised for their shipment to the Madrid Court. The article also describes the many obstacles that had to be overcome in order to ensure the survival of the animals in their transoceanic journey. ; El artículo analiza el importante papel desempeñado por los animales procedentes de la América española y de Filipinas en las colecciones zoológicas reales durante el siglo XVIII. Además de las especies que con mayor frecuencia estuvieron presentes en dichas colecciones y sus criterios de selección, se estudian los mecanismos clientelares y políticos que propiciaban su envío hasta la corte madrileña, así como los numerosos obstáculos que era necesario sortear para que los animales lograran sobrevivir a la travesía trans - oceánica.
Why do Latin American countries exhibit stark differences in their ability to protect citizens from falling into poverty? Analysis of poverty levels measured by ECLAC in eighteen countries shows that political factors-including the democratic record, long-term weight of left-of-center parties in the legislature, and investment in human capital-are significant and substantively important determinants of poverty. These findings contribute to the growing literature that emphasizes the importance of regime form, parties, and policies for a variety of outcomes in Latin America, despite the weaknesses of democracy and the pathologies of some parties and party systems in the region.
This chapter provides an independent & thorough assessment of the Caribbean & Latin America's military faculties & defense economics. Governments in this region are focused on policies that center around defense & creating & preserving dialogues surrounding political & economic cooperation on a regional level. The Organization of American States (OAS) & other regional cooperative organizations have directed the bulk of their efforts towards the region's growing role in international peace-keeping & disaster-relief missions. The Merida Initiative, a multi-year plan aimed to fight illicit narcotics & organized crime in the United States, Mexico, & Central America is examined in terms of money, manpower, & equipment committed to the initiative by all countries involved. Additionally, the regional diplomatic & security crisis created when the Colombian military captured & killed the FARC rebel group's second-in-command, Raul Reyes is discussed. Statistics & details concerning the Caribbean & Latin America's defense budget & capabilities are provided. C. Goger
Analyzes the potential for postneoliberalism in Latin America which was both the birthplace of neoliberalism & the kicking off point for resistance to neoliberalism as evidenced by the 1994 Chiapas revolution in Mexico, Brazil's Landless Workers' Movement, indigenous struggles in Bolivia & Ecuador, & the 1999 election of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela. The commitment of neoliberal Latin American governments to privatization & minimal state intervention weakened labor relations, deepened poverty, increased inequality, & illustrated the inability of neoliberalism to support sustained economic growth. In order to provide an effective alternative to neoliberalism, postneoliberalism must begin by strongly opposing & moving beyond deregulation, financialization, the weakening of labor relations, & fair trade. The populist movement is currently being advanced by governments that highlight social policies that restore those rights expropriated by neoliberalism. It remains to be seen if leaders like Hugo Chavez & Evo Morales will be able to continue the movement toward postneoliberalism or if they will be replaced by new governments that will restore the neoliberal model. J. Lindroth
In recent years many countries have privatized their state-owned banks and encouraged foreign investment. This paper investigates the roles of state and private ownership and foreign and domestic ownership on the performance of banks across Latin America. Using a range of financial and economic ratios, data envelopment analysis and regression modelling, the study reveals that by 2001 there was surprisingly little difference in performance between state-owned and privately-owned banks and between foreign and domestically-owned banks. The study also reports significantly different levels of bank performance in different Latin American countries, suggesting that country differences outweighed ownership differences in explaining performance.
Las principales conclusiones del estudio realizado entre los años 2001 y 2002 sobre las políticas de ordenamiento territorial que desde comienzos de los años ochenta del siglo pasado se desarrollaban en los países de América Latina muestran que hacia el año 2002 las políticas latinoamericanas de Ordenamiento Territorial (OT) se encontraban en un estado incipiente. A través del análisis de los casos de países como Argentina, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Uruguay, México y Colombia se puede observar la complejidad de la gestión territorial en América Latina y los desafíos que enfrenta. Frente a esto es necesaria una apuesta territorial integral hacia un modelo de desarrollo en el que la política económica (global), las políticas sectoriales y las territoriales confluyan en la búsqueda de un nuevo orden territorial regionalmente armónico y equilibrado, socialmente justo y democrático, descentralizado, ambientalmente sostenible y económicamente competitivo, pero entendiendo dicha competitividad sin detrimento de los derechos sociales, ambientales y económicos de los ciudadanos. Es posible que bajo la lógica perversa de la economía de mercado esto sea una utopía, pero es lo único que le da sentido y significado socialmente aceptable a las políticas de desarrollo y ordenamiento territorial. ; The principal conclusions of the study realized between the year 2001 and 2002 about the territorial planning policies that were developing in the Latin America countries, from the beginning of the eighties of last century, show that about the year 2002 the Latin-American policies of Territorial Planning (OT) were in an incipient state. Across the analysis of cases of countries like Argentina, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Uruguay, Mexico and Colombia it is possible to observe the complexity of the territorial management in Latin America and the challenges that it faces. Facing this, is necessary a territorial integral bet towards a development model in which the economic politics (global), the sectorial policies and the territorial ones come together in the search of a new territorial order regionally harmonical and balanced, socially just and democratic, decentralized, environmentally sustainable and economically competitive, but understanding the above mentioned competitiveness without detriment of the social, environmental and economic rights of the citizens. It is possible that under the perverse logic of a market economy this is an utopia, but it is the unique thing that gives sense and socially acceptable meaning to the development policies and territorial planning. ; Fil: Massiris Cabeza, Ángel.
This article discusses the four main challenges encountered in the field of educational research in Latin America, based on the critical reading of two articles published in Education Policy Analysis Archives by Abdeljalil Akkari and Soledad Pérez (1998), and one by Mariano Narodowski (1999). The complexity of epistemology as a theoretical foundation is analyzed, as well as the development of models and methods of research in Latin America, the awareness of the political economy and symbollic markets, and the need to design and implement formative models. The author's analysis is based on the historical-cultural psychology of Lev S. Vygotsky and the pedagogy of Paulo Freire, as well as other contemporary developments. How to cite: Rodríguez-Arocho, W. (2008). La investigación educativa en América Latina: Cuatro desafíos y algunas ideas para enfrentarlos. Pedagogía, 41(1), 11-24. Retrieved from https://revistas.upr.edu/index.php/educacion/article/view/16674 ; Este artículo presenta los cuatro mayores desafios en el campo de la investigación educativa en América Latina a partir de la lectura crítica de dos artículos publicados en Education Policy Analysis Archives, uno de Abdeljalil Akkari y Soledad Pérez (1998), y otro de Mariano Narodowski (1999). Se analizan la epistemología de la complejidad como fundamento teórico, el desarrollo de modelos y métodos de investigación en America Latina, la conciencia de la economía política y los mercados simbólicos y la necesidad de diseñar e implantar modelos de formación. La autora ubica su análisis desde la psicología histórico-cultural de Lev S. Vygotsky y la pedagogía liberadora de Paulo Freire en América Latina, así como en desarrollos contemporáneos. Cómo citar: Rodríguez-Arocho, W. (2008). La investigación educativa en América Latina: Cuatro desafíos y algunas ideas para enfrentarlos. Pedagogía, 41(1), 11-24. Recuperado a partir de https://revistas.upr.edu/index.php/educacion/article/view/16674
This ARI reviews the current state of the Taiwan-China relationship in light of the current challenges Taiwan faces in keeping its Latin American allies loyal. More opportunities for shifting alliances now exist, especially given the current global economic meltdown which has had an impact on both China and Taiwan's ability to sustain its assistance to many Latin American states. Taiwan-China relations in Latin America are at a crossroads. This paper starts with an overview of Taipei's struggle to ensure the support of its Latin American allies, in face of a fast growing and increasingly appealing Beijing. It then focuses on two case studies, St Lucia and Costa Rica, which have recently switched allegiance. St. Lucia has flipped back and forth; while Costa Rica ended a 63-year relationship with Taiwan in June 2007 and recognised the People's Republic of China (PRC). Whether other countries follow suit is unclear. However, the risk of a domino effect favouring Beijing is real, as underscored by recent developments in Panama, Haiti, Nicaragua and Paraguay. It seems that economic concerns are shaping Latin American governments' reactions to Taiwan and China's struggle for sovereignty. As the PRC's trade and investment pull increases and Taiwan's declines, it seems that Taipei is set to lose one of its last strongholds.
