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This book offers a comparative study of the Central and Eastern European and Turkish economies that analyses the implications of EU enlargement. The contributors discuss issues related to the creation of a legal infrastructure that encourages entrepreneurial initiative, fair competition, market forces and investor confidence. They assess the benefits of following prudent monetary and fiscal policies together with appropriate competition, trade and foreign direct investment policies in Turkey and Central and Eastern Europe.

This paper investigates whether Turkish foreign policy has changed in recent years, specifically in line with the EU accession process, and tries to uncover the main dynamics behind these changes. The main proposition in the paper is that domestic changes in Turkey have led to a reshuffling of foreign policy objectives with a renewed emphasis on improving relations with the country's neighbours. The paper investigates whether such a policy change is complementary to the Turkish goal of inclusion in the EU, and further proposes that the changes in Turkish foreign policy since 2002 involve an increased activism partly in line with the EU accession process and as a result of the changes in domestic politics. Adapted from the source document.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) offers a platform for trans-regional cooperation, connects Asia and Europe with Africa, strengthens European Union (EU)-China-Africa triangular cooperation and provides development opportunities for the African countries. In the region of Africa, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is perceived as a mechanism for interregional dialogue with concrete results in the areas of peace, security, infrastructure, sustainable development and in assisting African states to achieve the SDG's. The trilateral cooperation is enriched by the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for a deeper economic integration and for promoting regional security in Africa.

Scholarship has increasingly acknowledged the importance of public attitudes for shaping the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy. Economic sanctions emerged as one of CFSP's central tools. Yet despite the emergence of sanctions as a popular instrument in the EU foreign policy toolbox, public attitudes towards sanctions are yet to be studied in depth. This article explains public support for EU sanctions, using the empirical example of sanctions against Russia. It looks at geopolitical attitudes, economic motivations and ideational factors to explain the variation in public support for sanctions. The conclusion suggests that geopolitical factors are the most important, and that economic factors matter very little. Euroscepticism and anti-Americanism play an important role in explaining the support for sanctions at the individual level.

Abstract. Scholarship has increasingly acknowledged the importance of public attitudes for shaping the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy. Economic sanctions emerged as one of CFSP's central tools. Yet despite the emergence of sanctions as a popular instrument in the EU foreign policy toolbox, public attitudes towards sanctions are yet to be studied in depth. This article explains public support for EU sanctions, using the empirical example of sanctions against Russia. It looks at geopolitical attitudes, economic motivations and ideational factors to explain the variation in public support for sanctions. The conclusion suggests that geopolitical factors are the most important, and that economic factors matter very little. Euroscepticism and anti-Americanism play an important role in explaining the support for sanctions at the individual level.

PLANS FOR ECONOMIC AND MONETARY UNION HAVE LARGELY SIDESTEPPED THE ISSUE OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND POLITICAL STRUCTURE REQUIRED FOR THEIR IMPLEMENTATION. FAILURE TO MAKE PROGRESS WITH THE REALIZATION OF THE PLANS OF 1969-70 HAS BEEN VARIOUSLY BLAMED ON INTERNATIONAL MONETARY DISORDER, ON THE "IMPRACTICALITY" OF THE PROPOSALS, ON THE LACK OF FIRM COMMITMENT BY MEMBER GOVERNMENTS.

This paper explores the factors affecting the uptake of hybrid and electric vehicles in the European Union (EU) using data from two extensive cross-sectional surveys. Each survey consists of 26,500 responses to a questionnaire that combines socio-economic and behavioral aspects. The share of respondents across the EU stating that they would certainly or probably consider purchasing a hybrid or a battery-powered electric vehicle (H& ; EV) in the near future rose from 32% in 2014 to 37.4% in 2018. There is, however, a high variability among EU member states, as well as across different socio-economic groups. Propensity is highly correlated with income, educational attainment, and urbanization level. In order to address the high degree of collinearity, we applied a machine learning classification model to analyze and explain the interaction between the variables that affected the expressed propensity to purchase such a vehicle. The findings highlight something largely missing from the literature, namely that local conditions and regional variation are a major, if not decisive, factor regarding purchasing choices. Seen from a policy perspective, this conclusion may provide guidance regarding how to support the take up of H& ; EVs through measures that are tailored to the specific needs at the local level.