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The first book-length treatment of the Clinton administration's Latin American policies, this timely study reads like an insider's account, based in part on interviews and roundtable discussions with more than 50 participants in the Latin American foreign policy process during these years--from career diplomats to political appointees, White House insiders to jaded professionals. In his balanced analysis of an administration that made some progress in Latin American relations, the author reluctantly concludes that the Clinton presidency failed to build on the favorable international and regional context and on opportunities inherited from the George H. W. Bush administration. The study offers a multifaceted explanation for why Clinton's Latin American policy was, on balance, not able to accomplish many of its objectives in spite of some important successes, including the ratification of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the historic Summit of the Americas. Citing the collapse of the Governor's Island accords to return democracy to Haiti and Clinton's reluctant signing of the Helms-Burton bill that imposed new restrictions on Cuba as among the administration's failures, the author allows that policymakers were often handicapped by limitations of leadership at various levels, bureaucratic politics, a lack of resources, unexpected events, competing policy priorities, and the influence of domestic politics. In addition, Clinton and his senior-level advisers showed only sporadic interest in Latin America, which, among other factors, had the effect of hamstringing mid-level policy advocates. Such constraints, rather than a lack of vision or a failure to articulate policy objectives, appear to explain why the administration failed to exploit effectively the historic opening for a new post-Cold War approach to U.S.-Latin American relations. This timely study will be a valuable reference for the foreign policy community at large and for students and scholars of international relations. ; http://florida.theorangegrove.org/og/file/5dedc6a3-b8f2-751f-c9e1-e785a3a2e22b/1/9781616101428PalmerToOGT.pdf ; DL@upf.com ; Narrative text, Textbook ; University Press of Florida [UPF], David Scott Palmer ; http://www.ogtp-cart.com/product.aspx?ISBN=9781616101428 ; Community College, Higher Education ; Expositive ; The first book-length treatment of the Clinton administration's Latin American policies, this timely study reads like an insider's account, based in part on interviews and roundtable discussions with more than 50 participants in the Latin American foreign policy process during these years--from career diplomats to political appointees, White House insiders to jaded professionals. In his balanced analysis of an administration that made some progress in Latin American relations, the author reluctantly concludes that the Clinton presidency failed to build on the favorable international and regional context and on opportunities inherited from the George H. W. Bush administration. The study offers a multifaceted explanation for why Clinton's Latin American policy was, on balance, not able to accomplish many of its objectives in spite of some important successes, including the ratification of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the historic Summit of the Americas. Citing the collapse of the Governor's Island accords to return democracy to Haiti and Clinton's reluctant signing of the Helms-Burton bill that imposed new restrictions on Cuba as among the administration's failures, the author allows that policymakers were often handicapped by limitations of leadership at various levels, bureaucratic politics, a lack of resources, unexpected events, competing policy priorities, and the influence of domestic politics. In addition, Clinton and his senior-level advisers showed only sporadic interest in Latin America, which, among other factors, had the effect of hamstringing mid-level policy advocates. Such constraints, rather than a lack of vision or a failure to articulate policy objectives, appear to explain why the administration failed to exploit effectively the historic opening for a new post-Cold War approach to U.S.-Latin American relations. This timely study will be a valuable reference for the foreign policy community at large and for students and scholars of international relations. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The Catholic vote has long been one of the most accurate indices of broader electoral behavior in America. Catholic involvement in the 2004 presidential contest far exceeded customary levels in virtually all manners -- clergy involvement, voter registration, get-out-the vote activity, & lay activism. Methodist George W. Bush lost the Catholic vote in 2000 to Baptist Al Gore but -- largely by stressing the emotional issues of abortion & homosexuality -- he won it comfortably in 2004 against Catholic John Kerry. Some observers have argued that this turnaround actually accounted for Bush's re-election. This article explores the nature & character of Catholic involvement in American politics during the 2004 election & in other recent contests. It argues that Catholic involvement in politics has largely been hijacked by a small but committed group of lay & clerical activists who represent the rightist fringe of the political & economic spectrum, not the views of a majority of American Catholics. Further, through a detailed analysis of church teachings, the essay outlines how traditional Catholic doctrine on war, poverty, economics, social concerns -- & the totality of that teaching -- has been suppressed by right-wing Catholic extremists in order to tie the faith, & its considerable numbers & resources, to the fortunes of the modern-day Republican Party. This has occurred not just through the efforts of a highly-organized, deeply devoted, amply funded, & well-connected radical minority, but also through the negligence, torpor, & timidity of the bulk of America's Catholic hierarchy. References. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract.  This article explains the variation in policy design processes and the resulting policy‐outputs of 'biopolicies' implemented within the domain of Assisted Reproductive Technology (ART) for eleven European and North‐American countries. By applying the method of Qualitative Comparative Analysis, the comparison describes and defines the 'multiple conjunctural causation' to explain the divergences or similarities of ART policies in Europe and North America. The policy preferences of the actors involved in the relevant ART policy network and the institutional rules characterizing the respective polity need to be considered together in order to explain why different countries adopted similar or different ART policies. In particular, the analysis stresses the influence of party politics, the self‐regulation of ART by the physicians, the mobilization of interest groups, the number of institutional arenas involved in the designing process and the nature of decision‐making rules (power‐sharing versus majority) on the designing processes and the resulting policies. Thus, different policy designs are linked to different designing processes, encompassing four ideal‐typical decision‐making modes: 'designing by non‐decisions', 'designing by elites', 'designing by accommodation' and 'designing by mobilization and consultation'. These results shed new light on the challenges for developing a policy design theory that could provide a robust framework for describing and explaining policy formulation.

Die Autorinnen geben einerseits einen allgemeinen Überblick über die Archivsituation in Chile (2001) und Argentinien (2005) und gehen andererseits konkret auf die Bestände einzelner Archive (Nationalarchiv, Außenministerium, Wirtschaftsministerium, etc.) in Santiago de Chile bzw. Buenos Aires ein. Im Mittelpunkt stehen archivalische Quellen für die Zeit nach 1945. Inga Grebe suchte nach Dokumenten zur Außenpolitik der DDR gegenüber Chile seit 1949. Jana Wüstenhagen beschäftigte sich mit der Beschlagnahme deutscher Firmen in Argentinien durch den argentinischen Staat nach dem 2. Weltkrieg. Beide Verfasserinnen ermuntern ausdrücklich zu weiteren Forschungen über und in Lateinamerika, wo es in den letzten 10 Jahren einige Verbesserungen in der Bibliotheks- und Archivverwaltung gegeben hat. Am Ende des Berichts findet sich eine Liste mit den Adressen und Kontaktmöglichkeiten der besprochenen Institutionen. ; On the one hand, the authors give a general overview of the archive situation in Chile (2001) and Argentina (2005), and on the other hand they deal specifically with the holdings of individual archives (National Archives, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Economics, etc.) in Santiago de Chile and Buenos Aires respectively. The focus is on archival sources for the period after 1945. Inga Grebe searched for documents on the GDR's foreign policy towards Chile since 1949. Jana Wüstenhagen dealt with the confiscation of German companies in Argentina by the Argentinean state after World War II. Both authors expressly encourage further research on and in Latin America, where there have been some improvements in library and archive management in the last 10 years. At the end of the report there is a list with addresses and contact details of the institutions discussed.

Índice Artículos La violencia social en américa latina a través del caso centroamericano de las bandas juveniles "Maras". Social violence in Latin America. The case of the central american gangs, or "Maras". La violence sociale en Amérique Latine. À travers le cas d'amérique Centrale des bandes juveniles "Maras". Elbert, Carlos Alberto La redención de la pena y el tiempo de la condena: estudio de una cárcel venezolana. A matter of time: sentence remissions in a Venezuelan prison. La rédemption de la peine et du temps de punition: étude d'une prison vénézuélienne. Birkbeck, Christopher Howard La cuestión de la culpabilidad en el derecho penal juvenil venezolano. The question of blame in juvenile criminal law in Venezuela. La question de la culpabilité en droit pénal juvénile vénézuélien. Martínez Rincones, José Francisco Los crímenes de lesa humanidad y el delito de tráfico de drogas ilícitas. Análisis de la Doctrina de la Sala Constitucional y la Sala Penal del Tribunal Supremo de Justicia. Les crimes de lèse humanité et le délit du trafic de drogues illégales. Crimes against humanity and the crime of trafficking in illicit drugs. Malaguera Rojas, José Luis Ferreira de Abreu, Francisco Los estudios sobre la policía en los países anglo-americanos Police studies in anglo-american countries Les études sur la police dans les pays anglo-américains Peter, Manning Aportaciones teóricas para el abordaje del conflicto y los medios alternativos de resolución con especial énfasis en la mediación Theoretical contributions to conflict management and alternative means of resolution with special emphasis on mediation Apports theoriques a l'abordage du conflit, et moyens alternatifs de resolution notamment la mediation Boueiri B., Sonia Salazar, Melina Textos de Criminología La estructura social del bien y el mal: enemistandose. The social structure of right and wrong: making enemies. La structure sociale du bien et du mal. Se faisant ennemis. Black, Donald ; 09-31 ; Carloselbert@sion.com ; anual ; Nivel analítico

Democracy is a current struggle in several Latin American and Caribbean countries. Although a majority of citizens prefer democratic to authoritarian rule, indicators suggest support for democratic institutions is progressively deteriorating. From the mid-1980s onward, the problem of governability rose to prominence, and proposals to reform the state emerged. In this context, reform refers to profound political transformations that produce new institutions, new styles of leadership, and new social relations while eradicating existing ones. Conflict and confrontation result as structures associated with vested interests were dismantled and replaced by new structures that created new vested interests. Weakening states in Latin America are less and less able to deal with internal discontent. The gap between the demands placed on the stat and its ability to address them explains the need for reform. In some countries, citizens have concluded that they neither want the democracy they have nor have the democracy they want.[Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2006 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

During the 1990s Latin America experienced a rather low & extremely unstable annual average rate of economic growth. Income distribution curved all the more in favor of the highest social classes & against middle ones, preserving a poverty level that was already high. In line with Celso Furtado's & M. Kalecki's theories, the author claims that idle production capacities & variations in income distribution -- against workers -- are the main reasons explaining Latin American drift towards stagnation. Also, income curving -- fostered by the development of the financial sector & its negative impact on productive investment -- , the state's withdrawal, & the absence of a significant industrial policy account for the free-rider tendency of investors, the 1990s modest growth rate, & a high volatility within the region. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

Der Begriff "Imperium" kehrt verstärkt in den historisch-politischen Diskurs zurück, und wer ihn heute benutzt, redet in der Regel über die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika. Während des Kalten Krieges sprach man von "Blöcken" oder "Lagern", doch seit Beginn des neuen Jahrhunderts hat der Versuch, Geschichte als eine Folge von Großreichen zu denken, spürbar Aufwind. Eine solche Perspektive ist keineswegs neu; vielmehr kann sie auf eine lange Tradition zurückblicken. Der Klassiker des imperialen Genres ist Edward Gibbons Werk "Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire" (1776-1788), das man zu seiner Zeit als Kritik an der westlichen Welt und Parabel auf die Krise des britischen Weltreiches lesen konnte. Parallel zur Rede über den Niedergang von Imperien diskutierte man seit dem Ende Roms ihre Übertragung. So prophezeite der britische Philosoph George Berkeley bereits 1752 eine transatlantische translatio imperii: "Westward the course of empire takes its way", schrieb er und meinte die Neue Welt. Im 19. Jahrhundert war die Erwartung amerikanischer Größe schon ein Allgemeinplatz des politischen Denkens. Mit dem Eingreifen der USA im Ersten Weltkrieg und Woodrow Wilsons Credo, Amerikas Mission sei "to make the world safe for democracy", endete die von den Gründervätern verordnete Ära der Isolation endgültig. Seit Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts waren die USA eine globale Weltmacht, und seit Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges überstieg ihre militärische, ökonomische und kulturelle Macht diejenige anderer Nationalstaaten. Hier setzte die gegenwärtige Rede vom amerikanischen Imperium und dem "US-Imperialismus" ein.

"Substantial evidence shows that North Americans are generally more accepting of the market than Europeans and attribute market outcomes to a larger degree to effort or skill. This article discusses the perceived fairness of layoffs and pay cuts in North America and Germany. We expect North Americans to be more accepting of layoffs and pay cuts than Germans and that procedures and conditions under which pay cuts or layoffs occur have a stronger impact on fairness perceptions for Germans than for North Americans. This hypothesis is tested using a quasi-experimental design. The empirical results are in line with our considerations." (author's abstract)

Metadata only record ; Although highly urbanized the rural areas of Latin America continue to be the home of a large percentage of the poor. In addition rural areas provide a number of essential goods and services for LA economies and quality of life. Many poor people are rural and depend on natural resources for their livelihoods and growth. If the Millennium Development Goals are to be achieved in the region urgent action is needed on rural poverty. The critical linkages between natural resources, growth and poverty alleviation, and governance and democracy are becoming more evident every day. And these linkages and complementarities are providing a powerful framework with which to analyze and attack rural issues. ; Available in SANREM office, FS

The status of domestic animal protection laws in Asia, Africa, and Latin America varies, as one might imagine, from country to country. Countries with high per capita incomes are more likely to have a large number of animal protection organizations, whose existence normally leads to the passage of protective legislation.1 The sociopolitical, cultural, and religious backgrounds of each country, as well as previous colonization, also influence whether it has animal protection legislation and whether these laws are enforced. Previous colonization is the case in many former British colonies, which often have very good laws but neither the means nor the interest to enforce them. With some exception, countries within each region of the world follow similar patterns of law and enforcement. (Logically, it would follow that countries with the highest number of animal protection groups per land area or per population would be the most likely to have an animal protection law, yet these concepts do not necessarily correlate, though it may reflect increased interest in animal protection as a concept [Table 1]). International animal protection can be best understood by placing countries in one of four descending levels of animal protection. Countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America can be found in the bottom three categories (Irwin 2003).

This article analyzes the quantitative (mechanical) effects and qualitative (perceptions) effects on political representation of the election of two separate chambers in Latin America's bicameral systems. After discussing the spread and strength of bicameralism in Latin America, we compare the different electoral systems for lower chambers and Senates. Our study shows that in a region characterized by relatively high levels of malapportionment in the first chamber, the second chamber reinforces the malapportionment in parliament. Representation tends to be much more disproportional in the upper chamber than in the lower house. Moreover, the differences in the electoral systems and district magnitudes for both chambers make it more difficult for women to win a seat in the Senate.

Ultimately, this monograph argues that increasing Chinese engagement with Latin America will make the nation both a powerful competitor and a potential partner for the United States in the Western Hemisphere. On one hand, China with major investments in Latin America and dependence on its material flows is likely to be a nation interested in reducing political instability, armed groups, and criminal activity in the region—rather than fueling radical populism and insurgency. On the other hand, the United States needs to consider to what degree it is willing to accept a China that has increasing leverage in its strategic neighborhood and its major trading area. Investment and trade presence leads to growing interest in the political course of the region, and now is the time for the United States to begin to consider how to constructively engage the Chinese in the Western Hemisphere. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1746/thumbnail.jpg

"Hier oder nirgend ist Amerika!". - Denn auch in Deutschland ist Amerika. Es ist kennzeichnend für Goethes Weitsicht, daß er Amerika nicht nur als Flucht- und Schonraum oder als Siedlungsraum für Kolonisten sieht, sondern auch als Vorbild und Anregung für die Alte Welt. Goethe zeigt dies an zwei Personen, Lothario in den Lehrjahren und dem Oheim in den Wanderjahren. Lothario hat "in Gesellschaft einiger Franzosen [gemeint ist wohl Lafayette] mit vieler Distinktion unter den Fahnen der Vereinigten Staaten gedient" und dort die Erklärung der Menschenrechte, die Gleichheit aller vor dem Gesetz und die Abwesenheit von Feudalstrukturen kennengelernt. Er beschließt, diese Ideen auf seinen Gütern in Deutschland zu verwirklichen. "Ich werde zurückkehren und in meinem Hause, in meinem Baumgarten, mitten unter den Meinigen sagen: Hier oder nirgend ist Amerika!" Seine Reformen zielen auf die allmähliche Befreiung seiner Bauern von Abgaben und Dienstbarkeiten, die Abschaffung der Steuerexemtion des Adels und die freie Wahl des Ehepartners für die Bauern. Damit schafft Goethe ein evolutionäres Gegenmodell zu der Wirklichkeit des revolutionären Frankreich; es orientiert sich an Amerika, wobei Goethe die Tatsache ausblendet, daß auch die Vereinigten Staaten das Produkt einer Revolution sind.

This fact sheet tracks the current heads of government in Central and South America, Mexico, and the Caribbean. It provides the dates of the last and next elections for the head of government and the national independence date for each country.