Suchergebnisse

Fin du communisme, mondialisation et révolution numérique : en trente ans, le monde a changé radicalement. Mais qui le gouverne désormais ? Paradoxalement, la question du pouvoir paraît plus mystérieuse que jamais, au point de susciter des interprétations complotistes qui envahissent Internet. C'est pourquoi cette nouvelle édition de L'état du monde a choisi d'en analyser les grands mécanismes. Elle place au cœur de la réflexion cinq paramètres sensibles du système mondial - la tradition, le religieux, les institutions étatiques, l'économie et la mondialisation -, tout en déclinant les différents modes d'exercice du pouvoir. Les États ne sont plus les seuls acteurs à prétendre dominer le monde. Avec la mondialisation, qui favorise la mobilité, bouleverse les relations sociales et engendre de nouvelles dépendances, les firmes multinationales et les réseaux défient les souverainetés étatiques, ce qui se traduit également par une apparence de fragmentation du pouvoir et des interdépendances de plus en plus complexes. Grâce aux chercheurs et journalistes réunis autour de Bertrand Badie et Dominique Vidal, cette édition 2017 de L'état du monde propose de nouvelles perspectives pour comprendre qui (et comment se) gouverne le monde. Afin d'en finir avec une géopolitique occidentalo-centrée qui ne permet plus de rendre compte de l'évolution d'un paysage international en plein bouleversement

"This volume presents systematic empirical research on the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (UNSCR 1325). How should we understand women's participation in peace processes and in peace operations? And what forms of gendered security dynamics are present in armed conflict and international interventions? These questions represent central themes of protection and participation that the international community has to address in order to implement UNSCR 1325. Thus far, the implementation has often employed varying approaches related to gender mainstreaming, a third theme of the resolution. Yet, there is a dearth of systematic data which until recently has restricted the ability of researchers to evaluate the progress in implementation and impact of UNSCR 1325. By engaging with both empirics and critical theory, the authors of this edited volume make important contributions to the gender, peace and security agenda. They identify some of the problems of implementing UNSC 1325 and offer a sobering assessment of progress of implementation and insights into how to advance our understanding through systematic research. Many of the chapters are focused on operational aspects of UNSCR 1325, but all also engage with the theoretical underpinnings of UNSCR 1325 to bring forth central debates on more fundamental challenges to the development of knowledge in the fields of gender, peace and security. This book will be of much interest to students of gender studies, peace and conflict studies, security studies and IR in general"--

Jiang Zemin, genral secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), arrived on 15th May 1991 in Moscow, he was the first CCP chief to visit the Soviet Union since 1957. After a brief overview of the international and domestic situation of the Soviet Union, the author addresses the issues of Peking-Moscow relations since M. Gorbachev's visit to Peking in 1989, the achievements of Chiang's visit and differences between Moscow and Peking on their appraisal of Washington. (DÜI-Sen)

This work addresses Russia's relations with one of the two Asian-Pacific powers: the People's Republic of China. The author presents a thorough analysis of Russian-Chinese relations during the last 17 years, with an examination of how relevant these relations have been for Moscow, & of the likelihood of a shift in the world powers correlation. This assessment of current Russian-Chinese relations reveals that they have not been as they should & might have been, for which reason many opportunities have been wasted. Relations since the 1990s have focused mainly on the harmonization of their policies toward the world & within the framework of international organizations, at the cost of issues concerning bilateral economic & trade cooperation. Although relationships between Russia & China may be said to be sound, their mutual convenience & shared interests will keep them together only for a short time. Indeed, their common ambivalence, the priority given to collateral interests, & even caution & distrust make these relations somewhat unpredictable. In the years to come Moscow & Beijing will most likely still be guided by their shared interests & individual priorities. This bilateral relationship has positive connotations, as it furthers the region's security & stability, while promoting economic development. Adapted from the source document.

"The issue of whether and the extent to which transnational risk can be regulated through a social sphere goes to the heart of what John Ruggie has described as 'embedded liberalism': the story of how capitalist countries learned to reconcile the efficiency of markets with the values of social community that markets themselves require in order to survive and thrive. This edited collection is located in wider debates about global capitalism and its regulation, a debate that is at the cutting edge of academic scholarship and contemporary public policy developments. The collection tackles the challenge of finding a way forward for regulation that does not accept the old division of regulation into economic and social fields, as if these two were conceptually and empirically distinct. Instead this rich, multidisciplinary collection of essays engages with a critical central theme -- namely the idea of regulating through a social sphere -- which recognises the embeddedness of economic transactions within a social and political landscape. A key strength of this book is its integration of three distinct areas of scholarship: Karl Polanyi's economic sociology, regulation studies and socio-legal studies of transnational risks. The collection is distinct in that it links the study of specific transnational risk regulatory regimes back to a social-theoretical discussion about economy-society interactions, informed by Polanyi's work. Critically, the concept of regulating through a social sphere is explored in a manner that ensures coherence of the work as a whole and offers new insights to readers. Each chapter addresses the way in which economics, as well as economic and social regulation, can never be understood separately from the social particularly in the transnational context. The collection is relevant to a wide academic audience in the field of regulation studies, law, sociology, economics and political science."--Bloomsbury Publishing

This book focusses on the business opportunities India offers the world. Even as it draws attention to the challenges and risks involved in doing business in India, it provides suggestions for overcoming them. It begins by providing a background to understanding India and sets the stage by highlighting the business environment in which the economic, legal, and cultural variances exist. This is necessary to understand the complexity that exists in India. Potential markets are then discussed, focusing on the sectors, regions, and cities where growth is taking place; the upper, middle, and lower income segments; Indian multinational enterprises (MNEs); public sector and state-owned companies, and family-owned enterprises. This is followed by an overview of the various pitfalls and obstacles that are frequently encountered when operating in India, including political uncertainty and intransigence, corruption, bureaucratic roadblocks, the web of litigation, protecting intellectual property (IP), labor and human resources limitations, and India's ubiquitous second economy. These not only increase risk and lead to costly delays on account of lengthy litigation and payment of bribes, aggravating frustration, but also result in total loss of investments. The book provides keys to success, including guidelines for selecting partners and appointing agents, as well as negotiating techniques that work in India. Finally, the book provides a comprehensive list of web resources to help the reader explore further, and connect with government and private sector bodies.

This paper addresses the question whether or not regional middle power states are capable of making a significant contribution to enhancing regional cooperation via regime creation processes. A combination of 'nonregime' and the middle power analysis is applied to produce hypotheses about less-developed cases of regime creation in Northeast Asia. Among the attractions of such an approach are that (1) cases of failure to create international regimes as well as cases of success are important to understand the emergence of global governance institutions, and (2) the different roles of various state actors should be understood beyond hegemonic power. The explanatory power of this approach is illustrated by transboundary air pollution issues in Northeast Asia, chosen because the international relations literature has emphasized the development of European regional environmental cooperation and global environmental issues. The paper examines participation by the Republic of Korea (ROK) in both comprehensive and issue-specific environmental cooperative mechanisms to tackle transboundary air pollution. It concludes that the ROK as a middle power has played a promising role to initiate and lead some positive competition between member countries, but at the same time, it highlights challenges that need to be met for creating solid regional environmental cooperation. Adapted from the source document.

Der Beitrag untersucht die Genese des Weltkultur- und Naturerbes der UNESCO im breiteren Kontext der Auseinandersetzungen um eine Neujustierung der internationalen Ordnung in den 1960er- und 1970er-Jahren. Die politischen Debatten um die Definition und Auswahl eines "Erbes der Menschheit" dienen als analytische Sonde, um Veränderungen im Verhältnis von Partikularismus und Universalismus auszuloten. Anhand exemplarischer Konfliktfälle wird gezeigt, dass sich das Kultur- und Naturverständnis zwischen 1950 und 1980 gravierend veränderte, so dass zwei konkurrierende Rationalitäten in das Welterbeprogramm eingingen. Zudem werden die Erwartungen analysiert, die sich an die neue Governance-Institution und ihren weltweiten Anspruch richteten. Aus beiden Aspekten lässt sich die ungleiche regionale Verteilung der Welterbestätten und das bis heute unausgewogene Verhältnis von Kultur- und Naturerbestätten erklären. Der Aufsatz leistet damit auch einen Beitrag zur Historischen Semantik der Begriffe "Kultur", "Natur" und "Erbe" im 20. Jahrhundert.