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This chapter analyzes patterns of communal conflict – i.e., violent conflicts between non-state groups which are organized based on communal identities – in Kenya. The politicized nature of ethnicity in Kenya, and the fact that both elections and land tenure are closely associated with ethnic identity, are highlighted as key factors explaining the prevalence of violent communal conflict. After discussing the main patterns of conflict since 1989, the chapter goes on to identify four main drivers of conflict: electoral politics, cattle raiding, local resources, and boundaries and local authority. The specific dynamics at play in different conflicts vary, and empirical examples illustrate how the precise way that different conflict drivers interact is different from case to case. The chapter also discusses different strategies by state and non-state actors to address and resolve communal conflicts, and how devolution – the decentralization of significant power to the local level under the 2010 constitution – has affected communal conflicts. As the discussion of devolution illustrates, a major point is that while communal conflicts in general should be seen against the background of a state and a political culture where ethnicity is strongly politicized, the impact of national-level political dynamics on communal conflicts will vary from case to case.

Anarchists have generally rejected the idea that there is or ought to be a pure or inherently revolutionary strategy or tactic. In this chapter we make use of the capital-as-power theory of value and capital in a way that informs and supports the ad hoc perspective on struggle and fighting to win. Our primary purpose is to propose a method based on this theory as a means for social justice activists to assess political-economic disruption campaigns (PEDCs). Such an analysis is a needed component of an anarchist economics.

After the Uribe agreements between the FARC-EP and the Colombian government of Belisario Betancur in 1984, the Unión Patriótica (UP) party appeared in the political arena, which included not only guerrilleros but also peasants, community leaders, intellectuals, trade unionists and students, among other social groups, that until then had been excluded from the bipartisan regime. However, their presence, reception and left-wing ideas were seen for some economic groups, elites, politicians and paramilitaries as a danger to their interests, which is why physical and political extermination plans were created, such as "El Baile Rojo". After years of violence against its members, the survivors have fought for truth, justice and reparation for this political genocide. In this essay, I would like to analyze how memory appears and its way of constructing it from the diversity of testimonies of the UP survivors, finding those milestones and omissions that are evident when narrating the history of this political movement, which It leads us to observe how the testimonies intervene in the construction or omission of memories. ; Tras los acuerdos de La Uribe entre las FARC-EP y el gobierno colombiano de Belisario Betancur en 1984, aparece en la arena política el partido Unión Patriótica (UP), que integraba no solo guerrilleros sino también campesinos, líderes comunitarios, intelectuales, sindicalistas y estudiantes, entre otros grupos sociales, que hasta ese momento habían sido excluidos del régimen bipartidista. Sin embargo, su presencia, acogida e ideas de izquierda fueron vistas por algunos grupos económicos, élites, políticos y paramilitares como un peligro a sus intereses, por lo que se crearon planes de exterminio físico y político, como "El Baile Rojo". Tras años de violencia contra sus miembros, los sobrevivientes han luchado por la verdad, la justicia y la reparación de este genocidio político. En este ensayo, quisiera analizar cómo aparece la memoria y su manera de construirla desde la diversidad de testimonios de los sobrevivientes de la UP, hallando aquellos hitos y omisiones que se evidencian a la hora de narrar la historia de este movimiento político, lo que nos conduce a observar cómo desde los testimonios se interviene en la construcción u omisión de memorias.

Background and introduction: UK experiences of health inequalities -- Reflections on the legacy of British health inequalities research -- Nordic health inequalities: patterns, trends, and policies -- Reflections on the UK's legacy of health inequalities: research and policy from a North American perspective -- Reflections on the UK legacy of health inequities research, from the perspective of low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) -- Contrasting views on ways forward for health inequalities research -- Axes of health inequalities and intersectionality -- Beyond 'health': why don't we tackle the cause of health inequalities? -- Neoliberalism and health inequalities -- Health inequalities in England's changing public health system -- The equity implications of health system change in the UK -- All in it together?: health inequalities, austerity, and the 'Great Recession' -- Industrial epiemics and inequalities: the commercial sector as a structural driver of inequalities in non-communicable diseases -- Place, space, and health inequalities -- The politics of tackling inequalities: the rise of psychological fundamentalism in public health and welfare reform -- Knowledge of the everyday: confronting the causes of health inequalities -- Socio-structural violence against the poor -- For the good of the cause: generating evidence to inform social policies that reduce health inequalities -- The spirit level: a case study of the public dissemination of health inequalities research -- Conclusion: where next for advocates, researchers, and policymakers trying to tackle health inequalities?

The central theme of the 2011 World Development Report (WDR) is that violent conflict remains a constant threat to human rights, peace and sustainable development. While the nature of violent conflict maybe changing1 its negative impact on poor people in terms of rights violations, public health, forced displacement and diminution of life chances is the same. Critical to establishing peace and the necessary confidence between state and citizen is providing a sense of security, freedom from fear, and the protection of basic rights and entitlements. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship, overlapping and sometimes contradictory, between a range of approaches to security and justice in conflict affected contexts, and to place these efforts within a broader rule of law framework. This, it will be argued, greatly assists in addressing the kind of frictions and blind-spots that commonly exist in making the transition from violence to peace. The paper will then examine some of the instruments and approaches adopted by governments and international partners in addressing the kinds of stresses which result in violent conflict. Finally, it will examine the gaps in the international arena which continue to persist in this area of support. A series of security and justice-themed papers produced for the WDR 2011 outline in more detail the issues, approaches and lessons of the key components including: security, public security in peacekeeping settings, criminal justice, justice and administrative law, and transitional justice.

Generally, the world has enjoyed relative peace and stability after the Cold War in 1991, but never the end to insecurity, conflicts, and wars (interstate and intrastate). One outcome of these insecurities is conflictinduced internal displacement. Though not new, its prevalence in recent times has become a hurdle that countries and the international community must reckon with. In fact, conflict-IDPs globally has received about 215 percent hikes in the last two decades, while in Africa, the increase is about 135 percent. However, the Horn of Africa is the hardest hit. As such, the paper provides an overview of conflict displacement and explores the conditions that sustains it, using Ethiopia as a unit of analysis. The paper found several conditions: constitutional, socio-psycho-cultural, political, economic, and human rights abuse as critical to conflict-IDPs deepening. The article further shows the trends of IDPs and its security implications for Ethiopia. Pragmatic solutions have been recommended accordingly.

Academic Diplomacy means activity where international experts, rather than other states, try to broker peace as moderators, mediators or facilitators, by using means and methods that are advised by the theory of conflict resolution. Academic diplomacy has been associated with positivist approaches of peace research and it has aimed at creating exogenous conditions that science has proven as useful for peace, and removing exogenous conditions that analysis has associated with the onset or continuation of violence. Peace diplomacy by scholars is therefore based on knowledge rather than power, but it uses only knowledge that is practical; knowledge that puts the academic diplomat on top of things in conflict resolution. Since academic diplomacy is normally associated with very positivistic "social engineering" of peace, I will in this paper look at how post-positivist approaches could be useful for academic diplomacy and how post-positivist approaches could reveal problems of traditional peace research approaches in the social engineering of peace. The empirical case of this paper is in academic diplomacy in West Kalimantan, Indonesia, where the author conducted conflict resolution training among the leaders of the former conflicting parties. What the case reveals about approaches to academic diplomacy was not what was expected, i.e. generalizations on exogenous conditions of peace. Instead, it taught about the opportunities to denaturalize and criticize social constructs that were necessary for the legitimation of violence, opportunities to challenge and deconstruct them and to offer alternative constructs that constituted less violent realities. In short practice of academic diplomacy in West Kalimantan taught about the pragmatism of critical and constructivist peace research.

Using more than a decade's worth of fieldwork in South Sudan, Clémence Pinaud here explores the relationship between predatory wealth accumulation, state formation, and a form of racism—extreme ethnic group entitlement—that has the potential to result in genocide. War and Genocide in South Sudan traces the rise of a predatory state during civil war in southern Sudan and its transformation into a violent Dinka ethnocracy after the region's formal independence. That new state, Pinaud argues, waged genocide against non-Dinka civilians in 2013-2017. During a civil war that wrecked the region between 1983 and 2005, the predominantly Dinka Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) practiced ethnically exclusive and predatory wealth accumulation. Its actions fostered extreme group entitlement and profoundly shaped the rebel state. Ethnic group entitlement eventually grew into an ideology of ethnic supremacy. After that war ended, the semi-autonomous state turned into a violent and predatory ethnocracy—a process accelerated by independence in 2011. The rise of exclusionary nationalism, a new security landscape, and inter-ethnic political competition contributed to the start of a new round of civil war in 2013, in which the recently founded state unleashed violence against nearly all non-Dinka ethnic groups. Pinaud investigates three campaigns waged by the South Sudan government in 2013–2017 and concludes they were genocidal—they sought to destroy non-Dinka target groups. She demonstrates how the perpetrators' sense of group entitlement culminated in land-grabs that amounted to a genocidal conquest echoing the imperialist origins of modern genocides.

Criticizes assertion that cultural differences, rather than ideological, political, or economic differences, will account for most post-Cold War militarized interstate conflict; with reference to Samuel Huntington's book "The clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order", New York, Simon & Schuster, 1996. Empirical analysis of pairs of states for 1950-92.

International audience ; Le terrorisme, aux formes et modalités diverses, est l'usage prémédité d'une violence en vue d'obtenir des objectifs politiques par l'intimidation ou la terreur. Il prend ses sources dans la philosophie, la religion, la politique ou les conditions économiques. L'analyse du coût de l'attentat du 11 septembre 2001 est complexe, voire impossible, car les impacts économiques de l'action ne sont pas les mêmes à court et à long terme ; en outre, les effets indirects de l'attentat dépendent des choix de l'action gouvernementale et des réactions du secteur privé. Le terrorisme conduit à une évolution des stratégies militaires, lesquelles auront des incidences sur les alliances, les réponses aux menaces, le coût du pétrole, la lutte contre les inégalités, l'aide aux pays les plus démunis et la confiance générale des opérateurs économiques et sociaux.

Unpayable Debt examines the relationship between coloniality, raciality, and global capital through a black feminist poethical framework. Inspired by Octavia E. Butler's 1979 sci-fi novel Kindred, in which an African American writer is transported back in time to the antebellum South to save her owner-ancestor, Unpayable Debt relates the notion of value to coloniality-both economic and ethical. Focusing on the philosophy behind value, Denise Ferreira da Silva exposes capital as the juridical architecture and ethical grammar of the world. Here, raciality--a symbol of coloniality--justifies deployments of total violence to enable expropriation and land extraction. This is the first volume in the On the Political series

Blending normative public theology and empirical political science, Nilay Saiya formulates and applies an ethic of Jesus to the realm of global politics. Rejecting conventional theories, he makes the argument that the ethic of Jesus calls for the church to avoid seeking special favor with the state, even as it strives to engage with and uplift the world around it through its prophetic witness. Using global data and case studies, The Global Politics of Jesus examines the paradox of privilege with respect to some of the most important areas in contemporary global politics--violence and persecution, human rights, foreign policy, and peace and reconciliation--and considers its implications for the church itself.

Across the globe, a growing number of social movements, such as demonstrations in support of equal civil status or reproductive freedom and against sexualized violence, show that women's and gender rights are highly contested. Against the backdrop of a long history of unequal rights implementation, the contributors to this volume deal with the questions of why and in which ways gender equality has become contested in various political contexts. Local case studies examine the relevant structural, institutional, and socio-cultural causes of the global challenges to equality. This book follows an interdisciplinary approach and unites scholars from law, linguistics, cultural studies, history, social sciences, and gender studies in diverse contexts.

Across the globe, a growing number of social movements, such as demonstrations in support of equal civil status or reproductive freedom and against sexualized violence, show that women's and gender rights are highly contested. Against the backdrop of a long history of unequal rights implementation, the contributors to this volume deal with the questions of why and in which ways gender equality has become contested in various political contexts. Local case studies examine the relevant structural, institutional, and socio-cultural causes of the global challenges to equality. This book follows an interdisciplinary approach and unites scholars from law, linguistics, cultural studies, history, social sciences, and gender studies in diverse contexts.