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The stories of the former comfort women -- long suppressed, but now emerging -- have galvanized both Asian and non-Asian intellectuals working in a variety of fields. Throughout the past decade, in particular, scholars of Asian history and politics, feminists, human rights activists, documentary filmmakers, visual artists, and novelists have begun to address the subject of the comfort system; to take up the cause of the surviving comfort women's struggles; to call attention to past (and present) sexual violence against women, especially during wartime; to consider the links among militarism, racism, imperialism, and sexism; and to write the unwritten stories of former comfort women into the narratives of twentieth-century political history.

Cover -- Contents -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Why Islamism Is Not Islam -- 2. Islamism and the Political Order -- 3. Islamism and Antisemitism -- 4. Islamism and Democracy -- 5. Islamism and Violence: The New World Disorder -- 6. Islamism and Law: Shari'atization as an Invention of Tradition -- 7. Islamism, Purity, and Authenticity -- 8. Islamism and Totalitarianism -- 9. Civil Islam as an Alternative to Islamism -- Notes -- Glossary of Arabic Terms -- A -- B -- D -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- W -- Y -- Z -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- X -- Y -- Z.

The political and academic debate over reconciliation in Algeria is inconclusive. Although it faced international criticism, the post-war regime succeeded in enhancing peace and containing the cycle of violence. The national reconciliation process followed a highly controversial peace agreement designed by the Intelligence and Security Department. Then, it was conducted and directed after 1999 by an elected President, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, with the support of a heterogeneous alliance of reconciliation entrepreneurs. This study highlights the main components of the official perspective: how the reconciliation was perceived and concretized, its mechanisms and strategies, and main conceptualizations. It illuminates the official narrative based on analyzing materials, including the president's statements, interviews, and newspaper archives.

In Lukács' early Marxist thought in the 1920s, crisis is understood as an expression of a deeper dissonance of social life that reveals the violence inflicted upon humans even in "normal" social conditions. The experience of crisis can thus lead to new forms of social consciousness and, consequently, to a "revolutionizing praxis." However, this transition is in no way mechanically necessary, as crisis can also be perpetuated and temporarily "overcome" through the restoration of dominant power relations. However, the relative instability of the system during a crisis calls us to think about the appropriate forms of organizing collective political practice to effectively intervene in the historical continuum, instead of letting historical automatism be restored.

The reviewed book provides an ambitious contribution to the study of historical politics and the politics of memory. The politics of memory refers to a specific interdisciplinary area of political science that investigates how the state and other individual actors influence the perception of the past in different states. The volume covers the region where the deep scars of past violence are misused and instrumentalized in the conduct of everyday politics, with extensive discussions of theoretical starting points and methodological approaches. The authors try to answer questions such as how to measure historical memory, ensure subjectivity does not interfere with the study of memory, and ensure memory is represented accurately in media and literature.

AbstractThis article provides a picture of the political economy of tourism and violence in Medellín. It analyses the way criminal actors and tourism entrepreneurs share a territory, by shedding light on the extortion of tour guides, street performers and business owners in some of its barrios populares (poor neighbourhoods). The main objective is to demonstrate how intimate relationships – between and among kin, friends, long-term acquaintances – impact what is considered the criminal governance of tourism. This contribution shows that extortion in Medellín meets only limited resistance from tourism entrepreneurs. It also emphasises how criminals, tourism actors and tourists themselves contribute to the creation of fragile secured spaces in the developing touristscapes of Colombia's second city.

Starting with an overview of the 'tyranny of values' notion introduced by Carl Schmitt, this article discusses how values are converted into political goals and managed by societies. While both Schmitt and Robert Spaemann emphasized the danger of 'automatic enactment' of values, today in a mobilized society the situation aggravates as the differentiation between a policy system based on violence and orders, and a culture system offering common patterns for comprehending social life diminishes or disappears completely. But this danger is often overlooked by the states, particularly if the communities of states discover the community of values, and their citizens willingly offer them their support in critical situations.

ABSTRACTDid industrialisation improve standards of living in interwar industrial Spain? We seek to contrast this empirically with high frequency data from 1914 until 1936 for the Bilbao area, an emerging industrial centre. Contrary to existing historiography suggesting that overall standards of living improved, we find that welfare ratios remained at the same level and, at times, fluctuated significantly below sustenance levels. Demographic and socioeconomic variables were highly responsive to short-term real wage shocks driven by food price increases and the delay in nominal wage increases. Interwar industrialisation provided improvements, but did not provide protection from recurring deprivations and these may have constituted an important part of future political and socioeconomic polarisation and violence.

AbstractNegotiations with organized crime groups occur more often than realized, and raise complex questions of ethics, practice and policy. Currently, law provides few incentives for States to choose the path of negotiation, and thus the political costs and moral hazards remain very high and a mano dura ("firm hand") approach prevails. This paper examines some of the challenges faced by those who in good faith might initiate or participate in negotiations with such groups, offering an assessment of how those challenges can be mitigated and an inquiry, in particular, into how law and policy might be improved or reimagined to make such negotiation more feasible and effective in contexts of armed conflict or other situations of violence.

While the 2018 peace declaration between Ethiopia and Eritrea was widely celebrated, Eritrean refugees expressed concern that peace would be destabilising, and their status in Ethiopia would change. Their concerns were shaped by a long history of oscillating imaginaries of how Eritrea "fits" with Ethiopia. Drawing from historical analysis and ethnographic fieldwork leading up to the peace agreement, we explore how these oscillating imaginaries create an uncomfortable and unstable situation for Eritreans in Ethiopia, rendering refugees vulnerable to unpredictable violence. Better understanding the way identity categories have been subject to constant slippage and have been instrumentalised by political elites could help to forge a more peaceful future among Ethiopia's nationalities and between Ethiopia and Eritrea.

Across the globe, a growing number of social movements, such as demonstrations in support of equal civil status or reproductive freedom and against sexualized violence, show that women's and gender rights are highly contested. Against the backdrop of a long history of unequal rights implementation, the contributors to this volume deal with the questions of why and in which ways gender equality has become contested in various political contexts. Local case studies examine the relevant structural, institutional, and socio-cultural causes of the global challenges to equality. This book follows an interdisciplinary approach and unites scholars from law, linguistics, cultural studies, history, social sciences, and gender studies in diverse contexts.

Abstract The article discusses the social impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on the meat processing industry in southern Brazil. Based on the notion of disaster capitalism, we examine how political and corporate agents have taken advantage of the health catastrophe to create a privileged space for simplifications and deregulation in this sector. According to our reasoning, they accelerate precarious work in the meat industry and amplify the harmful effects of agribusiness on local ecologies and global ecosystems. In light of this, we also emphasize the analytical potential that results from the intersection between the categories of syndemics and structural violence to displace the traditional analyses of risk groups and behaviors in highlighting environments and their agents.

AbstractIn the weeks and months after George Floyd's killing at the hands of the police, gun violence and premature death continued to spur Minnesotans and the rest of the nation to massive street protests for police and prison abolition. Undergraduate students in St. Paul, Minnesota, found themselves at the global epicenter of grassroots political action, sometimes with little formal grounding in social movement theories or the history of peace and justice struggles. To make the study of peace, justice, and social movements relevant and compelling for an increasingly multiracial generation of young activists, this article links concepts from disparate scholarly frameworks, including Asian American activist studies and the history of the Vietnam antiwar movement.

The article focuses on two moments in India's political history, in which out-rightly expressed dissent underlines analytical shifts in the nature and course of the country's democracy. It asks two questions: First, what does a self-proclaimed, democratic state do with peaceful dissenting artists? The second question follows from this. If indeed the state stigmatizes and suppresses that dissent, what does the artist do? By foregrounding the relationship between the dissent and offence-taking, the article shows the increasingly complex changes in the nature of the democratic state, role of the art market therein, the dynamic patterns of dissent itself, which underline the cyclic outbursts of violence against artists.

There is plain filiation between the atmosphere and the general configuration of the movements we call the historical Avant-Garde and the spirit of the revolutionary Romanticism. Literary theorists and critics brought it to the fore, both organically – insofar as the similarities between the two paradigms are spelled out by the dynamics of the history of sensibility and taste – and typologically, in its mythological and thematic redundancies, in reiterating acute polemical gestures and attitudes or in manifesting violence against tradition. This study aims to articulate the artistic and political duality defining these two artistic paradigms, by using comparative evaluation and by illustrating canonical notions such as subject, revolution, progress.