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The end of the Cold War, and especially the 9/11 events brought back as a core subject for debates the Just War Theory as an answer for the new contemporary realities represented by aggressions, intervention, self‑defense, war prisoners, terrorists, war crimes, etc.JWT has always been understood not as an abstract moral theory but more as a practical guide for military and political leaders for their armed implication decisions. If JWT is adequate or not to the current conditions, it is closely connected to its ability to meet this practical function. The present article will analyze the degree to which the recent changes of the role of military violence affected JWT. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

This paper investigates political mobilization for homeland politics among secondgeneration Turkish and Kurdish diasporas in Sweden. By looking closely at the relations between these two groups, it seeks to understand how an ethnic conflict in the homeland is carried beyond borders and recreated in transnational space. It argues that while there has been no collective violence between the two groups many conflict indicators are evident, including: social distance, separation of social spaces, mutual avoidance, and conflicts at the discursive level. Although the conflict adversely affects their interactions, the animosity and conflict dynamics do not mirror the situation in the homeland and they have taken on a new form as a result of the conditions and experiences in the host country.

The author, who has interviewed human rights activists in Burma, analyses the deeply entrenched and unchecked Islamophobia against the Rohingya, who have lived at least two centuries in Burma and yet are refused citizenship. They and Muslims from around the country have been subject to a recent deadly wave of anti-Muslim violence and yet politicians, including Aung San Suu Kyi, are unwilling to address the institutionalised racism, emphasising that constitutional change has to come first. The persecution of the Rohingya will continue, argues the author, while foreign governments are so willing to make political and economic deals with the racist former junta.

This paper argues that the Dayton Accords, which effectively ended the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, were the primary cause of the outbreak of violence in Kosovo in 1998. While the Accords were regarded as successful in neighboring Bosnia, the agreement failed to mention the existing situation in Kosovo, thus perpetuating the ethnic tensions within the region. Following the Dayton Accords, the response by the international community failed to address many concerns of Albanian Kosovars, creating a feeling of alienation from the international political scene. Finally, the Dayton Accords indirectly contributed to the collapse of the Albanian government in 1997, creating a shift in the structure of power in the region. This destabilization effectively triggered the outbreak of war between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo the following year.

Aceh, which is located at the northernmosttip of the island of Sumatra, is one of thirty-four provinces that comprise Indonesia. In the sixteenth century, Aceh was known as a center of trade for Indian, Chinese, and Arab merchants and as a center of Islamic learning. In the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, however, Aceh gained a reputation for violence and disaster. From 1976 to 2005, rebel fighters known as GAM (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka or, the "Free Aceh Movement") fought for independence from the Indonesian nation-state. This protracted political conflict came to a halt with the arrival of another tragedy; in 2004, the Indian Ocean tsunami devastated much of Aceh, leaving 170,000 peopledead and 500,000 homeless.

Since the terrorist events of World Trade Centre, New York and the tragedy of Bali October 12, 2002 is the biggest act of terror that resulted in civilian casualties in the world. As a result of terror arising pro-cons who are involved in this tragedy. Despite its pro-cons who the mastermind of this bombing, here the authors raised the issue of terrorism is approached through a policy of criminalization, criminal law involves two issues, namely whether the justification for criminalizing an act as criminal, and whether the criteria used to criminalize, this becomes especially important issue of terrorism because terrorism is closer to a crime of violence related to political offenses and human rights issues.

This chapter analyses land conflicts and cases of land grabbing in Kalehe (Eastern DRC), a context in which competition for land is rooted in an atmosphere of violence and ethnic cleavages. By using three case-studies, we illustrate how, in a context of plurality of norms and rules in the land arena, the rights of the 'strongest' often prevail. Success or failure in acquiring land rights depends upon actors' capacity to efficiently instrumentalise the legitimacy of the Congolese army, of official state agents, and/or of local customary authorities. In its conclusion, the chapter puts into perspective the dominant conception of land grabbing, currently highly debated on the international agenda, by analysing how land conflicts are anchored in a broader context of political competition.

The problem of interaction among power-holding structures, society, social groups is discovered; analyzed the negative effects of inability of confront to conflict situation. Considered the ways of forming mechanisms of civil society's function that blocking violence as a resource of approbation of conflicts and contributing to understanding between sides opposing in political conflicts. ; Раскрывается проблема взаимодействия властных структур с обществом, социальными группами, анализируются негативные последствия, которые вызывает неумение противостоять конфликтным ситуациям. Рассматриваются пути формирования механизмов функционирования гражданского общества, препятствующих насилию как способу разрешения конфликтов. ; Розкривається проблема взаємодії владних структур із суспільством, соціальними групами, аналізуються негативні наслідки невміння протистояти конфліктним ситуаціям. Розглядаються шляхи формування механізмів функціонування громадянського суспільства, що стають перешкодою насильству як способу розв'язання конфліктів.

International audience ; This chapter deals with pupils' participation in French Secondary Schools. It presents the three models of citizenship currently mobilized to face school problems, like violence, and, at the same time, to build citizens. Then, it tries to analyse the implementation of the different tools used in Secondary schools and shows that pupils' participation is rather difficult because of the discrepancy between being a pupil and being an active citizen. The analysis of pupils' participation in schools clearly highlights that the way in which French public secondary schools define and implement citizenship and pupil participation introduces various misunderstandings concerning pursued goals and the degree of pupil participation. This situation questions the role of school in political socialization.

This chapter analyses land conflicts and cases of land grabbing in Kalehe (Eastern DRC), a context in which competition for land is rooted in an atmosphere of violence and ethnic cleavages. By using three case-studies, we illustrate how, in a context of plurality of norms and rules in the land arena, the rights of the 'strongest' often prevail. Success or failure in acquiring land rights depends upon actors' capacity to efficiently instrumentalise the legitimacy of the Congolese army, of official state agents, and/or of local customary authorities. In its conclusion, the chapter puts into perspective the dominant conception of land grabbing, currently highly debated on the international agenda, by analysing how land conflicts are anchored in a broader context of political competition.

International audience ; This chapter deals with pupils' participation in French Secondary Schools. It presents the three models of citizenship currently mobilized to face school problems, like violence, and, at the same time, to build citizens. Then, it tries to analyse the implementation of the different tools used in Secondary schools and shows that pupils' participation is rather difficult because of the discrepancy between being a pupil and being an active citizen. The analysis of pupils' participation in schools clearly highlights that the way in which French public secondary schools define and implement citizenship and pupil participation introduces various misunderstandings concerning pursued goals and the degree of pupil participation. This situation questions the role of school in political socialization.

Four national polls of Muslim Americans conducted between 2001 and 2007 were reviewed to find items tapping possible sources of sympathy and justification for jihadist violence: anti‐Muslim discrimination, radical Islam, and economic and political grievance. These items were correlated with items representing three elements of the global‐jihad frame: seeing the war on terrorism as a war on Islam or "insincere," justifying suicide attacks in defense of Islam, and favorable views of Al Qaeda. The three elements of the global‐jihad frame were no more than weakly related to one another and had different predictors. Discussion suggests that the U.S. "war of ideas" may need to target separately the different elements of the global‐jihad frame.

The readiness of army commanders in Egypt and Tunisia to counter the internal security agencies deployed by their own governments against civilian protestors in early 2011 proved decisive in bringing down presidents-for-life Husni Mubarak and Zayn al-ʿAbidin bin ʿAli. This brings into sharp relief questions about how to approach and assess the various coercive agencies of the state. Should we regard them as different branches of a single coercive apparatus, through which the state seeks to exercise a monopoly on the legitimate means of violence? Or should we see them as manifestations of more fragmented political institutions and social forces and consequently as performing distinct, and potentially divergent, functions in constantly evolving relation to each other?

The aftermath of Southern Sudan's successful January referendum has been characterised by enthusiasm and a lack of violence. Yet the scale of the tasks ahead is still daunting. Political pluralism, the question of citizenship, oil revenues, sharing of debt, creating a Southern identity in an extremely ethnically diverse country are only some of the tremendous issues the South has to face on the home ground. Moreover, there is the outstanding issue of the contested Abyei region, as well as the fact that much of the border with the North has not been demarcated yet. On the foreign relations front, the issue of the revised Cotonou Agreement must be addressed along with integration into pan-African and other international organisations.

"This is an ethno-historical study of Chinese from West Kalimantan, Indonesia that, unlike other Chinese diasporic studies, takes its departure from the "away" position. The study aims to interrogate how, where, and in what terms "home" is defined for the stranger. Through examining historical events such as the Japanese Occupation, the repatriation of overseas Chinese to China, and ethnic and state violence in West Kalimantan, this study highlights the plight of the Chinese as political orphans in search of a home that eludes them, whether in Indonesia or China. Through a rich array of different kinds of data, including oral histories and memoirs of the communist underground, this book offers novel perspectives on the role of history in subject formation."--Publisher's description