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Despite progress in economic and social development in the 2000s, there was an increasing dissatisfaction with life among the population of many developing Arab countries. At the end of the decade, these countries ranked among the least happy economies in the world—a situation that fits the so-called "unhappy development" paradox. The paradox is defined as declining levels of happiness at a time of moderate-to-rapid economic development. This paper empirically tests the strength of association of a range of objective and subjective factors with life evaluation in the Middle East and North Africa region in the years immediately preceding the Arab Spring uprisings (2009–10). The findings suggest a significant, negative association between life satisfaction levels in the region during this period and each of the main perceived reasons for the 2011 uprisings—dissatisfaction with the standard of living, poor labor market conditions, and corruption.

International audience Why do some societies have political institutions that support productively inefficient outcomes? And why does the political power of elites vested in these outcomes often grow over time, even when they are unable to block more efficient modes of production? We propose an explanation centered on the interplay between political and cultural change. We build a model in which cultural values are transmitted inter-generationally. The cultural composition of society, in turn, determines public-goods provision as well as the future political power of elites from different cultural groups. We characterize the equilibrium of the model and provide sufficient conditions for the emergence of cultural revivals. These are characterized as movements in which both the cultural composition of society as well as the political power of elites who are vested in productively inefficient outcomes grow over time. We reveal the usefulness of our framework by applying it to two case studies: the Jim Crow South and Turkey's Gülen Movement.

1 Inleiding: de loyale Ivo (Liesbeth A Campo, Thomas Beukers, Mielle Bulterman, Marianne Gijzen, Jurian Langer, Louise van Spronsen) -- Deel I De waarden van de Europese Unie -- 2 De loyale samenwerkingsverplichting tussen de EU en haar Lidstaten: bespiegelingen over de praktische uitvoering van deze kernnorm (Ben Smulders) -- 3 O campo preto. Op zoek naar een Portugese Zwartveld (Rick Lawson) -- 4 Rule of law protection and the July 2020 European Council on the MFF (John Morijn) -- 5 Een kwestie van lange adem (Roeland Böcker) -- 6 De twee Hoven van Europa, enkele beschouwingen (Babette Koopman) -- 7 'Loyale samenwerking' tussen het EU-Hof en het EHRM (Guus de Vries) -- Deel II De institutionele dimensie van de Europese Unie -- 8 Loyale samenwerking in inter-institutionele dossiers: 'Mission impossible' of 'Work in progress'? (Hélène Stergiou) -- 9 Een bijzonder geval: de loyaliteit van een vertrekkende lidstaat (Martijn de Grave) -- 10 Het Verdrag van Lissabon en het Comitologie besluit: over macht en draagvlak in de Europese juridische ruimte (Marianne de Jong & Thijs van der Plas) -- 11 Heerlijk Helder Unierecht (Hanna Sevenster & Corinna Wissels) -- 12 De loyale prejudiciële dialoog tussen de Nederlandse rechter en het Europees Hof van Justitie: je vous comprends – moi non plus? (Stefaan van der Jeught) -- 13 Tijdigheid van implementatie van EU-richtlijnen in Nederland in vergelijking met andere lidstaten (Leo Vester) -- 14 Goede trouw en samenwerking tussen EU-instellingen en lidstaten bij overgang tussen opeenvolgende EU verdragen: Het Verdrag van Amsterdam (P.J. Kuijper) -- Deel III De materiële dimensie van de Europese Unie -- 15 Van uitlevering naar overlevering: enige persoonlijke observaties over 35 jaar Europese ontwikkeling (Marjorie A.C.L.M. Bonn) -- 16 Het vrij verkeer van eten en drinken. Een tour langs 'oude bekenden' uit de rechtspraak van het Hof (Klaas Sevinga) -- 17 Over 'loyale' en afhankelijke familiebanden: Unieburgerschap, ruiz zambrano en de betekenis daarvan in de Nederlandse rechtspraak (Hanneke van Eijken) -- Deel IV De sociale dimensie van de Europese Unie -- 18 Loyale samenwerking en de A1-verklaringen bij de toepassing van de socialezekerheidsverordeningen 883/2004 en 987/2009 (Herwig Verschueren) -- 19 De coördinatie van bestaansminimumuitkeringen in de Europese Unie: terugblikken en vooruitkijken (Gijsbert Vonk) -- 20 Het spanningsveld van loyale samenwerking: de casus van de export van werkloosheidsuitkeringen (Frans Pennings) -- Deel V De externe betrekkingen van de Europese Unie -- 21 Eenheid in het externe optreden? De samenwerking tussen de Europese Unie en de lidstaten in de praktijk (Liesbeth A Campo) -- 22 Whales are not fish: the choice of the correct legal basis in EU external relations (Laurens Ankersmit) -- 23 The Exercise of Non-Exclusive External Competences and the Principle of Sincere Cooperation (Philip Strik) -- 24 Nauwere samenwerking binnen de EU en de WTO (Thomas Nauta) -- 25 The Principle of Loyal Cooperation in EU Foreign and Security Policy (Ramses A. Wessel) -- 26 Brexit bezien vanuit het recht en de praktijk van de externe betrekkingen van de Europese Unie (Thomas Beukers) -- 27 De Nederlandse Hofpraktijk en Ivo van der Steen: van agent tot inspirator, sparringpartner en pleitbezorger van het belang van Buitenlandse Zaken (Marianne Gijzen & Jurian Langer)

Alberta policy on inactive and orphan oil and gas wells is a massive regulatory failure characterized by a historical lack of transparency, excessive regulatory discretion, and regulatory capture — three deficiencies long since identified and understood in the scholarship as undermining the effectiveness of environmental laws and policies. The current policy to deal with the problem, the 2020 Liability Management Framework, fails to address these structural problems and is consequently unlikely to substantially reduce inventories of orphan and inactive assets. It is equally unlikely to uphold the polluter-pays principle, which states that the entity that pollutes the environment is responsible for cleaning it up. It is time for an independent and transparent public inquiry to examine Alberta's mishandling of the inactive and orphan well problem and to recommend a regime that will effectively meet this challenge.
The inactive and orphan oil and gas well problem is an immense environmental and financial crisis that has been unsuccessfully dealt with by various policies over several decades. Approximately 230,000 drilled wells in the non-oil sands sector need to be abandoned and reclaimed, while 90,000 others that have been abandoned still await reclamation. The industry has continually delayed this closure work, resulting in a current liability estimate of at least $60 billion—and quite possibly double that amount. This liability is largely unfunded as industry has not set aside enough (or any) money to pay for it, while successive governments over many decades have failed to require industry to post security in any meaningful amounts. In the absence of significant and immediate legal and policy reforms, the coming years and decades will see the enormous environmental, social, and economic costs of this regulatory failure fall on the province's taxpayers.
The new Liability Management Framework's components include mandatory spending to reduce the inactive inventory, assessment of licensee risk and capacity, and an orphan program. On their face, these are steps in the right direction. However, persisting high levels of secrecy, discretion, and nearly exclusive industry influence put the framework's goals in doubt. Under the new framework, the Alberta Energy Regulator (AER) will not disclose financial information on licensees or even the general state of the oil and gas industry. The new framework also still relies heavily on AER discretion to trigger closure obligations and fails to legislate timelines or quotas for closure work. Provisions for external scrutiny are minimal, impeding meaningful democratic oversight. Finally, the framework perpetuates historic industry influence in its design and implementation, which to date has resulted in a singular focus on minimizing industry's costs at the expense of reducing environmental risks and protecting the public purse.
Albertans have watched for decades as the problem of orphan and inactive assets has burgeoned into an environmental and financial crisis. They deserve a full accounting for the policies thathave led to this state of affairs and they need unimpeded access to all of the relevant facts and information so that they can better understand the policy choices facing them as residents and taxpayers in the province.

Purpose. The current crisis situation is connected with the tendency to eliminate the philosophical basis of higher education, the classical university, whose mission is to form a certain type of state, culture, and person. Philosophy and humanities in general played an important role in forming the modern concept of man. In the context of the expansion of the information society and the development of the latest technologies (biotechnologies, artificial intelligence), which stimulates the world market, the problem of the fundamentals of the social and personal dimension of a person, his/her ability to consciously choose their own life, is becoming actualized. The main purpose of the article is in problematizing the development prospects for philosophy in a modern university, and its significance in the formation of a modern person with a certain level of self-awareness. To achieve this, the authors envisage providing a description of modern society, related trends in humanitarianism, determining the situation in university education, and characterizing the type of person or post-human that it mainly produces. Theoretical basis. The basis of the article is sociocultural anthropology. Originality. Trends in society and education, defined by the relationship between the state, education, and the market, reflect the situation of the post-human or trans-human, which is characterized by the creation of a nomadic subject with nomadic thinking. The crisis of the modern and classical university as an institution constituting a modern man is associated with the rapid development of technologies, the expansion of the information society, the orientation towards the knowledge economy, which subordinates the university to the market, requiring the formation of a person that corresponds to market feasibility. However, in today's world, the realization of freedom priorities, the prevention of manifestations of unfreedom, the ability to critically interpret information, and distinguish between truth and falsehood are of great importance. The formation of this depends on the education system. But, the situation in higher education is determined by the dominance of techno-scientific understanding and development of the world, the priorities of the economy, economic viability, and profit. Under such conditions, the humanities and philosophy, in search of ways and means of their own survival, risk turning into a kind of techno-sophistry that produces various images. These images can be more or less successfully sold on the market, recreating a certain figure of a human-consumer and a human-transformer who obeys the post-truth situation, even appearing as an object of transformation by ideology or propaganda. Conclusions. It is, therefore, essential to form a person who is capable of critically comprehending the reasons for his/her choice, which can be provided by philosophy with the foundations of searching for truth. In the conditions of technological development, in view of the achievements of artificial intelligence, and the latest network resources, it is important in education not only to overcome the orientation towards professional fragmentation and to verify permanent knowledge but also direct live communication on the basis of critical thinking, which forms the basis in the process of cultivating a person by philosophy.

AbstractAs public confidence in polling has been waning in the wake of recent elections (Narea, N. 2016. After 2016,Can we Ever Trust the Polls Again? New Republic), many researchers have been seeking to diagnose the shortcomings in these data (Gelman, A., and J. Azari. 2017. "19 Things We Learned from the 2016 Election."Statistics and Public Policy4 (1): 1–10; Kennedy, C., M. Blumenthal, S. Clement, J. D. Clinton, C. Durand, C. Franklin, K. McGeeney, L. Miringoff, K. Olson, D. Rivers, L. Saad, G. E. Witt, and C. Wlezien. 2018. "An Evaluation of the 2016 Election Polls in the United States."Public Opinion Quarterly82 (1): 1–33; Mercer, A., C. Deane, and K. McGeeney. 2016.Why 2016 Election Polls Missed Their Mark. Pew Research Center. Also available athttps://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/11/09/why-2016-election-polls-missed-their-mark/). One conjecture stems from observed differences between polling results based on the methodological choice between live and non-live modes of survey administration (Enten, H. 2015.The Future of Polling May Depend on Donald Trumps Fate. FiveThirtyEight. Also available athttps://fivethirtyeight.com/features/the-future-of-polling-may-depend-on-donald-trumps-fate/). While it has become commonplace to discuss "mode effect" on surveys, it reemerged in the political zeitgeist as the "Shy Trump" supporter hypothesis leading up to the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election (Edsall, T. B. 2016.How Many People Support Trump but Dont want to Admit it. New York Times). Motivated by the conflicting evidence for (Enns, P. K., J. Lagodny, and J. P. Schuldt. 2017. "Understanding the 2016 US Presidential Polls: The Importance of Hidden Trump Supporters."Statistics, Politics, and Policy8 (1): 41–63) and against (Coppock, A. 2017. "Did Shy Trump Supporters Bias the 2016 Polls? Evidence from a Nationally-Representative List Experiment."Statistics, Politics, and Policy8 (1): 29–40) this hypothesis, we built a complex statistical model that pools together results across multiple pollsters and throughout the election cycle while accounting for the nuances of these data. Specifically, we explored election data for the presence of mode effect using time series with a general additive mixed model (GAMM). We estimated mode effect at state and national levels to perform statistical mode adjustments, which we then compared to observed election results. In this paper, we utilized polling results from the United States Presidential Elections in 2016 (4208 polls) and 2020 (4133 polls). Using these data, we identified spatial trends and areas where mode effect was statistically significant at a 0.05 level. In summary, we make three contributions to the literature on mode effect adjustment in the poll aggregation setting. First, we present a straightforward and flexible statistical approach to estimating mode effect using time series data. In doing so, we help to bridge the gap between theory-focused statistical work and the social sciences. Second, we apply this method to two recent presidential elections, providing insight into the significance of mode effect. Third, we provide evidence for spatial mode effect trends suggesting regional voting behaviors that future scholars can explore.

ResumoO comportamento de consumo indica decisões e preferências que são adotadas de forma progressiva na incorporação da ideia de que preocupações ambientais são importantes, gerando a percepção individual de que a justiça para com o meio ambiente está sendo promovida. A educação ambiental (EA) dos sujeitos prevê o envolvimento de um conjunto de atores sociais que busquem ações alternativas ao modelo de desenvolvimento corrente, que instiga os educandos para a análise crítica dos problemas socioambientais, derivados do consumo crescente e irresponsável para com o meio ambiente. Dessa forma, este estudo de caso exploratório pretende investigar, junto a graduandos de ensino superior, qual o grau de consciência ecológica desses indivíduos quanto a suas escolhas cotidianas, bem como a influência da educação formadora em seu comportamento. Para isso, um questionário foi aplicado em uma turma de graduação em uma universidade do Rio Grande do Sul. Os resultados demonstraram que, apesar do amplo conhecimento dos principais problemas ambientais e da capacidade individual de transformação da realidade, e decisões de consumo que eventualmente contemplam os critérios de sustentabilidade, falta ampliar práticas mais sustentáveis no momento da escolha como consumidor. Tal achado pode ser explicado pela carência de estímulos no ambiente escolar, tão importante para a formação crítica e cidadã dos indivíduos. Como contribuição prática, sugere-se replicar o estudo em outros ambientes escolares, inclusive em diferentes níveis de ensino. Embora o número amostral da pesquisa seja reduzido, as respostas obtidas poderão servir para embasamento na formulação de métodos de aprendizagem que possam estimular o consumo responsável.
Palavras-chave: Consumo Consciente. Sustentabilidade. Meio Ambiente.
AbstractConsumer behavior indicates decisions and preferences that are gradually adopted to incorporate the idea that environmental concerns are important, generating an individual perception that justice for the environment is being promoted. The subjects' environmental education provides for the involvement of a set of social actors that seek alternative actions to the current development model, which encourages students to critically analyze socio-environmental problems, derived from the growing and irresponsible consumption of the environment. In this way, this exploratory case study aims to investigate, together with undergraduate students, what is the degree of ecological awareness of these individuals regarding their daily choices, as well as the influence of training education on their behavior. For this, a questionnaire was applied to an undergraduate class at a university in Rio Grande do Sul. The results showed that, despite the wide knowledge of the main environmental problems and the individual capacity to transform reality, and consumption decisions that eventually contemplate the sustainability criteria, it is necessary to expand more sustainable practices when choosing as a consumer. This finding can be explained by the lack of stimuli in the school environment, which is so important for the critical and citizen education of individuals. As a practical contribution, it is suggested to replicate the study in other school environments, including at different levels of education. Although the sample number of the research is small, the answers obtained may serve as a basis for the formulation of learning methods that can stimulate responsible consumption.
Keywords: Conscious Consumption. Sustainability. Environmental.

CONFERENCE EDITION. Health is a fundamental human right, and universal health coverage (UHC) is critical for achieving that right. UHC represents the aspiration that good quality health services should be received by everyone, when and where needed, without incurring financial hardship. This ambition was clearly stated as a target in the United Nations Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development and reaffirmed when world leaders endorsed the Political Declaration of the United Nations High-level Meeting on Universal Health Coverage in September 2019, the most comprehensive international health agreement in history. Beyond health and wellbeing, UHC also contributes to social inclusion, gender equality, poverty eradication, economic growth and human dignity. This report reveals that pre-pandemic, gains in service coverage were substantial and driven by a massive scaling up of interventions to tackle communicable diseases, such as HIV, tuberculosis and malaria. And while impoverishing health spending has decreased in recent years, the number of people impoverished or further impoverished by out of pocket health spending has remained unacceptably high. These trends are exacerbated by substantial and persistent inequalities between and within countries. The COVID-19 pandemic has subsequently led to significant disruptions in the delivery of essential health services. Rising poverty and shrinking incomes resulting from the global economic recession are likely to increase financial barriers to accessing care and financial hardship owing to out of pocket health spending for those seeking care, particularly among disadvantaged populations. The pre-COVID challenges, combined with additional difficulties arising from the pandemic, brings an even greater urgency to the quest for UHC. Strengthening health systems based on strong primary health care (PHC) is crucial to building back better and accelerating progress towards UHC and health security. Effective implementation of PHC-oriented health systems enables greater equity and resilience, with greater potential to deliver high-quality, safe, comprehensive, integrated, accessible, available and affordable health care to everyone, everywhere, but most especially the most vulnerable. Substantial financial investments in PHC-oriented building blocks of health systems, particularly in the areas of greatest expenditure (health and care workforces, health infrastructure, medicines and other health products) should be supported, carefully planned and informed by health system performance data to address critical gaps, particularly in low-income and lower-middle income countries. There is also an urgent need to remove remaining barriers in order to enable access to health care for all. Key barriers to UHC progress include poor infrastructure, with limited availability of basic amenities, weaknesses in the design of coverage policies to limit the harmful effects of out of pocket payments particularly for the poor and those with chronic health service needs, shortages and inefficient distribution of qualified health workers, prohibitively expensive good quality medicines and medical products, and lack of access to digital health and innovative technologies. Maintaining progress towards UHC is likely to be challenging. UHC is first and foremost a political choice. It is also a moral imperative to guarantee the right to health for all. More than ever before, strong political commitment from world leaders and partners organizations is the essential ingredient for overcoming barriers.

The article analyzes the implementation of the author's mentoring project by Khrystyna Boychuk #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ within the strategic communications of National Academy of the National Guard of Ukraine. The project aims to maintain the image of the National Guard of Ukraine by building leadership potential and gender awareness among young men and women who plan to link their future with service in the security and defense sector of Ukraine. The aim of the study was to identify the features of the development of leadership potential and gender awareness in the process of implementing a mentoring set.The #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ project is a mentoring platform designed to educate modern leaders. The project aims to develop leadership potential in students, including students with enhanced military and physical training, by providing them with basic tools to combat gender and other types of discrimination and skills that will help in the future to adequately respond to social challenges related to gender stereotypes.The first implementation of the project #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ was carried out on the basis of National Academy of the National Guard of Ukraine, where a training program was conducted based on the main module on gender equality and 2 training modules - legal and leadership, which previously integrated the principles of gender equality. The aim was to demonstrate the possibilities of non-formal education with an integrated aspect of gender equality, as well as inclusiveness and tolerance.The second implementation of the #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ project envisaged an increase in the target audience and took place on the basis of educational institutions with enhanced military and physical training in Kharkiv in five stages: acquaintance with the program, gender aspects of military service, legal course, leadership course and public speaking course.The results of these courses were evaluated using a survey conducted at the beginning of the training modules and after their completion. These surveys showed how much the participants' knowledge of gender issues has increased. An important result of the training modules, as the survey showed, was that the project drew students' attention to the importance of developing leadership potential and the ability to consciously approach the formulation of goals and make choices for future self-realization.As the information support of the project is an important component of the strategic communications of the National Academy of the National Guard of Ukraine, information about the implementation of the #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ project was disseminated on various Internet resources.The approbation of the project #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ as a direction of the strategic communications of National Academy of the National Guard of Ukraine showed the relevance of the topic and the interest of the target audience. The mentoring project resulted in the development of participants' leadership potential, raising awareness of gender issues, overcoming gender stereotypes and establishing harmonious communication between girls and boys, based on respect, non-discrimination, equality and mutual understanding. ; У статті проаналізовано реалізацію авторського менторського проєкту Христини Бойчук #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ в межах стратегічних комунікацій Національної академії Національної гвардії України. Проєкт спрямований на підтримання іміджу Національної гвардії України шляхом формування лідерського потенціалу й гендерної обізнаності серед молоді – хлопців та дівчат, які планують пов'язати своє майбутнє зі службою в секторі безпеки та оборони України.

Artificial Intelligence (AI), also referred to as the new electricity, is the emerging focus area in India. AI refers to the ability of machines to perform cognitive tasks like thinking, perceiving, learning, problem solving and decision making. Most of the AI systems rely on historical large datasets for predicting future trends and outcomes at a pace which humans would not be able to match. The development of AI in India is in the initial stages and there is no regulatory body focused solely on AI. However, recently, Government of India has taken various initiatives related to AI such as establishment of Artificial Intelligence Task Force, formulation of NITI Aayog's National Strategy for Artificial Intelligence #AIFORALL, setting up of four Committees for AI under Ministry of Electronics and Information technology etc. Some of India's state governments have also taken few initiatives, such as establishment of Centre of Excellence for Data Science and Artificial Intelligence (CoE-DS&AI) by Karnataka, Safe and Ethical Artificial Intelligence Policy 2020 and Face Recognition Attendance System by Tamil Nadu, AI-Powered System for monitoring driving behaviour by West Bengal, AI System to fight agricultural risks by Maharashtra etc. As with any other technology, AI brings with it a span of opportunities and challenges. In healthcare, AI could be beneficial in mining medical records; designing treatment plans; forecasting health events; assisting repetitive jobs; doing online consultations; assisting in clinical decision making; medication management; drug creation; making healthier choices and decisions; and solving public health problems etc. AI could be very helpful in areas where there is scarcity of human resources, such as rural and remote areas. AI technology has been helpful in dealing with COVID-19 in India. It has helped in preliminary screening of COVID-19 cases, containment of coronavirus, contact tracing, enforcing quarantine and social distancing, tracking of suspects, tracking the pandemic, treatment and remote monitoring of COVID-19 patients, vaccine and drug development etc. The path for adoption of AI driven healthcare in India is filled with a lot of challenges. The unstructured data sets, interoperability issues, lack of open sets of medical data, inadequate analytics solutions which could work with big data, limited funds, inadequate infrastructure, lack of manpower skilled in AI, regulatory weaknesses, inadequate framework and issues related to data protection are some of the key challenges for AI-driven healthcare. It is recommended that government should support companies to invest in AI; encourage public private partnerships in the domain of AI and Health; enact and effectively enforce laws and legislation related to AI and Health; frame policies addressing issues related to confidentiality and privacy in the AI-driven healthcare; and establish a certification system for AI-based healthcare solutions. To adopt AI-based healthcare, it is important to train workforce in AI so that they can carefully handle sensitive health information, protect data against theft and use AI systems effectively. It is also crucial that healthcare decisions based on AI solutions should have a rationale and are explainable.

Artificial Intelligence (AI), also referred to as the new electricity, is the emerging focus area in India. AI refers to the ability of machines to perform cognitive tasks like thinking, perceiving, learning, problem solving and decision making. Most of the AI systems rely on historical large datasets for predicting future trends and outcomes at a pace which humans would not be able to match. The development of AI in India is in the initial stages and there is no regulatory body focused solely on AI. However, recently, Government of India has taken various initiatives related to AI such as establishment of Artificial Intelligence Task Force, formulation of NITI Aayog's National Strategy for Artificial Intelligence #AIFORALL, setting up of four Committees for AI under Ministry of Electronics and Information technology etc. Some of India's state governments have also taken few initiatives, such as establishment of Centre of Excellence for Data Science and Artificial Intelligence (CoE-DS&AI) by Karnataka, Safe and Ethical Artificial Intelligence Policy 2020 and Face Recognition Attendance System by Tamil Nadu, AI-Powered System for monitoring driving behaviour by West Bengal, AI System to fight agricultural risks by Maharashtra etc. As with any other technology, AI brings with it a span of opportunities and challenges. In healthcare, AI could be beneficial in mining medical records; designing treatment plans; forecasting health events; assisting repetitive jobs; doing online consultations; assisting in clinical decision making; medication management; drug creation; making healthier choices and decisions; and solving public health problems etc. AI could be very helpful in areas where there is scarcity of human resources, such as rural and remote areas. AI technology has been helpful in dealing with COVID-19 in India. It has helped in preliminary screening of COVID-19 cases, containment of coronavirus, contact tracing, enforcing quarantine and social distancing, tracking of suspects, tracking the pandemic, treatment and remote monitoring of COVID-19 patients, vaccine and drug development etc. The path for adoption of AI driven healthcare in India is filled with a lot of challenges. The unstructured data sets, interoperability issues, lack of open sets of medical data, inadequate analytics solutions which could work with big data, limited funds, inadequate infrastructure, lack of manpower skilled in AI, regulatory weaknesses, inadequate framework and issues related to data protection are some of the key challenges for AI-driven healthcare. It is recommended that government should support companies to invest in AI; encourage public private partnerships in the domain of AI and Health; enact and effectively enforce laws and legislation related to AI and Health; frame policies addressing issues related to confidentiality and privacy in the AI-driven healthcare; and establish a certification system for AI-based healthcare solutions. To adopt AI-based healthcare, it is important to train workforce in AI so that they can carefully handle sensitive health information, protect data against theft and use AI systems effectively. It is also crucial that healthcare decisions based on AI solutions should have a rationale and are explainable.

¿Los programas y las condiciones del Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) perjudican los derechos laborales de los países que participan de los programas? Los críticos del FMI sostienen que parti- cipar de los programas de dicha institución es perjudicial a los derechos laborales, ya que el FMI intenta imponer políticas laborales proempresa a través de condicionalidades en ocasiones en las que un país no tiene otra opción que participar de un programa. En contraposición, la gestión del FMI ha reforzado su discurso en cuanto a la manera en que los programas del FMI intentan impulsar el crecimiento inclusivo, a través del empleo productivo y la protección de la población más vulnerable dentro de cada país. En este artículo, sostenemos que, si bien es posible que el FMI pueda haber intentado que sus programas resulten beneficiosos para los/as trabajadores/as, sus esfuerzos no son suficientes para revertir los efectos negativos que tienen sobre los derechos laborales, tanto a corto como a largo plazo. Esto no solo se debe a los cambios directos en las políticas que se exigen en los programas del FMI, sino también a las consecuencias indirectas de la liberalización económica. Demostramos que los programas del FMI que imponen condiciones laborales y económicas más estrictas causan mayor cantidad de efectos perjudiciales, tanto en derechos laborales de iure como en prácticas laborales de facto. Asimismo, nuestro análisis destaca la importancia de la política local y expone que los efectos negativos generales de los programas del FMI pueden ser compensados cuando el gobierno participante es de izquierda o cuando un país adopta un sistema de representación proporcional. ; Do International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs and conditions make harm to labor rights in program-participating countries? Critics of the IMF contend that participation in an IMF program is detrimental to workers' rights as the IMF tries to impose pro-business labor policies via conditionality when a country has no choice but to participate in a program. Countering the criticisms, the IMF management has stepped up its rhetoric on how IMF programs try to promote inclusive growth, providing productive employment, and protecting the most vulnerable population within a country. In this paper, we argue that while the IMF might have tried to make IMF programs more beneficial to workers, those efforts are too little to reverse the overall negative effects on labor rights in both short term and long term. This is not only because of direct policy changes mandated in IMF programs but also because of indirect consequences of liberalization of the economy. We demonstrate that IMF programs with stricter labor-market conditions have more detrimental effects on both de jure labor rights and de facto labor practices. Our analysis also highlights the importance of domestic politics and shows that negative overall effects of IMF programs can be offset when a participating government is leftist or when a country adopts a proportional representation system. ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales

When the dominion of the sacred is read against the light, what are the morphological and urban implications of spaces, architecture and religious presences that must give way to logics and policies that dominate them? As an interesting key study, we can analyse the demolition of the cathedral in Mondovì, a flourishing cultural centre in Piedmont, when it was decided to transform the magnificent temple into a military structure in 1573. The overall architectural and urban dimension of the building was totally transformed. The civil and religious architecture, that was consolidated in the post-Tridentine period, underwent disruptive transformations when the city was the seat of Bishop Michele Ghislieri (later Pius V). Mondovì was characterised by exceptional intellectual vivacity, if compared to other Piedmontese centers, with the university, an avant-garde typography, the Jesuit college. At a time when the choices and priorities regarding the urban vocation were renewed, new real estate and demographic dynamics were defined, linked to the resilience of religious orders and new social groups. This paper deals with the analysis and comparison between different documentary and iconographic sources, which are not a homogeneous corpus but allow the study of the religious presence in the city and the verification of urban policies. The essay also tries to focus on dynamics not yet explored and by direct comparison with other cities, in particular with Savona and its transformations after the loss of autonomy in 1528. ; Quando il dominio del sacro è letto in negativo, quali sono i risvolti morfologici e urbani di spazi, architetture e presenze religiose che devono cedere il passo a logiche e politiche che li sovrastano? È il caso che si può affrontare analizzando l'abbattimento, nel 1573, della cattedrale di Mondovì, fiorente centro culturale piemontese, quando è decisa la trasformazione del tempio magnifico in arnese militare. Dirompenti e significativi sono i riflessi sulla dimensione architettonica e urbana complessiva dell'alto poggio su cui sorge San Donato, il Mons, con i palazzi della ricca aristocrazia cittadina e gli spazi religiosi sorti o consolidati in periodo post tridentino, quando la città era cattedra del vescovo Michele Ghislieri (poi Pio V), caratterizzata da una vivacità intellettuale eccezionale se raffrontata ad altri centri piemontesi, con l'università, una tipografia d'avanguardia, la compagnia della stampa, il collegio gesuitico. Nel momento in cui si rinnovano le scelte e le priorità riguardo alla vocazione urbana, si definiscono i presupposti per le diverse consistenze immobiliari, con dinamiche demografiche legate alla resilienza di ordini religiosi connessi ai destini di chiese e confraternite e la definizione di nuove organizzazioni e gruppi sociali. Il contributo affronta l'analisi e il confronto tra fonti documentarie e iconografiche diverse, di cui, pur non costituendo un corpus omogeneo, si può apprezzare il notevole potenziale narrativo, dando modo di riflettere sulla presenza religiosa in città, e di verificare le modalità legate ai nuovi orientamenti politici, ponendo l'accento su dinamiche non ancora esplorate, e con un confronto diretto con altre città, in particolare con Savona e le sue trasformazioni dopo la perdita di autonomia nel 1528.

The article analyzes the implementation of the author's mentoring project by Khrystyna Boychuk #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ within the strategic communications of National Academy of the National Guard of Ukraine. The project aims to maintain the image of the National Guard of Ukraine by building leadership potential and gender awareness among young men and women who plan to link their future with service in the security and defense sector of Ukraine. The aim of the study was to identify the features of the development of leadership potential and gender awareness in the process of implementing a mentoring set.The #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ project is a mentoring platform designed to educate modern leaders. The project aims to develop leadership potential in students, including students with enhanced military and physical training, by providing them with basic tools to combat gender and other types of discrimination and skills that will help in the future to adequately respond to social challenges related to gender stereotypes.The first implementation of the project #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ was carried out on the basis of National Academy of the National Guard of Ukraine, where a training program was conducted based on the main module on gender equality and 2 training modules - legal and leadership, which previously integrated the principles of gender equality. The aim was to demonstrate the possibilities of non-formal education with an integrated aspect of gender equality, as well as inclusiveness and tolerance.The second implementation of the #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ project envisaged an increase in the target audience and took place on the basis of educational institutions with enhanced military and physical training in Kharkiv in five stages: acquaintance with the program, gender aspects of military service, legal course, leadership course and public speaking course.The results of these courses were evaluated using a survey conducted at the beginning of the training modules and after their completion. These surveys showed how much the participants' knowledge of gender issues has increased. An important result of the training modules, as the survey showed, was that the project drew students' attention to the importance of developing leadership potential and the ability to consciously approach the formulation of goals and make choices for future self-realization.As the information support of the project is an important component of the strategic communications of the National Academy of the National Guard of Ukraine, information about the implementation of the #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ project was disseminated on various Internet resources.The approbation of the project #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ as a direction of the strategic communications of National Academy of the National Guard of Ukraine showed the relevance of the topic and the interest of the target audience. The mentoring project resulted in the development of participants' leadership potential, raising awareness of gender issues, overcoming gender stereotypes and establishing harmonious communication between girls and boys, based on respect, non-discrimination, equality and mutual understanding. ; У статті проаналізовано реалізацію авторського менторського проєкту Христини Бойчук #ТІЩОЗМОГЛИ в межах стратегічних комунікацій Національної академії Національної гвардії України. Проєкт спрямований на підтримання іміджу Національної гвардії України шляхом формування лідерського потенціалу й гендерної обізнаності серед молоді – хлопців та дівчат, які планують пов'язати своє майбутнє зі службою в секторі безпеки та оборони України.

Introduction. Positive dynamics in the ethnopolitical sphere of the North Caucasus does not mean that there are no further risks of the escalation of the ethnopolitical tension and stabilizing processes are irreversible. The goal and objectives of the article are the identification of the current ethnopolitical situation in the North Caucasus and assessment of the achievements or failures of the decade-long implementation of programs of reconstructiong the region. The authors identify risk factors of the ethnopolitical tension in the North Caucasus as a key approach to conflict forecasting, develop a hierarchy of risk factors, and assess the optimality of management decisions. Methods and discussion. In the context of the discussion the most relevant is understanding risks as an inevitable product of decision-making (Luhmann). The analysis of risk generating processes in the North Caucasus is most effective from the standpoint of the conflict studies (conflict resolution) approach (Burton). Empirical data was obtained by series of expert surveys, the Delphi method, content analysis of media sources (the Internet, printed press, radio, television) and analysis of official statistical data. The conclusion was made that during the past three years positive results have been achieved mainly due to administrative resources and activities of the institutions of force ("siloviki"), but those resources are close to exhaustion. All "classical" risk factors identified by the country's leadership in 2009 remain and "new" risk factors are actualized. Among the "classical" risks, the first positions are occupied by the low level of industrial production, the critical dependence of the North Caucasus republics on federal budget subsidies, the lag in life standards in these republics from the average in Russia, the retention of a high unemployment rate. These risks are to a large extent due to such factor as the low efficiency of regional authorities. The "new" risk factors include those that were in a latent state, but now can turn into manifest conflicts. This is, above all, a land-use problem that has various modifications: ethnic, territorial, economic, historical. Further studies of the problems of the North Caucasus are related to the analysis of the effectiveness of the system of ethnopolitical security and centre-peripheral relations, to the new non-trivial approaches in the theory of Russian federalism, to the choice of a model of spatial development of the Russian Federation. Analysis and results. Despite the general improvement of the climate of ethnic relations, risk factors in the ethnopolitical situation in the North Caucasus can result in the return of the region to the negative conflict scenario. The modern North Caucasus can be characterized as a risk society, in which risks appear as a result of decision making more and more frequently. Some positive "shifts" in the economic and social basis of life in the region are not sufficient for irreversible changes of the situation for the better. The specificity of current problems in the North Caucasus is that their conflict potential can be implemented "unexpectedly" through various indirect links.