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Editors: 1906-16, W.W. Willoughby and others; 1917-25, J.A. Fairlie and others; 1926- F.A. Ogg and others. ; Vols. 6-8 accompanied by supplements: Proceedings of the association at its 8th-10th annual meetings, 1911-Dec. 30, 1913/Jan. 1, 1914. Vol. 24, no. 1, Feb. 1930, accompanied by suppl.: Report of the Committee on Policy of the Association. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Vols. 1-10, 1906-16 (Suppl. to v. 11, no. 3). 1 v. (Includes index to the association's Proceedings, 1904-14); Vols. 1-20, 1906-26. 1 v. ; "Book review" section continued in 2003 as part of: Perspectives on politics. ; "News and notes" section continued in 1968 as part of: PS.

Mexican Americans' rapid growth and com plexity compel awareness of this huge and often overlooked minority. Mexican Americans defy Census classification and color differentiation, departing sharply from the character istics of either European immigrants or black Americans. Such factors as settlement patterns, sharp discrimination and segregation, a historical lack of political opportunities, and depressed economic circumstances have made Mexican Americans one of the most distinctive groups in America today. Demographically, Mexican Americans are highly ur banized, young, disproportionately blue collar, and poor. Occupational gains are sluggish, with great sensitivity to changing economic conditions. Occupational mobility is so slow that it offers convincing evidence of a "dual labor market," trapping succeeding generations of Mexican Ameri cans. High immigration, poor education-particularly in Texas—language barriers, and divisive issues of bilingualism and biculturalism guarantee that many Mexican Americans will continue to experience poverty in the future. A hopeful sign for the future is the high level of political activity, both real and potential, now present in this community.

This article addresses the impact of settler colonialism by the Spanish and United States in the American continent in forming the base, development, and power of capitalism in the West. It provides a general overview of the United States' unequal economic relationships with Latin American countries since the end of the nineteenth century to the present. It highlights the role evangelist groups have in changing the way coup d'états have been taking place in the region, in particular, to countries that had democratically elected presidents who were part of the "Pink Tide" and had a program to counterbalance neoliberal policies that were contributing to unprecedented economic inequality in their societies. One of the central questions in this work is the role of coloniality within Latin American countries and between the US and Latin America in the coup d'état against Evo Morales in Bolivia on November 10, 2019.

In our post-9/11 environment, our sense of relative security and stability as privileged subjects living in the heart of Empire has been profoundly shaken. Hollander explores the forces that have brought us to this critical juncture, analyzing the role played by the neoliberal economic paradigm and conservative political agenda that emerged in the West over the past four decades with devastating consequences for the hemisphere's citizens. Narrative testimonies of progressive U.S. and Latin American psychoanalysts illuminate the psychological meanings of living under authoritarian political con.

This research examines the impact of human rights protests on human rights abuses in seven Latin American countries—Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Guatemala, Mexico, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. I find that protests focused broadly on human rights are associated with significant declines in human rights abuses, controlling for important factors from previous studies. Furthermore, I argue that it is important to distinguish political repression (abuses that target political activists) from coercive state oppression, which has nonpolitical targets. These two types of abuses respond to different factors, but broadly focused human rights protests are found to decrease both types of abuses. I argue further that a strong human rights movement, indicated by frequent human rights protests, discourages the police abuses associated with oppression by raising the likelihood of accountability for such abuses, including by improving the likelihood of reforms to the criminal justice system.

AbstractRecent political changes across Latin America that challenge mainstream conceptions of liberal democracy have led to speculation about some kind of post-liberal democracy possibly emerging in the region. Up to now, however, there has been no systematic assessment of this proposition or any explicit conception of post-liberal democracy. This article fills this research gap by proposing a conceptual framework for analysing political change in the direction of post-liberal democracy, in Latin America and beyond, and probes the plausibility of this framework in a case study of Bolivia. It shows that the concept of post-liberal democracy helps us make sense of the contemporary transformation of Bolivian democracy and that it has comparative advantages over alternative conceptual frameworks such as radical populism and defective – that is, illiberal or delegative – democracy.

The Latin American continent contains an incredibly rich diversity from which humans derive a range of ecosystem services (e.g. material goods, cultural benefits, climate regulation, etc.) that contribute to livelihoods and well-being. It has become critical to reconcile social and environmental issues in the region to ensure that development is sustainable and aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals. To ensure the sustainable use and management of social and natural capital in the region, business, government, social enterprises and NGOs are engaging in different forms of social innovation that account for social, ecological and environmental values. This requires the integration of social and natural capital into decision-making at all levels. Latin America presents a useful scenario to explore social innovation in relation to social and environmental values and the management of local human and natural resources. This book presents social innovation initiatives that incorporate social and natural capital into decision-making processes in Latin America. This book aims to provide the reader with an insight into the relevance of social innovation for maintaining and restoring social and natural capital in Latin America. Using case studies from Ecuador, Colombia, Peru, Chile and Mexico, this book provides an insight into the interactions between social innovation and social and natural capital in Latin America and will be of interest to researchers, academics and students in the fields of social innovation, management studies, environmental economics and sustainability.

Chinese expansion into Panama has taken place in stages. In the 1990s, the PRC and Panama established trade ties. In the decades that followed, trade increased turning Beijing into a major trading partner of Panama and one of the most important users of its canal. In 2017, to everyone's surprise, Varela's administration broke off the long-standing diplomatic relations with Taiwan in favor of the PRC. Within two years, under President Varela, in the context of the BRI, bilateral relations have expanded across the board. The existence of significant cross-interests as well as the dynamics at work since 2017 suggest that Panama could play a major or even 'pivotal' role for the BRI in Latin America. However, despite these interests and the significant achievements under Varela's administration, the bilateral relationship faces substantial obstacles both within Panama and internationally. The significant expansion of Sino-Panamanian bilateral relations may therefore have been a simple "tour de valse". ; info:eu-repo/semantics/inPress

We study the foreign policy of Venezuela for Latin America from 1999 to 2013 with the aim of understanding the international relations changes, introduced by Hugo Chavez, in the country. In this paper, are recognized two stages of Hugo Chavez: the first one, relative continuity of puntofijistapolicies that elapses between 1999 and 2004, and the second one an absolute novelty, which runs from 2004-2013, where political alliances with countries ideologically related it was the main foreign policy strategy. ; Estudiamos la política exterior de Venezuela para América Latina desde 1999 hasta 2013 con el objetivo de comprender los cambios introducidos por Hugo Chávez en las relaciones internacionales del país. En este trabajo se reconocen dos etapas del gobierno de Hugo Chávez: una de relativa continuidad de las políticas puntofijistas que transcurre entre 1999 y 2004, y una de absoluta novedad, que va desde 2004 hasta 2013, donde las alianzas políticas con países ideológicamente a fin, fue la principal estrategia de política exterior.

We study the foreign policy of Venezuela for Latin America from 1999 to 2013 with the aim of understanding the international relations changes, introduced by Hugo Chavez, in the country. In this paper, are recognized two stages of Hugo Chavez: the first one, relative continuity of puntofijistapolicies that elapses between 1999 and 2004, and the second one an absolute novelty, which runs from 2004-2013, where political alliances with countries ideologically related it was the main foreign policy strategy. ; Estudiamos la política exterior de Venezuela para América Latina desde 1999 hasta 2013 con el objetivo de comprender los cambios introducidos por Hugo Chávez en las relaciones internacionales del país. En este trabajo se reconocen dos etapas del gobierno de Hugo Chávez: una de relativa continuidad de las políticas puntofijistas que transcurre entre 1999 y 2004, y una de absoluta novedad, que va desde 2004 hasta 2013, donde las alianzas políticas con países ideológicamente a fin, fue la principal estrategia de política exterior.

An introduction to a special journal issue maintains that the historical evolution of markets in Latin America demonstrates the complex nature of the process, the role of state actors, & sites of both economic & noneconomic conflicts. Classical, neoclassical, anthropological, & developmental perspectives of the processes of market formation are described. Examination of development policy, the banking system, land/labor laws, & the moral economy of consumers exposes the symbiotic relationship between the market & the state, as well as between the public & private spheres, & reveals the influence of cultural values on market development. Also investigated is how humans deal with markets across time & space in Argentina, Brazil, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, & Nicaragua, demonstrating how responses differ in light of varied traditions, political struggles, & geography. These essays question some of the central tenets of neoclassical liberalism & open up new fields of inquiry in areas usually reserved for economics. 33 References. J. Lindroth

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction -- PART I Gender, Race, Ethnicity, and Mass Behavior -- 2 The Differential Effect of Resources on Political Participation Across Gender and Racial Groups -- 3 Linked Fate at the Intersection of Race, Gender, and Ethnicity -- 4 African American Women: Leading Ladies of Liberal Politics -- 5 In Considering the Political Behavior of Asian American Women

This paper analyzes the formal-legal and economic potentials of a possible entry of Argentina to the Pacific Alliance. Two questions need to be answered. First: Would it be possible to be part of these two integration schemes? Second: What would Argentina specifically benefit from by joining the Alliance? For this purpose, a comparative exercise is carried out to perceive to what extent the member countries of the Pacific Alliance benefited from it, and which sectors within them, in order to foresee what might happen in the case of Argentina. ; Este trabajo analiza las posibilidades formales-legales y económicas de unposible ingreso de la Argentina a la Alianza del Pacífico. Primero: ¿sería posiblela pertenencia a estos dos esquemas de integración?Segundo: ¿en que se beneficiaría concretamente Argentina con su incorporacióna dicha Alianza? Para ello se realiza un ejercicio comparativo paraobservar en qué medida y a qué sectores de los países miembros de la Alianzadel Pacífico benefició dicho acuerdo, planteando algunas líneas de lo quepodría pasar en virtud de lo analizado en la Argentina.