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The author investigates political radicalism in the Czech Republic, a rather heterogeneous current considering the structure of participants: from political parties to the extremist organizations. The peculiarity of the Czech party system is the existence, along with typical radical parties, of other non-radical parties whose representatives support xenophobic, nationalist and anti-Islamic statements. This is primarily the Civil Democratic Party, known for its critical attitude towards European integration, and the Communist party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which opposes Czech membership in NATO and the EU. Among the Czech politicians, who are close to radical views, analysts include the well-known for its anti-Islamic position of the Czech President M. Zeman and the leader of the movement ANO, billionaire A. Babich. Voters vote for them not because their economic or social programs are particularly attractive to the electorate, but because of dissatisfaction with the economic situation in the state. Almost all right populist parties oppose European integration, interpreting it as an anti-national project run by an elite distorted by a deficit of democracy and corruption.
Keywords: Czech Republic, right-wing radical political parties, European integration, nationalism.

Since the inception of the Baha'ism as an independent faith in Persia, its adherents came under attack from the religious clergy which perceived the growing popularity of this new faith as a threat to their monopolistic position in the society. Education and economy were the two dominant fields where the Baha'is prospered in pre-revolution Iran, thereby contributing to the modernization of Persia. However, being a post-Abrahamic faith in its origin, the Islamic clergy viewed the Baha'is as apostates and an enemy of Islam, which led to the persistent targeting and attacks on the Baha'is over the faith's origin and as an essentially incompatible and contradictory disposition in the Baha'i– ulema relations. While the pre-revolution Iran show an ulema–monarchy convergence in their attack on the Baha'is, the post-revolution Iran witnessed the same through consolidation of state– ulema powers in the form of the new Islamic Republic. The discrimination and persecutions of the Baha'is in the post-1979 Iran increased considerably, and one can witness a deviation of the homogenous perception on the Baha'is by the religious clergy class. The conservative reformist faction of the ulema has given rise to newer and opposing perspectives on the Baha'is, the largest non-recognized religious minority in Iran.

This article highlights the politics of Islamic identity that appears through persecution and religious-based violent extremism. During the past two decades, the hustle and bustle of public space seem to be filled with various religious symbols, which visibly deep respect for the reality of diversity while reducing the critical role of Pancasila as the ideology of the Indonesian state. If such behaviour is carried out in a corridor that upholds the values of Pancasila, then that attitude is not a problem. However, because the imposition of Islamic identity is accompanied by expressions of hatred and other judgmental attitudes, this needs to be anticipated. In fact, in several cases, this other judgmental attitude often leads to the mobilization of the masses to execute those who are considered different from the majority. Such a social situation can tear the religious plurality that has fostered this nation for a long time. Therefore, this article seeks to examine several things, namely: (1) tracking various acts of intolerance based on the politics of religious identity; (2) agencies that play an essential role in the occurrence of acts of persecution; (3) rethinking the urgency of multicultural education.Keywords. Identity Politics; Islam; Multiculturalism; Execution.

Mahdism, or the belief in the resurrection of the eschatological figure of the Mahdi remains important in Islam today. This belief, legitimated by the mahdawiyyah hadith, has allowed many individuals throughout Islamic histories to claim themselves to be the Mahdi, as well as to carry out a radical strand of Islamic movement in order to support their claim. Using a historical method, this paper studies the history and development of mahdism, along with their interpretationof the mahdawiyah hadith; and analyzes the connection of such interpretation with the rise of religious radicalism. The study argues, mahdism is linked to the practices of millenarianism, formerly existed in Jewish and Christian theology. The emergence of mahdism related to the political conflict during the power transition from the Umayyad to the Abbasid dynasty. Yet, the rise of the Mahdi movement found its support from the mahdawiyyah Hadith, which are interpreted in such a way as to legitimize the radical-subversive movement of the mahdi's leaders, enabling mahdism to develop, ideologically, as a radical movement. This study concludes that mahdism is at once a religious and political movement aiming to bring back the glory of Islam. Religion becomes a legitimate and effective ideological framework of a political mission.

Since the Iranian Islamic Revolution in 1979, Sunni sentiments with Shia have been redistributed everywhere. Even though the Sunni-Shia sentiment is not the main source of conflict but political geography, which is related to borders and natural resources. Because, the Middle East is located in a strategic area so that it becomes a very important region in the global political map. Conflicts that are inseparable from Sunni-Shia sentiments in the Middle East include: Shiite Sunni conflict in the Gulf War, attacks on the commemoration of Ashura (Karbala Massacre), Shiite Sunni conflicts in Syria and Lebanon, and Shia Sunni conflicts in the Yemeni Civil War. This conflict has a huge impact on Shia Sunni relations in Indonesia. The impact of the conflict was the occurrence of Sunni Shia conflict in Indonesia, which included: the attack on the Shia Islamic Boarding School, the dissolution of the commemoration of the Ashura tradition, the dissolution of the anniversary of Fatimah Az-Zahra, the ban on the Rausyan Fikr Foundation in Yogyakarta, and the attack on the Shia community in Madura. This paper attempts to examine the impact of the Shia Sunni conflict from a Geopolitical perspective and the impact of the conflict on Sunni- Shia relations in Indonesia.

This study illustrates the paradigm of students at the Islamic boarding school Darussalam towards the target age of marriage. It is interesting to study when the target age is significantly analyzed in the perspective of female students. This is because, in general, marriages that occur among female students are known as arranged marriages. However, this paper explores the opinions of each female santri in determining the ideal marriage age limit for their perspective. Previously, it was reviewed in advance regarding the age regulation of maturity according to classical fiqh and the rules of legislation, in this case Law No. 1 of 1974 and compilation of Islamic Law (KHI). The final analysis is to analyze the results of a survey of about 30 female students of the Darussalam boarding school. Then proceed with classifying the age of marriage in four classifications, namely the age of marriage in an ideal level, sufficient, alert, and alert. The findings of this paper provide a clear picture that women's rights in determining the age of marriage are strongly influenced by their physical and mental maturity. Therefore, indirectly invalidated at least the age of 16 years for women regulated in the Act does not pay attention to the wishes of women themselves.

This study illustrates the paradigm of students at the Islamic boarding school Darussalam towards the target age of marriage. It is interesting to study when the target age is significantly analyzed in the perspective of female students. This is because, in general, marriages that occur among female students are known as arranged marriages. However, this paper explores the opinions of each female santri in determining the ideal marriage age limit for their perspective. Previously, it was reviewed in advance regarding the age regulation of maturity according to classical fiqh and the rules of legislation, in this case Law No. 1 of 1974 and compilation of Islamic Law (KHI). The final analysis is to analyze the results of a survey of about 30 female students of the Darussalam boarding school. Then proceed with classifying the age of marriage in four classifications, namely the age of marriage in an ideal level, sufficient, alert, and alert. The findings of this paper provide a clear picture that women's rights in determining the age of marriage are strongly influenced by their physical and mental maturity. Therefore, indirectly invalidated at least the age of 16 years for women regulated in the Act does not pay attention to the wishes of women themselves.

Yogyakarta Special Region (DIY) is an area still retains a strong cultural heritage, ranging from customs of Javanese-Islamic culture and Mataram Sultanate system. DIY becomes the only province that has a special authority to institutionalize the administration of government by placing the roles and responsibilities of the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat Sultanate and Kadipaten Pakualaman in filling the positions of provincial leaders. This process was legitimized by Indonesian Law No. 13 of 2012 about Special Administrative Status for Yogyakarta. But over time, polemics have emerged since Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono X issued Sabda Raja and Dawuh Raja who reaped pros-cons and were clashed with the royal tradition's values from generation to generation. Based on these realities, it becomes interesting to discuss about the dynamics of women and politics of heritage in DIY as a critical reflection in welcoming the next leader. On the one side, the system of the Javanese-Islamic Mataram Sultanate as a cultural heritage must be maintained. But on the other side, the aspect of modernity through the struggle for gender equality also opens the opportunity for Indonesian women are also capable of being and have become capable democratic leaders in the 21st Century.

Yogyakarta Special Region (DIY) is an area still retains a strong cultural heritage, ranging from customs of Javanese-Islamic culture and Mataram Sultanate system. DIY becomes the only province that has a special authority to institutionalize the administration of government by placing the roles and responsibilities of the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat Sultanate and Kadipaten Pakualaman in filling the positions of provincial leaders. This process was legitimized by Indonesian Law No. 13 of 2012 about Special Administrative Status for Yogyakarta. But over time, polemics have emerged since Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono X issued Sabda Raja and Dawuh Raja who reaped pros-cons and were clashed with the royal tradition's values from generation to generation. Based on these realities, it becomes interesting to discuss about the dynamics of women and politics of heritage in DIY as a critical reflection in welcoming the next leader. On the one side, the system of the Javanese-Islamic Mataram Sultanate as a cultural heritage must be maintained. But on the other side, the aspect of modernity through the struggle for gender equality also opens the opportunity for Indonesian women are also capable of being and have become capable democratic leaders in the 21st Century.

Studies on religious education teacher's competences in Aceh could not be separated from studies on state's intervention toward education. State hegemony occurs in the form of regulation formalization which regulates efforts for improving qualification and competence of teachers. The research showed that the presence of Act No. 14, 2005 and the Government Regulation No. 74, 2008 had been used as legal reference to encourage the improvement of Aceh religious education teachers' qualification and competence. This is a qualitative study in which triangulation in data collection was used. The data was then collected through documentations, observations, and deep interviews. This work emphasizes that improving teachers' competences in Islamic education system in Aceh was in accordance to and did not contradict with national education system and moreover strengthen the content of Act No. 14, 1005 and Government Regulation No. 74, 2008. Qualification and competence of religious education teachers in Aceh underwent improvement better than previous term. However, teachers experienced that socialization process and implementation of regulation has yet to receive upmost attention. The study also suggests that religious education teachers' qualifications and competences will significantly contribute to the development of religious education quality, thus Islamic education transforms intently in national and state relations order.

This article is written to analyze the Islamic politics of economy, namely governmental policy in developing economy and determining state budget. Islam, as a rah}mah li al-'a>lami>n, rules everything, including determining the policy of economy. The objective of Islamic economy is in accordance with the main objective of the existance of Islam itself, namely to present the welfare for all human being here and here after. To reach the objective, reconstruction shall be done towards strategic elements, specifically the existance of filter mechanism emphasized to moral filter, the human motivation to prioritized social interest, the existance of socio-economy restructuring, and active role government in economy. To realize all those, the policy which shall be executed by government is to raise up humanity factor, reduce wealth concentration, restructure economy, restructure finance, and realize strategic policy plan oriented to the welfare of all human being. In determining state budget, government shall consider maqa>s}id al-shari>'ah principle which fulfills five hierarchies of basic need which must be fulfilled and protected, namely religion (di>n), soul (nafs), mind ('aql), descendant (nasl), dan treasure (ma>l) protection

: The relationship between Islam and the State becomes an actual and dynamic discourse in every phase of the development of civilization both in the Western and Eastern world. The debate revolves around the question of the form of the state, whether it is integral, symbiotic or secular. The relationship between Islam and the state is still being discussed through the media and discussions of Muslim intellectuals, one of them is Nurcholish Madjid, one of the Islamic political thinkers in Indonesia and many intellectuals who bring up ideas with nationalist insights. One of them is his thoughts on the relationship between Islam and the State in Indonesia. This thought, although quite controversial when first raised but has a major influence on national and Islamic discourse in Indonesia. Fiqh Siyasah's view of Nurcholish Madjid's thoughts is included in the study of siyasah dusturiyah. Although in Islam it never determines the particular form and pattern of a country that must be practiced by Muslims, but establishing a State is an obligation of Muslims. The state is a tool for Muslims to be able to implement the teachings of Islam, so that the goal of syara' creates benefit and rejects harm can be achieved in society

Nowadays, organisations are involved in intense competition to sell their products and services globally. The current target market covers nearly every country in the world, including Islamic countries. For example, Japan and Australia are putting great effort into catering to a rising number of Muslim clients by increasing their investment and expertise in halal products and services. Their aim is to attract the attention of the growing Muslim population to add a billion by 2050. Halal products include food and beverages, personal care, cosmetics, pharmaceuticals and health products. Meanwhile, halal services comprise areas such as Islamic finance, takaful, travel, education and healthcare. Subsectors such as media, consulting, events, online services, software development, logical services and lab testing can also benefit from the growth of the halal sector as a whole. The authors will attempt to achieve two objectives in this paper: (i) to examine current literature and (ii) to determine the success factors of and issues faced by halal businesses. The Malaysian government's intention is not only to support the halal industry in terms of complying with regulations set by the authorities and obtaining the relevant certification; the output must also meet international standards to supply consistently high-quality products and services to win customers' hearts.

This study illustrates the paradigm of students at the Islamic boarding school Darussalam towards the target age of marriage. It is interesting to study when the target age is significantly analyzed in the perspective of female students. This is because, in general, marriages that occur among female students are known as arranged marriages. However, this paper explores the opinions of each female santri in determining the ideal marriage age limit for their perspective. Previously, it was reviewed in advance regarding the age regulation of maturity according to classical fiqh and the rules of legislation, in this case Law No. 1 of 1974 and compilation of Islamic Law (KHI). The final analysis is to analyze the results of a survey of about 30 female students of the Darussalam boarding school. Then proceed with classifying the age of marriage in four classifications, namely the age of marriage in an ideal level, sufficient, alert, and alert. The findings of this paper provide a clear picture that women's rights in determining the age of marriage are strongly influenced by their physical and mental maturity. Therefore, indirectly invalidated at least the age of 16 years for women regulated in the Act does not pay attention to the wishes of women themselves.

This study illustrates the paradigm of students at the Islamic boarding school Darussalam towards the target age of marriage. It is interesting to study when the target age is significantly analyzed in the perspective of female students. This is because, in general, marriages that occur among female students are known as arranged marriages. However, this paper explores the opinions of each female santri in determining the ideal marriage age limit for their perspective. Previously, it was reviewed in advance regarding the age regulation of maturity according to classical fiqh and the rules of legislation, in this case Law No. 1 of 1974 and compilation of Islamic Law (KHI). The final analysis is to analyze the results of a survey of about 30 female students of the Darussalam boarding school. Then proceed with classifying the age of marriage in four classifications, namely the age of marriage in an ideal level, sufficient, alert, and alert. The findings of this paper provide a clear picture that women's rights in determining the age of marriage are strongly influenced by their physical and mental maturity. Therefore, indirectly invalidated at least the age of 16 years for women regulated in the Act does not pay attention to the wishes of women themselves.