Suchergebnisse

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Unia Europejska, po impasie instytucjonalnym spowodowanym odrzuceniem traktatu konstytucyjnego, po wysiłku, jakim był proces rozszerzenia na nowe – często nieprzygotowane do tego kraje, oraz po latach kryzysu gospodarczo-finansowego powoli wychodzi na prostą. Wydaje się, że "diabelska alternatywa" – rozpad albo głębsza integracja – przestaje być aktualna. Unia Europejska wybrała zdecydowanie tę drugą opcję. Krok po kroku, szczyt po szczycie, Unia posuwa się mozolnie w kierunku głębszej integracji finansowej i fiskalnej, w kierunku zacieśnienia oraz koordynacji współpracy gospodarczej, a także bardziej rygorystycznego egzekwowania kryteriów konwergencji finansowej. De facto strefa euro, a wraz nią cała Unia Europejska, w zakresie spraw gospodarczo-finansowych, najgorsze ma za sobą. Niepokojący z punktu widzenia całej Unii Europejskiej jest Brexit. Wyjście Brytyjczyków z UE jest ogromnym politycznym, militarnym, gospodarczym i wizerunkowym osłabieniem Unii, a może nawet czymś więcej – porażką Unii, a zapewne także i Brytyjczyków. Innym niepokojącym i trwającym problemem Unii jest kryzys migracyjny. Jednak powoli i z opóźnieniem UE zaczyna z niego wyciągać wnioski i urealniać politykę migracyjną. Coraz bardziej niepokojąca staje się kwestia przestrzegania praworządności przez niektóre kraje unijne, jak również jej ocena i zdolność władz UE do uporania się z tym problemem. Unia Europejska nie powróci już zapewne do dyskusji na temat finalite, czyli finalnego celu: czym być – federacją, superpaństwem, czy też konfederacją państw, Europą Ojczyzn? Jednak integracja w głąb będzie postępować z tymi, którzy chcą, a bez tych, którzy nie chcą. Integracja finansowo- -gospodarcza w ramach UGW, wojskowa w ramach WPBiO, także w sprawach imigracyjnej, regionalnej i wymiaru sprawiedliwości. ; European Union, having back constitutional treaty refusal crisis, enlargement problems with new EU members and economic-financial crisis, seems to have overcome the most difficult period. Looks like "the devil alternative" – breaking up or deepen integration – is no more actual. Step by step, through EU leaders summit after summit recovery decisions, European Union is crawling towards deepen financial and fiscal integration. A number of diff erent long-term proposals have been put forward to deal with Eurozone crisis, as European Fiscal Union, a package for European bank recovery and other measures going to strict respect of financial convergence criteria. Brexit, the ongoing process of withdrawal of United Kingdom from EU will have deep impact on UK and EU mutual political-economic relations, being at the same time deep repulse of EU itself. The other unquiet and still lasting problem for EU was a sharp increase in the migration fl ows into European Union territory, making a lot of problems to EU countries. However, after bad results and the lack of proper approach to that problem European Union is preparing new common immigration policy. EU is also facing the impact of accession to office of a Eurosceptic party/governments violating the principles of law and EU values which makes a problem of EU infringement procedure efficiency. Having in mind all EU aspects of crisis, actually, it is difficult to foresee the return to the debate about finalite politique of European Union, which means answering the questions: what does EU have to be? Federation, super-state or only the Europe of Homelands?

This is the second part of a series of three 'research note' articles looking at an AHRC funded project on the various research methodologies used by European Union and International Law researchers. The first part was published in the JCER (Volume 3: Issue 2 - 2007) third part will be published in September 2008.

The emphasis in the Community's and Union's treaties and charter on workers' rights and on the need to create conditions that would facilitate freedom of movement of labour between member states explains why issues concerned with the employment and equalization of working conditions have always been high on the policy agenda. With the launch of the European Monetary Union (EMU) and Euro, the debate on European solutions shifted focus towards structural policies, which are the necessary complement to the macroeconomic policy mix under EMU. Employment is the key ingredient of this debate. Indeed employment cuts across all the challenges of enlargement, the new financial framework and the EU structural funds, the promotion of economic and social cohesion, and institution reform. Throughout the 1970's and 1980's employment was present in the minds of the leaders of the then EEC when the four freedoms of movement of goods, services, capital and labour were promoted in Single Market. The subsequent evolution of employment strategy can be divided into two periods, the watershed of which is marked by new Treaty of Amsterdam, signed in October 1997. Before Amsterdam, employment and labour market policy was the sovereign domain of the Member States. The treaty does not change the basic principle that Member States take primary responsibility for employment policy. But it does entrust the European institutions, the Council and the Commission with a much stronger role, new tasks and more forceful tools. It involves the European Parliament more closely with the decision making process. Also, the responsibilities of the social partners and their opportunities to contribute are enhanced through the inclusion of the Social Protocol into the Treaty. Leaders of many Member States have been at the forefront in coordinating and implementing the European employment strategy. ; Europos Sąjunga (ES) vykdydama užimtumo ir socialinę politiką, siekia užtikrinti aukštą gyvenimo kokybę, žmogaus orumą atitinkantį gyvenimo lygį, sudaryti galimybes gyventi aktyvioje, integruotoje ir sveikoje visuomenėje. Ši politika padeda gerinti didžiosios dalies ES piliečių, tarp jų ir bedarbių, pagyvenusių žmonių, neįgaliųjų, socialiai atskirtųjų, darbo rinkoje skriminuojamų žmonių gyvenimą. Tai atitinka vieną svarbiausių ES socialinės politikos principų – piliečių solidarumo principą, būtiną kuriant stabilią visuomenę bei skatinant nuolatinį klestėjimą, kuris yra Europoje veikiančio socialinio modelio atskaitos taškas. ES gyventojai nepaliekami rinkos jėgų valiai – jie turi galimybę naudotis viena stipriausių pasaulio socialinės paramos sistemų. Straipsnio tikslas – atskleisti ES vykdomą užimtumo, kaip socialinės gerovės garanto, politiką, išanalizuoti ją lemiančias ES sutartis, aptarti ES socialinės politikos transformacijas pereinant prie vidaus rinkos ir įsigaliojus ES pilietybei. Tyrimo metodai – dokumentų, mokslinės literatūros analizė.

The experimental means by which bureaucrats and members of civil society attempt to manage policy making within the European Union (EU) are often guided by the EU's cherished principle of subsidiarity, a principle demanding that EU policy decisions be made at the most appropriate geopolitical level possible to respect and preserve European cultural diversity. I examine subsidiarity within the EU, not as a mere principle but also as a practice, investigating bureaucratic conceptions and bureaucrats' embodied experiences with subsidiarity as it influences perceptions of culture, policy, and integration. What is borne out of attempts to manage subsidiarity, often discussed by EU bureaucrats as well as members of civil society, are three discursive modes—the cultural, the moral, and the temporal—that both promote and confuse how "Europe" is conceptualized via policy production. These discursive modes shed light upon how subsidiarity, in fact, limits diversity via the notion of competence within the EU. I argue that subsidiarity, understood in terms of competence, has become a pragmatic endeavor employed more to organize, manage, and govern culture than to create cultural inclusion, further promoting a more exclusive conceptualization of community and diversity.

An appraisal of the EU Directive on Trade Secrets /Jens Schovsbo, Timo Minssen, Thomas Riis --The Directive on Trade Secrets and its background /Jens Schovsbo --Trade secrets law as part of information law /Henrik Udsen, Jens Schovsbo and Berdien van der Donk --Through the looking glass : trade secret harmonization as a reflection of US law /Sharon K. Sandeen --UK implementation of the Trade Secrets Directive /Tanya Aplin and Richard Arnold --The implementation of the Trade Secrets Directive in the Nordic countries /Jens Schovsbo and Niklas Bruun --Germany : the Trade Secrets Protection Act of 2019 /Ansgar Ohly --Implementation of the Trade Secrets Directive into national law : Portugal and Spain /Ana Nordberg and Bárbara Díaz Alaminos --The Trade Secrets Directive and employees /Bengt Domeij --Choice of law in EU trade secrecy cases /Rochelle Cooper Dreyfuss and Mireille van Eechoud --Trade secrets, big data and artificial intelligence innovation : a legal oxymoron? /Ana Nordberg --Enforcement of rights in trade secrets /Thomas Riis --AIRR data under the EU Trade Secrets Directive : aligning scientific practices with commercial realities /Jakob S. Sherkow and Timo Minssen --Protection for artificial intelligence in personalised medicine : the patent/trade secret trade off /Nari Lee --The impact of trade secrets for publicly funded research collaborations in Europe /Neethu Rajam.

This book examines the need for greater legal coherence within international trade negotiations between the European Union (EU) and external trade relations. An introspective analysis of EU trade law and policy is presented that highlights the complex issue of EU unity. A particular focus is given to the Doha Round and the General Agreement on Trade in Services, with empirical analysis placing the negotiations not just within the context of international trade law, but also within broader social and political contexts. This book aims to provide an interdisciplinary understanding of the EU's international trade negotiations. It will be relevant to researchers and policy-makers interested in international trade and EU law. Rafael Leal-Arcas is Professor of Law at Alfaisal University (Riyadh, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia).

The prevalence of hybrid peacekeeping missions on the international stage underscores the increasing flexibility with which the UN can meet the peacekeeping demand. This flexibility results from the growing number of actors that the UN can rely on, allowing in turn for more diverse responses to conflict. However, current confusion surrounding hybrid missions points to the need to further clarify the role of regional actors in hybrid missions and elaborate on the implication of these missions for UN peacekeeping. This paper thus discusses the importance of hybrid missions in peace operations by examining the current nature of European Union (EU) and Canadian contributions to peace operations, and by analysing the implications of these contributions for hybrid missions and UN peacekeeping in general. Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i2.185