Suchergebnisse

Der Verfasser gibt zunächst einen Überblick über das Schutzsystem der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention (EMRK). Er stellt im Folgenden die Notwendigkeit eines Beitritts zur EMRK im Spannungsfeld von Europarecht und Völkerrecht dar und diskutiert die Frage, ob sich die Alternative eines Ausbau des innergemeinschaftlichen Grundrechtsschutzes stellt. Ein Beitritt der EU, die laut Verfassungsvertrag eine Völkerrechtspersönlichkeit besitzt, zur EMRK würde Differenzen in der Rechtsprechung zu Gunsten des Straßburger Gerichtshofs auflösen. Durch einen Beitritt könnte sich die EU den weiteren Ausbau eines eigenen Schutzsystems im Bereich der Grundrechte ersparen. (ICE)

Applies Carl Schmitt's concepts of the katechon (to restrain) & Grossraum (large spatial political entity) to geopolitics in South America. The Spanish applied the Andean & the maritime strategies in conquering & ruling South America. As antecedents to the current Andean Pact & Mercosur, their lines of tension sought to promote or to prevent the use of both oceans. South America suffers from political turmoil, nations without power, leaders without direction, & an economic framework that leaves 40% of the population in poverty & only 10% with buying power. A Grossraum could be the culmination of Mercosur & the Andean Pact, & it would allow the basic production & technological complementarity of the countries to be shared. With access to both the Atlantic & the Pacific, the new South American strategy could build a bridge to Spain, Portugal, Italy, & France, countries with cultural & financial ties to South America. The Antarctic Treaty could build ties with the Atlantic Africa. This could restrain the existing US neoliberal order & the political economic model that has excluded most people from the decision making process. L. A. Hoffman

The article analyses Greece's traditional quest for providers of security against the Turkish threat by highlighting the gap between Greece's misguided expectations of turning both the Atlantic Alliance and the developing European defense project into providers of security and real-life cases indicating the inability of those security institutions to meet Greece's expectations. For Greek security analysts and decisionmakers, a series of events has provided ample proof that neither NATO nor the EU can provide Greece with security guarantees. More recently, another series of developments, mostly related to the evolving European security and defense project, was enough to draw Greece into a state of continuous vacillation between widening and bridging the `expectations-reality gap' described above. Following the 1999 EU summit in Helsinki, Greece initiated a long-term policy of removing the Turkish threat altogether. In the long run, this policy appears as the only sound alternative to Greece's longstanding search for security bulwarks, but in the short run Greece should realize the limits of the EU's involvement in its defense policies.

With the end of the Cold War, both NATO & the European Community (EC) were required to reassess their functions. Though it was obvious that the EC would continue as some sort of trading organization (later to become the European Union), NATO's continuation needed to be justified. There were reports in the early 1990s that informal meetings were being held between EC & NATO officials; however, the only real shared objective between the two institutions was the issue of European Union (EU) enlargement. Through their two enlargement processes, the EU & NATO have developed a relationship based on "incremental linkage." Ten years after the end of the Cold War, it is obvious that both the EU & NATO are necessary security elements in a post-Cold-War Europe. Therefore, both must not only continue their enlargement processes, but also develop a more formal alliance. In addition, states that are members of both the EU & NATO should institute strategies designed to promote a cooperative relationship with nonmembers. K. A. Larsen

The place of the greenhouse-gas emissions trading within the global market system is studied. Multiple factors that render the creation of an emissions trading system a more promising approach to reducing global emissions than placing taxes on offending nations are identified, eg, emissions permits can be transferred to developing nations. The requirements for establishing an emissions trading system are then considered, eg, creating a body that monitors noncompliance & enforces penalties. The question of whether such a system is compatible with existing World Trade Organization (WTO) law is then addressed. Additional attention is dedicated to determining whether certain aspects of the emissions trading system, eg, determining how trading permits are allocated & initiating measures against nonmembers of the trading system, will cause conflict between parties that attempt to adhere to WTO law. The issue regarding whether a joint implementation approach can be used to make developing nations part of the trading system is also considered. Even though joint implementation could be used to found an emissions trading system, it is speculated that such a scheme will take several years to implement. 36 References. J. W. Parker