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En este documento se expone en términos políticos, económicos y educativos la situación que se dio en Colombia desde la segunda mitad de la centuria pasada con el fi n de entender las relaciones políticas y económicas que se presentaron, y las que contribuyeron en la creación y consolidación de empresas, en especial la forma como se dieron las relaciones entre los actores, en la cual se incluyeron las instituciones de educación que incidieron en la conformación de programas de administración en Colombia, como fruto de la creciente formación de empresas tanto del sector público como del privado. El desarrollo comprende la consolidación de la violencia política partidista del periodo, previo al régimen de facto que ocurrió bajo la dictadura militar. El punto de partida fueron los aspectos políticos, para luego adentrarse en los económicos, empresariales y educativos y considerar las relaciones del Estado con los particulares. Desde el punto de vista político se dio una constante pugna entre dirigentes del Estado colombiano quienes estuvieron en forma permanente enfrascados en luchas partidistas lo cual generó faccionalismos regionales que se refl ejaron en aspectos económicos, empresariales y educativos; tal accionar condujo a consolidar la violencia partidista que dio como resultado la muerte de Jorge Eliécer Gaitán1 en 1948. Sin embargo, se dieron procesos de conformación y consolidación de empresas que fueron óbice para tipifi car el comienzo del desarrollo industrial, y la oferta universitaria de programas de formación en administración en Colombia, con el fi n de contribuir con la dirección de las organizaciones empresariales que se gestaron. En lo educativo, fue la religión católica quien señaló la manera de educar y actuósobre el particular, de forma intervencionista; al llegar inclusive a determinar los textos que deberían utilizarse en los procesos de formación, sobre todo en materia de enseñanza primaria y secundaria.

Communication à ISTR 8th International Conference: "The Third Sector and Sustainable Social Change; Nex Frontiers for Research", Barcelona, July 9-12, 2008 Accepté pour publication par Comparative Social Research, vol 26, 2009 ; The European Union in its widening movement shows five clusters of Third sector organisations with complex bonds and ties with the surrounding societies and national identities In introduction, we compare briefly the Europe's Third sector features to North America's ones (Historical and ideological roots, relationship with central and local governments, sources of income and composition of the Third sector.) In a first part, the European Third sector is broken up into five clusters (Esping-Andersen, Salamon and Anheier) : Continental, Anglo-saxon, Nordic, Mediterranean and Oriental according to : * The relationship to the government (central/local, high/low level of taxation) * The ratio of social protection to GDP, the share of public social expenditure and the dominant type of social security regime * The main religions and their links with parts of the Third sector * The labour market situation (unemployment, flexibility, security) with a special attention devoted to female work (employment rate; full time or part time) in relation with volunteering. Then we give data issued from the Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project (CNP2, Salamon et alii, 2004) on paid employment and volunteering, level and orientation of the partnership with the government, sources of income in every cluster. The second part is devoted to the question of a likely converging evolution of these clusters : * A faster growth rate in new member states makes them catch up gradually the other ones and choose "best practices" regarding social policies and social security regimes * The trend to decentralisation in larger member states combined with the retrenchment of central government is in favour of local solutions to local issues and of public-private partnerships especially with nonprofit organisations. * Despite ...

Social determinants of health describe the conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age and their influence on health. These circumstances are shaped by the distribution of money, power and resources at global, national and local levels, which are themselves influenced by policy choices. Armed conflict and forced displacement are important influences on the social determinants of health. There is limited evidence on the social determinants of health of internally displaced persons (IDPs) who have been forced from their homes due to armed conflict but remain within the borders of their country. The aim of this study was to explore the social determinants of overall physical and mental health of IDPs, including the response strategies used by IDPs to support their health needs. Northern Uganda was chosen as a case-study, and 21 face-to-face semi-structured interviews with IDPs were conducted in fifteen IDP camps between November and December 2006.The findings indicated a number of key social determinants. Experiencing traumatic events could cause "over thinking" which in turn could lead to "madness" and physical ailments. Respondents also attributed "over thinking" to the spirit (cen) of a killed person returning to disturb its killer. Other social determinants included overcrowding which affected physical health and contributed to an emotional sense of loss of freedom; and poverty and loss of land which affected physical health from lack of food and income, and mental health because of worry and uncertainty. Respondents also commented on how the conflict and displacement and led to changes in social and cultural norms such as increased "adultery", "defilement", and "thieving". Response strategies included a combination of biopsychosocial health services, traditional practices, religion, family and friends, and isolating.This study supports work exploring the political, environmental, economic, and socio-cultural determinants of health of IDPs. Addressing these determinants is essential to fundamentally improving the overall physical and mental health of IDPs.

Iskustvo neokonzervativne epohe dve administracije Džordža W. Buša (2001-2008) podseća na jedno od centralnih pitanja protestantske teologije kao iskušenja u odolevanju stvarnosti sekularnog sveta i modernih država. Pitanje odnosa kapitalističke kulture i purutanske etike ostaje važno i nakon punog veka Maksa Vebera i njegove Protestantske etike i duha kapitalizma. Pitanje je naročito dobilo na važnosti u procesu primene načela tržišne privrede u postkumunističkim sistemima, dok se postavljalo važno pitanje, da li kulturni činioci mogu uticati na uspešnost ekonomije, i da li neke kulture mogu olakšati proces ekonomske tranzicije, a koje subkulture načelno suprotstavljene liberalnoj demokratiji. Izuzetno je važna nova uloga političke religije na početku XXI veka. Politička religija, populistička i autoritarna protivteža zemalja BRIC zapadnoj demokratiji, i globalna finansijska kriza osporili su istorijski trijumf, koji se najavljivao, liberalne demokratije i ekonomije slobodnog tržišta. Tome je doprinela i neokonzervativna administracija u SAD. Zato je u nekadašnjem Trećem svetu religija ostala da se povezuje i udružuje s totalitarnim nasleđem, nacionalizmom i etničkim identitetima. ; In a series of essays, from 1904, that led to his still essential The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Max Weber argued that certain Protestant moral values, particularly in Calvinism, lead to the rise of capitalism. John Calvin emphasized predestination but thought that economic success and religious faith provided signals that a person had been chosen for salvation. Calvinism regarded money as a sort of necessary evil, and an important principle of Calvinism was that a person should strive to glorify God in everything, including his vocation. A new religious ethic, as a root of modern world, including religious tolerance, gave path to a new economic system. Weber thought that the religious underpinnings of individual productivity were replaced later by secular institutions and differences in religion no longer mattered much for economic outcomes at that stage.

Throughout the history of archaeology, the Sámi (the indigenous people in northern Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Kola Peninsula in the Russian Federation) have been conceptualized as the "Others" in relation to the national identity and (pre)history of the modern states. It is only in the last decades that a field of Sámi archaeology that studies Sámi (pre)history in its own right has emerged, parallel with an ethnic and cultural revival among Sámi groups. This dissertation investigates the notions of Sámi prehistory and archaeology, partly from a research historical perspective and partly from a more contemporary political perspective. It explores how the Sámi and ideas about the Sámi past have been represented in archaeological narratives from the early 19th century until today, as well as the development of an academic field of Sámi archaeology. The study consists of four main parts: 1) A critical examination of the conceptualization of ethnicity, nationalism and indigeneity in archaeological research. 2) A historical analysis of the representations and debates on Sámi prehistory, primarily in Sweden but also to some extent in Norway and Finland, focusing on four main themes: the origin of the Sámi people, South Sámi prehistory as a contested field of study, the development of reindeer herding, and Sámi pre-Christian religion. 3) An analysis of the study of the Sámi past in Russia, and a discussion on archaeological research and constructions of ethnicity and indigeneity in the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union. 4) An examination of the claims for greater Sámi self-determination concerning cultural heritage management and the debates on repatriation and reburial in the Nordic countries. In the dissertation, it is argued that there is a great need for discussions on the ethics and politics of archaeological research. A relational network approach is suggested as a way of opening up some of the black boxes and bounded, static entities in the representations of people in the past in the North.

AbstractMany women have played an important role in Islamic renewal as advocates and activists within Islamist movements and parties. Women's participation is of particular interest, given the reputation of these groups as insufficiently supportive of women's rights. The specific influences and experiences that lead women to approach their own empowerment through Islam and to reform Islamist movements from within have been neglected. This article investigates some of the important influences on two prominent female Islamists: Heba Raouf Ezzat, Professor of Political Science at Cairo University, and Nadia Yassine, founder and head of the women's branch of the Moroccan movement Justice and Spirituality (JSA). First and foremost, it overviews the circumstances in which prominent women in Egypt and Morocco have asserted themselves in the past century, highlighting the consistent importance of paternal influence and the expansion of access to education, as well as the evolving role of religion and religious discourse in arguments for women's rights. This article discusses the role of paternal influence and schooling as agents of political socialization, pointing out that scholars have underestimated the important role that fathers play in strongly patriarchal societies and the ability of schools in former colonies to produce anti colonial and nationalist political sentiments. It then turns to Ezzat and Yassine themselves, presenting in detail the influence their fathers and foreign schools had on their political socialization. Both fathers held progressive views on women's education, but they differed in their specific political views, such as their attitude towards Islamism, and the extent to which they sought to transfer their political views to their daughters. This article ends by discussing the role of foreign education in Ezzat's and Yassine's socialization and identity construction, emphasizing the importance of encounters with racist and condescending attitudes as a contributing factor to women's search for Islamic alternatives.

AbstractThis paper investigates the way in which bhakti was used by upwardly mobile Rajputs in their struggle to come to terms with their role as local powerbrokers for the centralizing imperial regime. I will present the case study of the Bundelās in the mid-sixteenth century. I will study their complex relationships with the newly established Mughals and their expressions of devotion, particularly in connection with the newly (re)established pilgrimage center of Braj. The paper documents a shift from an older form of religion to bhakti under Madhukar Shāh (r. 1552-92). This change may well have functioned as a bid for local legitimacy, an assertion of regional independence vis à vis the Mughal empire, and was directed against its imperial rhetoric. However, this study also shows that although Madhukar promotes bhakti for his own purpose, the bhakti saint-advisor of the king explicitly resists such socio-political functionality of the religious insights he has to offer. Cette contribution se situe au milieu du XVIème siècle, une période qui vit le régime impérial des Moghol récemment instauré se centralisant. Elle explore la bhakti comme vecteur de l'ascension sociale des Rajput qui n'acceptèrent de sitôt de jouer le rôle de conseillers locals du pouvoir impérial. L'examen des Bundelās vise à dévoiler leurs relations complexes avec les Moghol et leur discours dévotionnel, particulièrement celui relatif au centre de pèlerinage de Braj récemment (r)établi. La contribution témoigne d une part que sous le règne de Madhukar Shāh (1552-'92) une forme plus ancienne de réligion se transforma en bhakti, ce qui soulève des interrogations sur la construction de la légitimité des ces seigneurs locals qui revendiquèrent l'indépendance régionale vis-à-vis l empire Moghol. D'autre part elle démontre que bienque Madhukar favorisât la bhakti pour ses fins propres, le saint-adviseur résista nettement de réduire bhakti à un rôle socio-économique.

AbstractThis paper develops a concept of transculture as a model of cultural development that differs from both leveling globalism and isolating pluralism. While culture frees humans from the material dependencies of nature, it also creates new, symbolic dependencies—on customs, traditions, conventions, which a person receives as a member of a certain group and ethnos. Among the many freedoms proclaimed as rights of the individual, there emerges yet another freedom—from one's own culture, in which one was born and educated. Transculture is viewed as the next level of liberation, this time from the "prison house of language," from unconscious predispositions and prejudices of the "native," naturalized cultures. The case of the Japanese poet Araki Yasusada (1903–1972), a survivor of Hiroshima, demonstrates how transcultural creativity, though cast in the form of a literary hoax, can produce an internationally recognized achievement. Transculturalism is especially needed in world politics, where the factor of fixed cultural identity based on race, ethnos, religion, or ideological commitments turned out to be a source of conflict and violence. This paper argues that the categories of opposition and identity do not preclude the significance of the third category, which is difference. The differences complement each other and create a new interpersonal transcultural community to which we belong, not because we are similar but because we are different. The transcultural perspective opens a possibility for globalization not as homogenization but, rather, as further differentiation of cultures and their "dissemination" into transcultural individuals, liberating themselves from their dependence from their native cultures. The global society can be viewed as the space of diversity of free individuals rather than that of fixed groups and cultures. It is an alternative to the clash of civilizations and a hope for lasting peace.

Despite the unprecedented freedoms that decolonization has brought for many Black1people – especially in specific regions of the African Diaspora – freedom and its fulfilment, adequate signs and contested meanings remain a preoccupation within Black cultural discourses and practices. At the same time, while political and cultural nationalisms have led to greater political and civil rights, racism has not been eradicated. Furthermore, the new postcolonial globalizations of capital, people and cultures have destabilized the collective identities that framed twentieth-century struggles for national sovereignty and equal citizenship, without necessarily erasing them. Instead, they remain, no longer securely anchored in their old homogenous appearances, but re-configured through the inner differences and contradictions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity and religion. This article addresses these internal differences and the ways in which they produce new contestations over race, the meaning of Black representation and postcolonial freedom, negotiations that are increasingly traced on the intimate contours of the body and the self, through practices of personal consumption, erotic hedonism and style as key performances of freedom. It achieves this through examining two localized moments in the transnational and diasporic circulation of Jamaican dancehall culture, understood as a privileged public space for the performance of Black identifications and personal freedom. It argues that the eroticized discourses of ethnicity, race and gender found in dancehall culture articulate the dominance of neo-liberal conceptions of freedom at the same time as they express, resist and comment on new cultural hegemonies not reducible to racism or the power of the West; that is how dancehall expresses the new problematizations of postcoloniality.1 Except when quoting other writers, I will capitalise the word Black, in order to recognise Black identity as a historically and politically constituted experience and representational category, and not solely denoting skin colour.

Résumé Dans les années 1850, la ville de New York fit face à une croissance du nombre d'enfants abandonnés. À la recherche de solutions, les responsables municipaux prirent l'hospice des enfants abandonnés de Londres comme modèle. Le fait que cette dernière institution concentrait son action sur la récupération des femmes perdues les séduisait, car cela faisait écho à leur perception angoissée de la situation à New York, qui, selon eux, se transformait en une « ville d'étrangers » où l'ordre social explosait. Un de ces responsables, Isaac Townsend, estimait même que les fameux programmes musicaux et artistiques de l'hospice londonien élevaient le niveau moral et culturel des habitants de la capitale anglaise. Il espérait reprendre ces programmes culturels dans l'asile des enfants abandonnés que la ville de New York projetait de construire. New York construisit effectivement un hospice, nommé Infant's Home et rattaché au Nursery and Child's Hospital. Celui-ci, ainsi que trois autres institutions du même type (le New York Infant Asylum, le New York Foundling Asylum et le Randall's Island Infant Hospital), ouvrit après la guerre de Sécession. Mais il s'avéra impossible de se conformer totalement aux méthodes du modèle londonien. La décentralisation de la politique d'aide sociale, la séparation des Églises et de l'État aux États-Unis, la concurrence entre protestants et catholiques, les tensions entre les immigrants et les mouvements nativistes, les combinaisons politiques, la difficulté de trouver des nourrices autour de New York, et même le désintérêt des New-Yorkais pour les arts, furent autant d'éléments qui expliquèrent cette incapacité. Ainsi, malgré son héritage londonien, New York géra la question des enfants abandonnés selon des logiques qui reflétaient des sensibilités locales et nationales propres vis-à-vis de l'assistance aux pauvres, de la religion, de la politique, et ceci, en définitive, aboutit à un écart net par rapport au modèle londonien.

Brazil is but one region of the Portuguese Atlantic world in which elites from Europe discriminated against people of indigenous and African descent. Although the origins of prejudice and discrimination may be found in early colonial Brazil, we can also observe patterns of social relations based on older Iberian concepts of "race" preserved in Brazil's interior in the former captaincy of Goiás, now the modern states of Goiás and Tocantins. In the eighteenth century, Goiás had been one of the richest captaincies of Brazil due to its gold mines. As in other captaincies of Brazil, the Portuguese had transferred their traditional values and hierarchical social structure from Portugal to this remote region, where they justified their rule and defined those they governed utilizing a number of criteria to distinguish themselves from the strangers in their midst and win others to their side as loyal allies of the Crown. In doing so, however, they rarely invoked "race" in the modern meaning of the word. Instead, Luso-Brazilian elites focused on their own religion, quality, and white color that differed from the slave origins, darker colors, or foreign background of others. Although we are limited to documents produced by the literate Luso-Brazilians of the Captaincy for status values and definitions of "the other," occasionally, we also obtain insights into how indigenous people defined "the other" or how freed Africans self-identified in black lay brotherhoods. One result of such flexible categories is that Portuguese governors did not always privilege white men in Goiás and even allied with free men of color and indigenous women against local whites. But this was typical of colonial Brazil in which a talented few could escape the limitations of their low status or slave origin, but the status of their ethnic or racial group remained unchanged.

24 págs.-- Presentado en las III Jornadas de Historiografía Naval: "La Historiografía de la Marina Española" (Ciclo de Conferencias, Instituto de Historia y Cultura Naval, Oct 2008). ; El estudio de la Marina en la Antigüedad ha suscitado un gran interés a lo largo de la Historia. Los periplos como guías de viaje ofrecieron buena parte de la información que los interesados en la materia necesitaban para conocer las rutas, los puertos, las técnicas náuticas o las condiciones de navegabilidad del Mediterráneo, entre otras muchas cuestiones, en las que las interpretaciones derivadas del determinismo geográfico causaron furor. Historiadores como Heródoto o Tucídides abundaron en sus obras en la importancia de la armada en los conflictos bélicos que analizaron y las consecuencias derivadas de los mismos, como el fenómeno de la democracia en Atenas. Son muchos los autores que abordaron cuestiones relacionadas tanto con la flota de guerra, como con la flota comercial, desde Hesíodo y Estrabón, hasta Plinio o Flavio Josefo. La afición por la literatura de viajes, ya en la Antigüedad, vino a subrayar aún más el reconocimiento hacia la navegación como medio imprescindible para el establecimiento de las comunicaciones a larga distancia. Con el paso de los siglos las técnicas de navegación mejoraron considerablemente, pero el interés por conocer las condiciones en las que se desarrollaron los viajes marítimos en la Antigüedad y las servidumbres náuticas siguió suscitando el interés de los historiadores. ; Este trabajo es producto de las tareas realizadas por el Grupo de Investigación "Historiografía e Historia de las Religiones" de la UC3M, reconocido y financiado por la Comunidad de Madrid. Asimismo forma parte de los estudios emanados del Proyecto de Investigación financiado por el MEC: HUM 2005/07357-C03-01. ; Publicado

One of the most controversial policy questions in all of institutional mental disability law is the extent to which patients in psychiatric hospitals have a right to voluntary sexual interaction. The resolution of this matter involves difficult and sensitive questions of law, social policy, clinical judgment, politics, religion, and family structures. As difficult as these questions are in cases involving civil hospitals, the difficulties are exacerbated when the topic is the application of the right in forensic hospitals. Such facilities typically house individuals involved in the criminal-justice system: who may be incompetent to stand trial; who have been found incompetent to stand trial; who have been found not guilty by reason of insanity; or in some cases, who have been convicted of crimes. The legal statuses of these populations raise public concerns such as the extent to which they are entitled to exercise civil rights while institutionalized, and the potential additional danger that might be associated with the granting of sexual freedom to these populations. Additional difficulties are presented when we consider the application of this right in both civil and forensic hospitals in Asia, where the notion of "patients' rights" regrettably lags far behind the construction of such rights in Western nations. How different would my conclusions be if I were looking at these issues from an international perspective? And what impact, if any, would the new United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (U.N. Convention) have on my answer? It is impossible to meaningfully come to grips with the multiple issues presented in this Article without also dealing with the social attitude of sanism, an irrational prejudice of the same quality and character of other irrational prejudices that cause (and are reflected in) prevailing social attitudes of racism, sexism, homophobia, and ethnic bigotry. Sanism infects both our jurisprudence and our lawyering practices; it is largely invisible and largely ...

This dissertation is about two local community development associations strongly bound to one another and being showed in their local context of a rather typical village in southern Egypt, the least developed region of this country. This research refers to development sociology and sociology of organizations. It is distinguished by an innovative use of the social configurations concept introduced by Norbert Elias. Using participant observation, which is a methodology used for the first time in studying Egyptian rural organizations, as well as using complementary data gathered by interviews and quantitative files, two types of social configurations are examined. The first refers to social configurations internal to the village and to the two associations and comprises social interrelations related to territorial aspects, to families, to economy, to relations between men and women, to religion and to local politics. The second type, external social configurations, allows the study of interrelations and tensions in regard to different public and private organizations in partnership with these associations. This dissertation contributes to better knowledge of this type of organizations having significant role in community development, particularly by showing the importance of the power games studied in regards to established relations with other local bodies and with external actors and the key role of people responsible of these associations as mediators between internal and external configurations as well as between private and public partners that can collaborate in an often surprising ways. ; Cette thèse porte sur le fonctionnement de deux associations de développement local très liées entre elles et présentées dans leur contexte, celui d'un village assez typique du sud de l'Égypte, la région la moins développée du pays. Cette recherche s'inscrit dans le cadre des sociologies du développement et des organisations et se distingue par la mobilisation novatrice du concept de configurations sociales introduit par ...

Migration is considered one of the most discussed issues today. Migration has an essential effect to country by several sectors: economic, demographic, political, cultural, religion, social, cultural, moral, ecologic. When the Baltic States joined the European Union, movement among countries get free. Because of this, the Baltic States have lost a lot of people. Migration has positive and negative effect to every part that takes place in migration process. Object of the paper- migration in the Baltic States. Purpose of the paper- to evaluate consequenses made by migration in the Baltic States and suggest how solve them according to the countries experience. There are formed these hypotheses: Too small salary is the main "push" factor in the Baltic States. No economics factors became more important. If economic situation grows up in the Baltic States, migration will decline, but imigration increase. Structure of the paper: The first part of the paper presents theorical material about history and theories of migration. Migration factors are presented by Abraham H. Maslow pyramid. There are express by formula advantages and disadvantages of migration. This part is based by theorical material which will be used in the analitical part. The second part. There are analysed economics and migration statistical information by Baltic States, Norway and Ireland. This part of paper can be useful to find the ways how we can reduse negative effect made by migration. The third part. There is made the empyrical research in Norway. Information from research is analised by using Microsoft Excel, Statictica 6.0 and Visual Basic programs. In adition the model was created which can help to reduse emigration from the Baltic States. Conclusions and suggestions generalize answers to the tasks set in the beginning of the work and provides with suggestions, which can help to increase economic level in the Baltic States. Explanation of paper structure: The paper consists of five main parts: introduction