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If you consider for a second the radical technological evolution, you will realize that our everyday life has changed dramatically the recent years. Not only at the electronic level of evolution but also at the personal communication. A new era has already started and requires crucial reforms to our everyday life, and to the political, social, military, economical aspects. This sudden change of scene has affected significantly the way we work, we communicate and socialize, the way we inform ourselves about the news, and even when we do the housework. From this revolution, the existing structures cannot respond to these technological evolutions, our thoughts and actions should be adapted to the radical changes and create, for example, new political and economic norms. If someone cannot follow the way technology evolves, he or she will stay in the dark and lose the arsenal at the cyber war. Of course, the military security of a state could not stay aside from the technological route. From the 90's, electrical grids, data, malware, hardware and software are some vivid examples of the alterations that had been made in the military area. A state cannot concentrate only on the military's physical appearance, but should consider the intelligence and espionage part of a war. The attacker could be a terrorist, a hacker or maybe an activist that tries to spread his/ her ideas and create panic. It is crucial for a state's security to defend first its citizens and its critical infrastructures. The "sophisticated use of communications" (NATO Website) has altered the way an armed conflict flares. Cyber-attacks, cyber espionage, stealing governments' information are few examples of the new form of terrorism which, most importantly, hides a political motive. The weaponized malware introduces a new type of war, Cyber Warfare and Cyber Terrorism. The attackers with their digital weapons, such as worms, viruses and Trojans can affect not only the defense of a state but also the civilians' life, their opinion on a matter. The leak of vital information to the public may cause panic and armed riots. If people think that the government has manipulated them, they will revolt against it. The attacker may not be limited to cyber-attacks or stealing information, but use public cameras or private ones from laptops for surveillance reasons. He could use the information recorded to threaten the victims with the videos going public. This big new game in cyberspace has many aspects, many that we have not discovered yet, and everyone, especially the states and academic community should plan and promote solutions and defense mechanisms. For the attacker, is not necessary to have a physical appearance in the arena of Cyber War but he needs only a computer for his offense, for his whole plan. Without risking his life and spending a large amount of money, he will offend his target and win the battle. His real identity will remain anonymous by using temporary nicknames and guest names, the Darknet and a variety of cryptography mechanisms, making difficult for the intelligence and security agencies to track down his location and his real personal information. Thus, it is important to address the arising problems of the new era as soon as possible, with the technological evolutions and threats. However, the weaponized malware is not the only aspect of Cyber Warfare that should notice. Social media have entered vividly to personal communications. In a matter of seconds, people can be informed from their mobile phone, their tablets or laptops while they work, walk or entertain. The rapid spread of information has revolutionized the cyber era and made people media consumers and victims of worthless information. Their personal identity and their desires are shaping according to the global trends that social media present. Mobile applications introduce people to national and international news, help them communicate and share their thoughts for a variety of subjects. Unfortunately, their identity is exposed to the internet, shaped from the desires that the international community presents and losing their real personal identity, without knowing the threats. It is well obvious that the variety and number of targets are enormous and the future victims are not aware of the cyber dangers and how vulnerable they are against the new cyber threats. As Brian Solis stated, "Social media is about sociology and psychology more than technology" (Brian Solis, "Social Media is About Social Science Not Technology", March 14, 2012). Because of the multiple audiences, the feelings of terror and the brand awareness, an information vacuum has been created to this new era. Social sciences are now in need to face the current and future challenges in cyberspace. The traditional social sciences will help promote innovative solutions and ideas, evolve the current political framework and improve the current governmental structure. They will be used as a theoretical basis for the analysts to promote their ideas and propose multiple solutions to the threat of cyber –attacks. With respect to human rights, the academic community must set an analytical framework, deepen her research and suggest ideas for the regulation problem in cyberspace. All levels of governance, political, economic, military, and social must be evolved according to the latest technological developments and in parallel with the technological modernization. With the alterations at the international and national framework, many states have emerged as the first cyber powers. States are trying to evolve technologically without losing their national identity and stay behind to the electronic weapon arsenal. In an international system where "war of all against all" dominates (Thomas Hobbes, "Leviathan", 1651), the need for political and social recommendations is demanding. The emerging cyber powers and states trying to follow the technological evolution, in cooperation with the private sector, should share information upon the attackers, their methods and their targets. Secrecy concerning security issues will not help a unified cyber strategy against attackers and develop the necessary structure for the new cyber era of connectivity. Victims of cyber-attacks should go in public and share their experience upon the new threat, how it has affected its function and how the defenders could collaborate with other actors to retaliate against the terrorists. Often people say that those cyber threats are exaggerated and there is no risk for the state's and civilian's security. But who will take the risk and ignore the uprising threats? Who will ignore that these cyber-attacks gain access to many critical infrastructures, steal confidential information, take control and cripple of electronic systems? This ability to attack critical infrastructures such as military electronic documents, water supply infrastructures, banks and many more, in a terrorist's hand or a group of terrorists may have significant consequences to regional and national security - sovereignty. It is unavoidable that new vulnerabilities at electronic systems will be discovered constantly, but that does not mean that governments should stop promote their national defense strategy and build step by step cyber defense measures to prevent further consequences of the cyber-attacks. It is common that an actor (terrorist or hacker) will want to intrude military infrastructure, hack a bank or steal personal information of a well-known person for several reasons (political, religious, ideological reasons). A government cannot defend itself against cyber- attacks. But the damage caused could have irreversible results to the state and its bone structure. Thus, states must harden to the newly threats and prevent denial of services from taking national systems getting done to their knees, prevent the manipulation of national critical infrastructures and the spread of panic. No one can dare to ignore that if cyber weapons are in hands of a terrorist will have immeasurable results to the electronic function of a nation and letting the attacker succeed his target. No one knows how destructive an attack of cyber warfare could be.

The struggle to belong Dealing with diversity in 21st century urban settings. Amsterdam, 7-9 July 2011 Eye contact, clientele alignment & laissez-faire: the production of public space and neighbourhood in Phnom Penh, Cambodia Thomas Kolnberger(*) Paper presented at the International RC21 conference 2011 Session: Nr. 12 – Belonging, exclusion, public and quasi-public space (*) Université du Luxembourg, Luxembourg, Research Unit IPSE (Identité, Politiques, Sociètes, Espace) Universität Passau, BR Deutschland Southeast Asian Studies thomas.kolnberger@uni.lu Overview Private, public or quasi-public spaces are terms that seem particularly difficult to apply to non-Western societies: as in the 'West', their boundaries are fluid and routinely transgressed, but in ways that are distinctive to the local situation and history. This paper is arguing that these concepts retain practical descriptive power, particularly for the city of Phnom Penh, a case study of demographic extremes, as nearly all her inhabitants could be classified as immigrants. In deed, the Khmer Rouge had forcefully evicted the ca. two million people-strong population of the capital in 1975, virtually erasing all 'bourgeois urbanity' during Pol Pot's Cambodian 'auto-genocide'. After the fall of the regime, the new socialist government slowly repopulated the deserted metropolis with new urban dwellers. Their social and spatial belonging needed to be set up from scratch. "Who belongs to whom" (in terms of political clientelism and patronage), "who is doing what" (regarding face-to-face control and eye contact investigation), and "who owns what" (concerning redistribution and also new original accumulation of capital) were the essential questions in this 'struggle to belong'. In this urban setting, people have been employing a mixed set of strategies for implementing 'belonging' ever since. Based on empirical surveys (mapping & interviews) and research in Cambodian and French colonial archives, this paper presents the constant negotiations of private and public space in a changing economic environment from three angles: - streets, squares, and parks as spaces of interaction: the spatial inheritance of the French colonialism in a new context - the emergence of different types of gated communities since 1975: at first by spatial inclusion strategies generating patronage networks, then by urban planning separating rich from poor - the economy of espionage and imitation of Phnom Penh's retail trade: the neighbours' curious gaze Methodology - The city of Phnom Penh in Cambodia is a case study for a `rush economic evolution´ - This paper aims in one part to highlight the role and influence of place and space for a specific process: the spatial location of business sites in a unique window of opportunity as a self-organizing process `from below´. By applying spatial analysis (GPS mapping), a specific pattern of retail agglomeration and dispersion of this `atomistic´ metropolis could be identified. The analysis is based on fieldwork investigating the use of the city's space for economic ends. 1,000 kilometres of built frontage (`streetscapes´) with 14,647 cases of land use features (e.g. shops, `pavement economy´ etc.) have been surveyed and mapped. Subsequent to this quantitative part, 100 semi-structured interviews and numerous ad hoc conversations were conducted including a dozen of expert interviews (city administration, NGO, city planners). Results and Thesis - The city of Phnom Penh in Cambodia is a case study for a `subsistence urbanization´ - Much economic geography research has focused on the importance of the social context for various transactions. 'Face-to-face contact remains central to coordination of the economy, despite the remarkable reductions in transport costs and the astonishing rise in the complexity and variety of information – verbal, visual and symbolic – which can be communicated near instantly' (Storper and Venables, 2003, p. 43 ). Visual proximity and eye-contact are particularly important in environments of imperfect information, like in Cambodia after Pol Pot. Information was scarce at this time and communication hardware rare. Thus, in Phnom Penh's initial retail business formation, an 'economy of espionage and imitation' provided the necessary information for deal-making, decisions concerning the assortments of goods, prize, and trends. The first merchants and producers were heavily dependent on visual contact 'around the corner' and close contact also proved to be beneficial to customers. This specific knowledge and information externality (an externality or transaction spillover is a cost or benefit, not transmitted through prices) could only be reaped by spatial agglomerations. While screening and socialization of network members and potential partners were essential for the build-up of Cambodia's original clientele-system during the gradual resettlement, visual contact became the decisive steering mechanism for the original distribution of business agglomeration or its dispersion. For a `subsistence urbanization´, the public and quasi-public space are the most important `common-pool resource´. The influx of the population into the city produced a `non-rivalrous´ and `non-excludable´ economic good by the neighbours' curious gaze. - The city of Phnom Penh in Cambodia is a case study for a `spatial club´ - From a New Institutionalism's point of view 'City's neighbourhoods – residential, industrial and commercial clusters – are like firms, nexuses of agreements and understandings about entitlements to share and pooled resources. They differ from firms in that they are spatial clusterings and in that they cluster around resources that remain to varying extents in the public domain. They are like spatial clubs. Members co-operate by various forms of informal and formal rules and agreements in order to ensure the continued supply and enhancement of shared public domain goods. Municipal government is itself a type of club, delivering collectively consumed infrastructure and regulations from a tax on its citizens, firms and visitors. Communities, in the social sense, are also clubs – delivering collectively consumed benefits such as a sense of belonging, security and culture' (Webster and Lai 2003, p. 58). This spontaneous `neighbouring´ as 'rational herding' (Banerjee 1992; Hung and Plott 2001) helped to reduce transaction costs during the initial resettlement process (and beyond). It can be described as a continuous act of self agglomeration of business, creating bazaar-type streets over the whole of the city, which specialise in specific goods and services forming thus, from a bird's view perspective, a `mental retail map´ for the inhabitants. This is one side of building neighbourhoods in Phnom Penh. The base for this laissez-faire et laissez passer behaviorism of the government in (micro)economy was the redistribution of Phnom Penh's real estate amongst trustworthy followers. A `New property Deal´ of first in, first served allocated the built environment piecemeal. In this political economy, two steps are discernable. First, a community-building process regarding the public administration. Each ministry was assigned to a certain area of the city and in a top-down process, starting from the top echelons to the simple civil servants and officials, distributed land and housing. Initially, each responsible could pick `his´ followers and could reward him/her with the allocation of living space, a social structure, which represents a spatially bond replica of the traditional clientelism and patronage-network in Cambodia. These 'strings' (ksae) formed the first neighbourhoods as a kind of `original´ gated community because each administrative unit was planned to be self-sufficient. Each 'cité' (Carrier 2007) was thus clearly demarcated. Its decisions were autonomous, too. In certain areas of Phnom Penh, remnants of this socio-politically gathered community can be found. In a second step, and with increasing immigration, secondary ksae (the mother's cousin, the friend of a friend) proliferated and the city was being `filled up´. Today, the pattern of co-residence in technically secluded areas of Phnom Penh resembles the typical economical founded example of gated communities as neighbourhoods around the world: the rich and the better off separate from the rest. The once moral economy of the civil war and initial post-conflict years is dissolving. Regulation, commodification and the government's efforts to demarcate public and private space is replacing/reducing the common good 'public space'.

Die Möglichkeiten einer systematischen quantitativen Analyse der politischen Strafgefangenen in der Sowjetischen Besatzungszone (SBZ) und der DDR des Zeitraum 1945-1989 werden ausgelotet. In Form zahlreicher Tabellen wird eine erste wissenschaftliche Quellenbasis geliefert. Der Begriff des 'politischen Gefangenen' in den alten Bundesländern und der DDR wird definiert und operationalisiert. Die 'politischen Straftaten', 'politischen Täter' und 'politischen Strafgefangenen' werden statistisch beschrieben. Als historische Höhepunkte in der politischen Strafverfolgung werden der Volksaufstand 1953, der Mauerbau 1961 und der Einmarsch in die CSSR 1968 genannt. Weitere Aspekte sind die politischen Gefangenen nach dem Wirtschaftsstrafrecht, im Militärbereich, die Amnestien, die Verurteilungen nach den Strafparagraphen 213 (ungesetzlicher Grenzübertritt) und 249 (asoziales Verhalten), die Ermittlungsergebnisse des ehemaligen Ministeriums für Staatssicherheit und die psychiatrische Behandlung im Strafvollzug der DDR. Insgesamt wird die Zahl der potentiellen Strafgefangenen mit politischem Einschlag auf 170.000 bis 280.000 geschätzt. Darin sind die Internierten und die Verurteilten der Sowjetischem Militärtribunale nicht enthalten. ; The statistics of prisoners and criminality regarding political offences have been kept strictly secret in the SBZ/DDR. First of all, the article discusses the definition and operationalization of the term 'political prisoner'. A short reference is made to the complex situation of the data and sources available for these themes. Following to it is a statistical description of political offences, of political criminals and political prisoners for the period of 1945 to 1989. It has been attempted to build up long statistical time series for the individual political offences. Particularly the peaks of political persecution in the DDR were statistically analyzed. It is impossible to give exact numbers regarding the political prisoners in the SBZ/DDR (1945 - 1989); at the present state of research it is possible to estimate the total number of political prisoners in between 170.000 min. and 280.000 max.

The White House just announced a new executive order to bolster cybersecurity at US ports, part of the government's efforts to secure critical infrastructure at home. The most consequential step will be the onshoring of the manufacturing of cranes that are vital to port operations. Cranes now in place that were produced by the People's Republic of China's (PRC) state-owned company ZPMC will be replaced by cranes produced by PACEO Corp., a US-based subsidiary company of Japanese Mitsui E&S. This step also further bolsters the US-Japan partnership. Yet replacing domestic cranes just addresses the tip of the iceberg regarding maritime commerce vulnerabilities.As concerns have arisen over infrastructure and tools produced at US ports, the US government aims to address cybersecurity concerns through replacing cranes with their own. Multiple US agencies have expressed concerns about the ability of these cranes to collect intelligence and their ability to disrupt freight flow during periods of tension. However according to the Wall Street Journal, "ZPMC says it controls around 70% of the global market and has sold its equipment in more than 100 countries." While the executive order may prevent the related "espionage and disruption risk" within US shores, it still captures data on the flow of US and allied commerce globally. The 2022 National Defense Strategy commits to "…improve its ability to operate in the face of multi-domain attacks on a growing surface of vital networks and critical infrastructure, both in the homeland and in collaboration with Allies and partners at risk." Without further action outside the US, the ability for the US and its allied militaries to mobilize could be compromised. This would hamper the ability deter aggression. Far more important than the physical construction of port infrastructure and equipment is the technology and software that runs them. It is the digital brains of the cranes that are concerning. As worrisome is Chinese-run data systems such as Logink that track the flow of cargo at ports. It is used not only at Chinese ports, but also-foreign operating ports, "including six in Japan, five in South Korea and one in Malaysia." While Congress recently passed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act banning federal agencies such as the Pentagon from using ports that rely on Logink, it continues to track global shipments. Many worry that this "control over the flow of goods and information about them gives Beijing privileged insight into world commerce and potentially the means to influence it." The concerns are valid, given that ZPMC and Logink continue to capture this important data globally.The PRC's focus on ports makes it a leader in providing their critical infrastructure, along with that infrastructure's attendant vulnerabilities. The PRC has long paid attention to who controls the ports through which the world's commerce flows, while the US is just now waking up to their importance. The PRC has a stake in 92 port projects outside of China, of which 13 are now majority Chinese-owned. America must enhance coordination within US government agencies and with allied port operators to ensure priority international ports cannot be used for coercion or to America's disadvantage during a period of tension or conflict. The US International Development Finance Corporation's financing of India's Adani Ports to build a terminal in Sri Lanka is an important first step. The US must do more than just address those maritime vulnerabilities that justify onshoring jobs in manufacturing. It needs a comprehensive strategy to address vital security gaps in domestic and global maritime commerce. It should include incentivizing US companies to provide better answers for the technology that runs the world's ports. To safeguard national security, the US must adapt a cohesive and comprehensive strategy on global ports and act beyond its borders to bolster cybersecurity at foreign-operated ports.

The White House just announced a new executive order to bolster cybersecurity at US ports, part of the government's efforts to secure critical infrastructure at home. The most consequential step will be the onshoring of the manufacturing of cranes that are vital to port operations. Cranes now in place that were produced by the People's Republic of China's (PRC) state-owned company ZPMC will be replaced by cranes produced by PACEO Corp., a US-based subsidiary company of Japanese Mitsui E&S. This step also further bolsters the US-Japan partnership. Yet replacing domestic cranes just addresses the tip of the iceberg regarding maritime commerce vulnerabilities.As concerns have arisen over infrastructure and tools produced at US ports, the US government aims to address cybersecurity concerns through replacing cranes with their own. Multiple US agencies have expressed concerns about the ability of these cranes to collect intelligence and their ability to disrupt freight flow during periods of tension. However according to the Wall Street Journal, "ZPMC says it controls around 70% of the global market and has sold its equipment in more than 100 countries." While the executive order may prevent the related "espionage and disruption risk" within US shores, it still captures data on the flow of US and allied commerce globally. The 2022 National Defense Strategy commits to "…improve its ability to operate in the face of multi-domain attacks on a growing surface of vital networks and critical infrastructure, both in the homeland and in collaboration with Allies and partners at risk." Without further action outside the US, the ability for the US and its allied militaries to mobilize could be compromised. This would hamper the ability deter aggression. Far more important than the physical construction of port infrastructure and equipment is the technology and software that runs them. It is the digital brains of the cranes that are concerning. As worrisome is Chinese-run data systems such as Logink that track the flow of cargo at ports. It is used not only at Chinese ports, but also-foreign operating ports, "including six in Japan, five in South Korea and one in Malaysia." While Congress recently passed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act banning federal agencies such as the Pentagon from using ports that rely on Logink, it continues to track global shipments. Many worry that this "control over the flow of goods and information about them gives Beijing privileged insight into world commerce and potentially the means to influence it." The concerns are valid, given that ZPMC and Logink continue to capture this important data globally.The PRC's focus on ports makes it a leader in providing their critical infrastructure, along with that infrastructure's attendant vulnerabilities. The PRC has long paid attention to who controls the ports through which the world's commerce flows, while the US is just now waking up to their importance. The PRC has a stake in 92 port projects outside of China, of which 13 are now majority Chinese-owned. America must enhance coordination within US government agencies and with allied port operators to ensure priority international ports cannot be used for coercion or to America's disadvantage during a period of tension or conflict. The US International Development Finance Corporation's financing of India's Adani Ports to build a terminal in Sri Lanka is an important first step. The US must do more than just address those maritime vulnerabilities that justify onshoring jobs in manufacturing. It needs a comprehensive strategy to address vital security gaps in domestic and global maritime commerce. It should include incentivizing US companies to provide better answers for the technology that runs the world's ports. To safeguard national security, the US must adapt a cohesive and comprehensive strategy on global ports and act beyond its borders to bolster cybersecurity at foreign-operated ports.

Relatório apresentado à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para o cumprimento do programa de Pós-Doutoramento em Ciências da Informação ; Cybersecurity has gone through several changes that have presented new challenges in recent years, complicated by the rise of cybercrime and digital warfare. With the introduction of militarizing the space domain, it has become apparent that we must consider multidomain concepts. Thus, the threat landscape has again shifted, and defenders must become knowledgeable about how the cyber domain crosses into maritime, land, air, and space. The traditional thinking of protecting enterprise systems locked away in a building is no longer. Thus, we have the emergence of cyber warfare and cyber as a fifth domain that brings together maritime, land, space, and air. These domains are not just for the military but the civilian sector as well. Understanding the role of cyber and how it can be used to take advantage or secure the remaining domains will give entities the upper hand in strategy. The technological advancements that pave the way to the mass implementation of the Internet of Things (IoT) and Internet connectivity to everyday devices have led to an explosion in cyberattacks such as breaches resulting in millions of accounts being compromised. (Dawson, Eltayeb, & Omar, 2016). Bad actors such as those focused on criminal activities regarding human trafficking and espionage navigate these domains to circumvent law enforcement agencies globally. We must understand how exploitation, circumvention, and defense needs to occur in a multidomain concept. However, knowing that the cyber domain is a domain that goes through land, maritime, space, and air can be an area that serves as a central point for realizing assured security. Executive Orders (EO), laws, policies, doctrine, and other directives have shaped the landscape of cybersecurity. New EOs have been released that allow a cyber-attack with responsive measures such as one that involves military force. Laws created that impose rights for Personal Identifiable Information (PII) being breached, leaving millions of individuals unprotected. One of these most well-known items is General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) as it relates to the European Union (EU) and the evolving threats with hyperconnectivity (Martínez, 2019a; Martínez, 2019b). Understanding the role of cybercrime and digital warfare and how they continue to play in shaping the technological landscape is critical. These various actions change the spectrum regarding combating nefarious actors or design errors that leave the system susceptible. As attacks continue to rise from bad actors such as nation-states, terrorists, and other entities, it is essential to understand the threat landscape and select cybersecurity methodologies that can be put in place to provide adequate measures. This document presents the work form a post-doctoral project that provides a perspective of cybersecurity under a information science perspective. This six-month project allows to stress the broadly importance that information and its management (not just within the information security context), and the urgent need to deal with cybersecurity as a societal challenge. The document is organized in four main chapters presenting different but complementary issues, going from high level to a more operational level: National Cybersecurity Education: Bridging Defense to Offense, stressing the importance of societal awareness and education. Emerging Technologies in the Fourth Industrial Revolution, stressing the importance to consider cybersecurity issues as core ones, even to economic and production areas. Nefarious Activities within the Deep Layers of the Internet, stressing the need to be part of digital places where information is traded, shared and, even sometimes, created. The fourth chapter provide a few hints and issues related with software development and test: Software Security Considerations. A final session presents several remarks as Final Thoughts, closing the work pointing out some of the current challenges that we are facing of. ; N/A

Studies on underground (or clandestine forms of political struggle) remain largely unknown with just a few of them published. The study focuses on underground political work in southern Mozambique from the 1950s to the 1970s. The main argument that the study seeks to make is that despite the intensification of colonial exploitation for the benefit of the Portuguese capital, violent repression, imprison and systematic denial of the exercise of political rights for most of the Mozambican people, the people of southern Mozambique had already a period of active underground political growth, inspired by the international political environment (decolonization process after World War II) and after connected to FRELIMO and its platform. Small cells, mostly connecting educated, assimilated people, civil servants, artists, writers, painters, self-employed and workers developed underground activities ranging from the political task of organization, to political awareness, propaganda and spying, to the military task of recruitment for training abroad and to provide the military. Therefore, they countered Portuguese state propaganda and articulated an alternative political agenda. The underground political work had connections and continuity with other forms of struggle, such as with the colonial resistance of the 1950s and the FRELIMO struggle. The study combines primary and secondary written materials and oral accounts with underground political activists/militants. ; Los estudios sobre la clandestinidad (formas clandestinas de lucha política) siguen siendo en gran medida desconocidos con sólo unos pocos de ellos publicados. El estudio se centra en el trabajo político clandestino en el sur de Mozambique desde los años cincuenta hasta los setenta. El argumento principal que el estudio busca hacer es que, a pesar de la intensificación de la explotación colonial en beneficio del capital portugués, la represión violenta, el encarcelamiento y la negación sistemática del ejercicio de los derechos políticos para la mayoría de los mozambiqueños, la gente del sur de Mozambique tenía ya un período de crecimiento político clandestino activo, inspirado en el entorno político internacional (proceso de descolonización después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial) y después conectado a FRELIMO y su plataforma. Las células pequeñas, que conectan principalmente a personas educadas, asimiladas, funcionarios, artistas, escritores, pintores, trabajadores independientes y trabajadores asalariados desarrollaron actividades clandestinas que van desde la tarea política de la organización, la conciencia política, la propaganda y el espionaje, hasta la tarea militar de reclutamiento para entrenar en el extranjero y proveer a los militares. Por lo tanto, contrarrestaron la propaganda estatal portuguesa y articularon una agenda política alternativa. El trabajo político clandestino tenía conexiones y continuidad con otras formas de lucha, como la resistencia colonial de la década de 1950 y la lucha FRELIMO. El estudio combina materiales escritos primarios y secundarios y relatos orales con activistas / militantes políticos clandestinos. ; Estudos sobre clandestinidade (ou formas clandestinas de luta política) permanecem amplamente desconhecidos com somente uma pequena parte deles publicada. O estudo concentra-se no trabalho político clandestino no sul de Moçambique entre anos 1950 e 1970. O principal argumento que o estudo pretende apresentar é que, apesar da intensificação da exploração colonial em benefício do capital português, repressão violenta, prisão e negação sistemática do exercício de direitos políticos para a maioria do povo moçambicano, o povo do sul de Moçambique tinha já um período de crescimento político clandestino activo, inspirado no ambiente político internacional (a descolonização após a Segunda Guerra Mundial) e depois conectado à FRELIMO e sua plataforma. Pequenas células, ligando principalmente pessoas educadas e assimiladas, funcionários públicos, artistas, escritores, pintores, trabalhadores por conta própria e trabalhadores assalariados, desenvolveram atividades clandestinas que vão desde a tarefa política da organização até consciencialização política, propaganda e espionagem, até a tarefa de recrutamento para treino militar no exterior e apoio material e moral aos guerrilheiros. Portanto, eles combateram a propaganda do estado português e articularam uma agenda política alternativa. O trabalho político clandestino tinha conexões e continuidade com outras formas de luta, como a resistência colonial da década de 1950 e a luta da FRELIMO. O estudo combina materiais escritos primários e secundários e fontes orais com activistas / militantes políticos clandestinos.

Economic security is an integral part of national security. As history shows, a strong economy is a prerequisite for the power of the state, its place and role in the world community. From the second half of the twentieth century economic development issues have become an integral part of the national security ideas of both the scientific community and the governments of most countries. While in some countries the emphasis is primarily on the economic power and economic sovereignty of the state, in others – on the issues related to «energy», «technological», «food» security or protection of the state from global and regional economic cataclysms, or the danger of «economic espionage». Economic security is the foundation of national security and at the same time it is closely interconnected with its other components. Also it is the basis for ensuring its subspecies such as military, political, environmental, information and others. The need to ensure economic security at the macro level is growing in connection with the development of globalization and integration processes in the second half of the twentieth century. Globalization and economic integration, on the one hand, threaten economic sovereignty and, on the other, create new opportunities for economic growth. In the context of economic globalization and regional integration, it is extremely important to reveal the essence of ensuring the economic security of the state. To achieve the goal of studying the economic security of the modern state, it is necessary to consider theoretical and methodological approaches to ensuring economic security. ; Экономическая безопасность – неотъемлемая составляющая национальной безопасности. Как показывает история, крепкая экономика является обязательной предпосылкой могущества государства, его места и роли в мировом сообществе. Со второй половины ХХ в. вопросы экономического развития стали неотъемлемой частью представлений о национальной безопасности как научного сообщества, так и правительств большинства стран. Если в одних странах акцент делается, прежде всего, на экономической мощи государства и его экономическом суверенитете, то в других на первый план выдвигаются вопросы, связанные с энергетической, технологической, продовольственной безопасностью или защищенности государства от мировых и региональных экономических катаклизмов, или опасностью «экономического шпионажа». Экономическая безопасность является фундаментом национальной безопасности и при этом она тесно взаимосвязана с ее другими составляющими, является основой обеспечения таких ее подвидов как военная, политическая, экологическая, информационная и другие. Необходимость обеспечения экономической безопасности на макроуровне усиливается в связи с развитием во второй половине ХХ в. глобализационных и интеграционных процессов. Глобализация и экономическая интеграция, с одной стороны, представляют угрозу экономическому суверенитету, а с другой – создают новые возможности для экономического развития. В условиях экономической глобализации и региональной интеграции чрезвычайно важно раскрыть сущность обеспечения экономической безопасности государства. Для достижения цели исследования экономической безопасности современного государства необходимо рассмотреть теоретические и методологические подходы к обеспечению экономической безопасности. ; Економічна безпека – це невід'ємна складова національної безпеки. Як засвідчує історія, міцна економіка є обов'язковою передумовою могутності держави, її місця і ролі у світовій спільноті. З другої половини ХХ ст. питання економічного розвитку стали невід'ємною частиною уявлень про національну безпеку як наукової спільноти, так і урядів більшості країн. Якщо в одних країнах акцент робиться передусім на економічній могутності держави і економічному суверенітеті, то в інших на перший план висуваються питання, пов'язані з енергетичною, технологічною, продовольчою безпекою або захищеністю держави від світових і регіональних економічних катаклізмів, або небезпекою «економічного шпигунства». Економічна безпека становить фундамент національної безпеки і при цьому вона тісно взаємопов'язана з її іншими складовими, є основою забезпечення таких її підвидів, як військова, політична, екологічна, інформаційна та інші. Необхідність забезпечення економічної безпеки на макрорівні посилюється у зв'язку з розвитком у другій половині ХХ ст. глобалізаційних та інтеграційних процесів. Глобалізація і економічна інтеграція, з одного боку, несуть загрози економічному суверенітету, а з іншого – створюють нові можливості для економічного зростання. В умовах економічної глобалізації та регіональної інтеграції надзвичайно важливо розкрити сутність забезпечення економічної безпеки держави. Для досягнення мети дослідження економічної безпеки сучасної держави необхідно розглянути теоретичні та методологічні підходи до забезпечення економічної безпеки.

Economic security is an integral part of national security. As history shows, a strong economy is a prerequisite for the power of the state, its place and role in the world community. From the second half of the twentieth century economic development issues have become an integral part of the national security ideas of both the scientific community and the governments of most countries. While in some countries the emphasis is primarily on the economic power and economic sovereignty of the state, in others – on the issues related to «energy», «technological», «food» security or protection of the state from global and regional economic cataclysms, or the danger of «economic espionage». Economic security is the foundation of national security and at the same time it is closely interconnected with its other components. Also it is the basis for ensuring its subspecies such as military, political, environmental, information and others. The need to ensure economic security at the macro level is growing in connection with the development of globalization and integration processes in the second half of the twentieth century. Globalization and economic integration, on the one hand, threaten economic sovereignty and, on the other, create new opportunities for economic growth. In the context of economic globalization and regional integration, it is extremely important to reveal the essence of ensuring the economic security of the state. To achieve the goal of studying the economic security of the modern state, it is necessary to consider theoretical and methodological approaches to ensuring economic security. ; Экономическая безопасность – неотъемлемая составляющая национальной безопасности. Как показывает история, крепкая экономика является обязательной предпосылкой могущества государства, его места и роли в мировом сообществе. Со второй половины ХХ в. вопросы экономического развития стали неотъемлемой частью представлений о национальной безопасности как научного сообщества, так и правительств большинства стран. Если в одних странах акцент делается, прежде всего, на экономической мощи государства и его экономическом суверенитете, то в других на первый план выдвигаются вопросы, связанные с энергетической, технологической, продовольственной безопасностью или защищенности государства от мировых и региональных экономических катаклизмов, или опасностью «экономического шпионажа». Экономическая безопасность является фундаментом национальной безопасности и при этом она тесно взаимосвязана с ее другими составляющими, является основой обеспечения таких ее подвидов как военная, политическая, экологическая, информационная и другие. Необходимость обеспечения экономической безопасности на макроуровне усиливается в связи с развитием во второй половине ХХ в. глобализационных и интеграционных процессов. Глобализация и экономическая интеграция, с одной стороны, представляют угрозу экономическому суверенитету, а с другой – создают новые возможности для экономического развития. В условиях экономической глобализации и региональной интеграции чрезвычайно важно раскрыть сущность обеспечения экономической безопасности государства. Для достижения цели исследования экономической безопасности современного государства необходимо рассмотреть теоретические и методологические подходы к обеспечению экономической безопасности. ; Економічна безпека – це невід'ємна складова національної безпеки. Як засвідчує історія, міцна економіка є обов'язковою передумовою могутності держави, її місця і ролі у світовій спільноті. З другої половини ХХ ст. питання економічного розвитку стали невід'ємною частиною уявлень про національну безпеку як наукової спільноти, так і урядів більшості країн. Якщо в одних країнах акцент робиться передусім на економічній могутності держави і економічному суверенітеті, то в інших на перший план висуваються питання, пов'язані з енергетичною, технологічною, продовольчою безпекою або захищеністю держави від світових і регіональних економічних катаклізмів, або небезпекою «економічного шпигунства». Економічна безпека становить фундамент національної безпеки і при цьому вона тісно взаємопов'язана з її іншими складовими, є основою забезпечення таких її підвидів, як військова, політична, екологічна, інформаційна та інші. Необхідність забезпечення економічної безпеки на макрорівні посилюється у зв'язку з розвитком у другій половині ХХ ст. глобалізаційних та інтеграційних процесів. Глобалізація і економічна інтеграція, з одного боку, несуть загрози економічному суверенітету, а з іншого – створюють нові можливості для економічного зростання. В умовах економічної глобалізації та регіональної інтеграції надзвичайно важливо розкрити сутність забезпечення економічної безпеки держави. Для досягнення мети дослідження економічної безпеки сучасної держави необхідно розглянути теоретичні та методологічні підходи до забезпечення економічної безпеки.