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Belgium is one of the Western European countries in which Muslims have reached more relevance. The immigration process initiated in 1960s brought thousands of people from Turkey and from the Arab World to the major cities of the country. As consequence of their cultural and religious particularities Muslims were progressively claiming their own space in public life. Then, in the analysis of the Muslim political participation in Belgium two stages must be differentiated: The first one dominated by the delegates of the Arabs embassies; and the second one, when the Saudi influence decreased in 1990s giving rise to the emergence of other Islamic groups whose activities were totally involved with the real concerns of Muslims in Belgium. However, after several decades, the impact of the Islamic political activity is still low compared with the social presence of Muslims in the country.

This article reports on a study which attempts to estimate the extent to which current and previous criminal activity reduces the employment of inner city black male youths from high poverty neighborhoods. The study finds a significant trade-off between employment and crime, with crime associated with a 10 to 12 percent reduction in employment of these youths. The policy implication is that increased criminal deterrence, as well as other programs, has a role to play in efforts to resolve the employment crisis for disadvantaged youths.

Cover -- Half Title -- Dedication -- Title -- Copyright -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- CONTENTS -- LIST OF TABLES -- 1. American Entanglement in Three-dimensional Politics -- Legacies -- 2. The Islamic Tradition -- 3. The Beginnings of Military Modernization -- 4. European Imperial Styles -- Postwar Politics -- 5. Military Politics and the Lingering Cold War -- 6. Armies in Postwar Politics -- Military Republics -- 7. Egypt: Military Rule in a Rapidly Changing Society -- 8. Military Roulette: Syria and Iraq -- 9. Sudan: Military Interruption of Civilian Rule -- Military-Civilian Coalitions -- 10. Junior Partners: Pakistan and Algeria -- 11. Concealed Partners: Pakistan and Turkey -- Traditional Monarchies -- 12. Libya: Triumph of Sanusi Leadership -- 13. Saudi Arabia: The Peninsula Under Najdi Rule -- 14. Yemen: Test of Zaydi Durability -- Modernizing Monarchies -- 15. An American Client: Iran -- 16. Cold War Beneficiary: Afghanistan -- 17. Jordan: Keeping a Nonviable State Alive -- 18. Constitutional Absolutism: Morocco -- 19. Kuwayt: An Affluent Amirate Under Political Siege -- Non-military Republics -- 20. Garrison Democracy: Israel -- 21. Confessional Democracy: Lebanon -- 22. Tunisia: Stable One-Party System -- Regional Consequences -- 23. Armies as Agencies of Social Change -- 24. Arms Races in the Region -- 25. Races in the Arab-Israel Zone -- 26. Changing Military Politics and United States Options -- Notes -- Bibliographic Note -- Index.

This article examines whether the downward trajectory in strike activity in nine Western European economies has continued over recent years. In doing so, it considers the nature of the dominant forms of extant strike activity and how these relate to systems of collective bargaining and political exchange. The main findings are three-fold. First, while there has been a general decline in aggregate strike activity, this has often been punctuated by sharp peaks. Second, the dominant nature of the strike activity, especially the sharp peaks, has become increasingly concerned with mounting demonstrative collective mobilizations in the political, rather than industrial, arena. Consequently, much strike activity is increasingly being deployed as a tool of political leverage with governments rather than as a tool of industrial leverage with (private sector) employers. Third, official data on strikes are becoming increasingly unreliable as they contain ever more significant exclusions, raising not so much the prospect of an end to quiescence but an over-estimation of the extent of decline.

Historical analysis of the first amendment reveals that it was adopted primarily to safeguard and promote self-government through the communication of political ideas and attitudes among citizens. The author argues that these political underpinnings support the recognition of a freedom to hear corresponding to the freedoms of speech and press. Implementation of this freedom, recognizing its political basis, would eliminate many infringements on activity the Framers intended to protect. A freedom to hear would also provide a useful analytic tool in alleviating much of the repressive influence on political activity exerted by the private sector.

In the United States, women have long held the right to vote and can participate fully in the political process, and yet they are underrepresented at all levels of elected office. Worldwide, men's dominance in the realm of politics has also been the norm. To date, scholars have focused on supply-side and demand-side explanations of women's underrepresentation but differences in how men and women assess electoral risk (the risk involved in seeking political office) are not fully explained. To fill this gap, I explore how evolutionary theory offers insights into gendered differences in political ambition and the evaluation of electoral risk. Using the framework of life-history theory, I hypothesize that both cognitive and environmental factors in human evolution, particularly as they relate to sexual selection and social roles, have shaped the psychology of ambition in gendered ways affecting contemporary politics. Cognitive risk-assessment mechanisms evolving in the hominid line came to be expressed differently in females and males, in women and men. These gendered expressions plausibly reflect differentiable environmental pressures in the past and may help explain behaviors in and barriers to women's electoral political activity in the present. If so, then the success of efforts to increase such activity — or, regressively, to suppress it — may be better understood.

Introduction -- Europe's political-theological problem -- Revolution, religion and church -- A new concept of politics -- The Church's defense against liberalism and democratization in the 1800s -- Ecclesial powerlessness -- On the way to the Second Vatican Council -- The Second Vatican Council -- Church - freedom - history -- The post-conciliar crisis between the Church and liberal democracy -- Pope John Paul II and modern culture -- Benedict XVI - pope of a new millennium -- Pope Francis - a late modern pope.

This article challenges previous findings suggesting that ethnic associations promote political participation among immigrants. Analyzing recent survey data from Sweden, the authors find that political activity among immigrants is encouraged by associational involvement in general but not by associations based on ethnic origin. To explain this difference, the authors examine important causal mechanisms between associational involvement and political participation. They conclude that while ethnic associations induce the development of civic skills, they do not create enough opportunities for mobilization through networks of political recruitment. Hence, compared to associations in which both mechanisms operate, ethnic associations tend to provide less politically stimulating environments. Adapted from the source document.

Kathleen B. Jones, in her now famous essay about women-friendly polities, explains that that citizenship must be redefined to include a body that does not "easily fit military-corporate uniforms" (1990, 794). Jones calls theorists to recognize women's "embodied lives," and in doing so, considers how "women's bodies are problematic" and "sex/gendered identity affects … life" (786). We argue here that recognizing women's embodied lives is similarly important to a discussion of gender and fieldwork. As researchers in the field, we have been defined by our social position as women, thus putting us at distinct disadvantages and advantages (Sundberg 2003).

Political marketing is a relatively new approach to analyzing political activity that draws on management marketing assumptions to describe political behavior. These assumptions are explicitly grounded in neoclassical economic assertions about behavior. In political science, these assumptions are utilized by orthodox rational choice theory. Thus, political marketing can be located within this perspective. Rational choice provides a series of analytic models through which ontological implications can be derived & predictions made. Yet, the political marketing approach seeks to build on orthodox rational choice accounts by introducing a normative element to this perspective, prescribing the internalization of these assumptions in order to achieve the desired objective. Further, this normative aspect claims that the adoption of marketing improves the democratic process. However, rational choice is an analytical "toolkit" that does not seek to make normative claims. Indeed, normative arguments are inconsistent with rational choice, which seeks to provide a scientific, value-free approach to political analysis; consequently, the analytical & normative aspects of political marketing need to be rendered explicit & such normative aspects challenged. 55 References. Adapted from the source document. COPIES ARE AVAILABLE FROM: HAWORTH DOCUMENT DELIVERY CENTER, The Haworth Press, Inc., 10 Alice Street, Binghamton, NY 13904-1580

Explores shifting theories of the roles of markets, hierarchies, interfirm alliances, & governments in organizing economic activity. It is argued that, while there are a number of reasons for changing theories, differences among scholars generally reflect the time frame of their analyses. Current internationalization &, more recently, globalization of economic activity modify the governance of resource creation & deployment. The growing mobility of both tangible & intangible assets, as well as changing patterns of demand & technological advances, makes modification of the agenda & policies of national & supranational organizations necessary. More scholarship is needed on the role of geography in economic policy making. 1 Table, 102 References. Adapted from the source document.

Preface -- Introduction / Jamia Wilson -- Election night and its aftermath: November 8-9, 2016 -- What's in a name? Everything: November 9-11, 2016 -- To go or not to go? / Jill Soloway -- The team expands: November 11-14, 2016 -- My sisters' keeper / Melanie L. Campbell -- Midwifing a movement: November 17-19, 2016 -- Plans, permits, drama: November 19-December 15, 2016 -- A woman's work is never done (in a democracy) / Ai-Jen Poo -- Sankofa: Look back to move forward / Sister Aisha Al-Adawiya -- Backers join. The bench grows: December 16-28, 2016 -- Artists and allies: December 29, 2016 -- January 9, 2017 -- How to be an ally / Jose Antonio Vargas -- Daring discussions: December 2016 -- Why we march: The Unity Principles: January 12, 2017 -- An open letter to grown-ups / Rowan Blanchard -- Operation Headcount: December 31, 2016 -- January 21, 2017 -- Optimism, interrupted / Cindi Leive -- The Watergate: Preparing for March Day: January 16-20, 2017 -- Don't forget about us / Erika Andiola -- Rising up around the world: January 20, 2017, 11:00 p.m. -- The roar / Ashley Judd -- Marching forward / America Ferrera -- March Day: Breaking records, making history, January 21, 2017, 3:00 a.m. -- Salud, dignidad, justicia / Jessica González-Rojas -- My whole self, marching / Elaine Welteroth -- Lead with love / Judith LeBlanc -- Owning the night: January 21, 2017, 5:00 p.m.-midnight -- Closing the gap / Congresswoman Maxine Waters -- From March to movement: January 28, 2017 -- Getting political when you can't vote / Yara Shahidi -- My own march / Kateri Akiwenzie-Damm -- America the exceptional / David Remnick -- A day without a woman: March 8, 2017 -- You are here / Ilana Glazer -- The beauty and the danger of the Women's March / Jia Tolentino -- Can social media change the world?: Spring 2017 -- Do something / Senator Tammy Duckworth -- "Reclaiming our time": Fall 2017 -- After the start / Roxane Gay -- Revolutionary love is the call of our times / Valarie Kaur -- You felt how powerful women are when we rise up: Keep rising -- Afterword -- Acknowledgments -- Credits.