Suchergebnisse

After the failure of Neo-classic & Keynesian theories a new paradigm of comprehensive development emerged in Latin America based on the rescue of the local dimension. Some features of the so-called endogenous development models (EDM) are: decentralization; devolution of political, administrative & fiscal powers to the regions; agglomeration economies; territorial competitive edges; local civic commitment; eco-region; & public/private cooperation. The state of Ceara, in the northeast of Brazil, has followed such a development policy, with positive outcomes in different areas. Adapted from the source document.

Although the second Bush Administration promised to make the Western Hemisphere its highest foreign policy priority, most people in Latin America have expressed a negative view of US foreign policy in recent years. The war in Iraq has reduced the popularity of the US in the eyes of Latin Americans. Furthermore, it is argued that the current Bush Administration has mismanaged several crises in the region. The US did not do enough to prevent the collapse of Argentina's economy. Washington damaged the democratic process in Venezuela, and delivered only a small amount of the aid sought by Bolivia. The US also failed to support the democratically elected president of Haiti. It is concluded that the US must seek to revive alliances in Europe in order to enhance its standing in Latin America. Washington must also support increased government spending in the region, negotiate new trade agreements in the hemisphere and have better relations with the OAS in order to repair relations with Latin America.

1970s military dictatorship in Latin America was followed by a democratization process in the 1980s, at a point when military powers had devastated the economy & more than doubled foreign debt. Now, in the beginning of the twenty-first century, the region finds itself in a period marked by governments that, perhaps more than ever before, are characterized by their reaction to the neo-liberal policies of the 1990s. Of particular concern in this respect is the changing relationship between the region & the United States, which in turn opens opportunity for the involvement of other international actors in the sphere. This brings about a high degree of uncertainty both for Latin America itself as well as for the international community. Some of the many cases of Latin American economies & politics in crisis are described here in detail. C Brunski

"We acknowledge that participatory research existed in the past, and exists
today within different traditions. We acknowledge the gestation of a
"Latin American tradition" based on the pioneering experience of
Orlando Fals Borda and Paulo Freire. This tradition of participatory research
can only be understood in its origins and its currentness, referenced
to the social and political contexts of the time when it was instituted in
Latin America, between the 1970s and 1980s. It made much use of the
European and North American traditions, but possesses specific characteristics,
beginning with its historical connection to the popular social
movements and their emancipatory social transformation projects.
A few principles of convergence between different styles are presented
and discussed." (author's abstract)

The historiography of twentieth-century Latin America has neglected the years 1914-1918. Most of those who seek to define the century in terms of identifiable periods choose to concentrate less on the two world wars than on two turning points that mark a true break in continuity in the sub-continent's contemporary history: one consists of the social and political effects of the economic crisis that began in the United States in October 1929, the other is Fidel Castro's assumption of power in Havana in January 1959. The natural conclusion of this approach is that the Great War did not have the same formative role in Latin America that it is held to play in Europe. Yet this proposition does not mean that the First World War in Latin America remains a completely neglected topic. For example, within the framework of a traditional diplomatic history it is possible to analyse why certain nations sustained a prudent neutrality until November 1918, or why other states finally rallied to the Allied cause; it has also been possible to measure the impact of the war on the economy of certain countries, such as Argentina, Chile or Brazil, which profited from reduced agricultural production in Europe by seizing new markets and fundamentally modernising their structures. Yet the chronology of 1914-1918 has undoubtedly been very little studied to date, rather as if the absence of any collective memory of the Great War in Latin America condemned the period to complete oblivion. This paper does not claim to introduce a historiographical revolution and present the First World War as a major break in the specific chronology of Latin America. More modestly, it seeks to suggest some ways in which the impact of the years 1914-1918 across the Atlantic can be re-evaluated as part of a cultural and intellectual history. For although the Latin American nations did not experience warfare within their own territory, nor live through the suffering of war, they were the privileged spectators and ultimate new participating entrants in the cultural confrontation that engulfed the chief belligerent nations -- led by France and Germany. This was intensified by Latin America's nineteenth century, mostly lived with eyes fixed on European civilisation -- in all its many forms -- and with their identity as newly emancipated states constructed from it, frequently in mimetic style. Perceived as the death-agony of Belle Epoque Europe (as it was possible to imagine and dream of it across the Atlantic), the Great War helped to destroy images, to transform the imagination of the Latin American élites and to strengthen a questioning of identity that was already emerging in the earliest years of the century. Without being a true mould of the Latin American twentieth century, the war thus appears to have influenced some fundamental tendencies and to have acted to some extent as an accelerator.

The historiography of twentieth-century Latin America has neglected the years 1914-1918. Most of those who seek to define the century in terms of identifiable periods choose to concentrate less on the two world wars than on two turning points that mark a true break in continuity in the sub-continent's contemporary history: one consists of the social and political effects of the economic crisis that began in the United States in October 1929, the other is Fidel Castro's assumption of power in Havana in January 1959. The natural conclusion of this approach is that the Great War did not have the same formative role in Latin America that it is held to play in Europe. Yet this proposition does not mean that the First World War in Latin America remains a completely neglected topic. For example, within the framework of a traditional diplomatic history it is possible to analyse why certain nations sustained a prudent neutrality until November 1918, or why other states finally rallied to the Allied cause; it has also been possible to measure the impact of the war on the economy of certain countries, such as Argentina, Chile or Brazil, which profited from reduced agricultural production in Europe by seizing new markets and fundamentally modernising their structures. Yet the chronology of 1914-1918 has undoubtedly been very little studied to date, rather as if the absence of any collective memory of the Great War in Latin America condemned the period to complete oblivion. This paper does not claim to introduce a historiographical revolution and present the First World War as a major break in the specific chronology of Latin America. More modestly, it seeks to suggest some ways in which the impact of the years 1914-1918 across the Atlantic can be re-evaluated as part of a cultural and intellectual history. For although the Latin American nations did not experience warfare within their own territory, nor live through the suffering of war, they were the privileged spectators and ultimate new participating entrants in the ...

This essay examines Latin America's experience in the crisis and restructuring of world capitalism from the 1970s into the twenty first century, with particular emphasis on the neo-liberal model, social conflicts and institutional quagmires that have engulfed the region, and the rise of a new resistance politics. The empirical and analytical sections look at: Latin America's changing profile in the global division of labour; the domination of speculative finance capital; the continued debt crisis, its social effects and political implications; capital–labour restructuring, the spread of informalisation and the new inequality; the passage from social explosions to institutional crises; the new popular electoral politics and the fragility of the neo-liberal state. These issues are approached through the lens of global capitalism theory. This theory sees the turn-of-century global system as a new epoch in the history of world capitalism, emphasising new patterns of power and social polarisation worldwide and such concepts as a transnational accumulation, transnational capitalists and a transnational state. Finally, the essay argues that global capitalism faces a twin crisis in the early twenty first century, of overaccumulation and of legitimacy, and explores the prospects for social change in Latin America and worldwide.

This article examines the record of structural reforms & regional economic integration in Latin America during the last few decades. In contrast to the optimism of the early 1990's, there is a sense of confusion & frustration across the region today. Growth has slowed, new investment has declined, & chronic problems of inequality & poverty persist. A slow but perceptible political backlash against orthodox market-oriented policies has set in. In light of these developments, this article aims at rethinking the last three decades of economic reform in the region. First, it examines some recent work on the economic policies in place in Latin America before the recent neoliberal reforms -- those of import substitution industrialization. Second, it discusses the wide variation in the implementation of market oriented policies in the region. Third, it looks at the impacts of these reforms, including their disappointing results in certain areas. Fourth, it analyzes the search for a new consensus on economic policy & trade integration in the Americas. Adapted from the source document.

The article focuses on the important role of financial institutions in encouraging social security reform in Latin America. According to the article, financial institutions have had an indirect influence in Latin America, primarily through their support of the diffusion of structural adjustment policies & financial liberalization. References. B. Boyce

In this reprint from Parameters (Spring 2001), the author examines the future of democracy in Latin America. Discussion is divided into three parts. The first section focuses on the following issues: the importance of democracy for U.S. interests; the various forms of democracy in Latin America, & how the U.S. can encourage further democratization; & finally destabilization & de-democratizing trends in the region. The second section explores the growing presence "authoritarian democracy" in the region, & part three offers policy recommendations for U.S. & Latin American leaders. J. Harwell

The relationship between Spain and Latin America is unique, complex and multidimensional. It runs deeper than diplomacy, politics and economics, and involves not only governments, but also a wide range of other, non-official players. In the final analysis, the relationship is not so much based on geo-strategy or security needs, or even economic reasons –although these factors are of increasing importance– but rather on linguistic, cultural and historical ties, as well as an affinity with Latin America at all levels.