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Intro -- Contents -- Foreword -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Democratization and Electoral Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa, 1990-2008 -- 3 Evaluating Election-Related Violence -- 4 Land Patronage and Elections -- 5 Postelection Political Agreements in Togo and Zanzibar -- 6 The Political Economy of Kenya's Crisis* -- 7 Disturbance or Massacre? -- 8 Preventing Electoral Violence -- 9 Conclusion -- About the Contributors -- Index.

Die Stärkung sozialer Bewegungen und Dezentralisierung werden oftmals als Wege zu weniger Korruption und mehr politischer Mitbestimmung gesehen. Das Beispiel von Darjeeling, einem Distrikt im Norden Westbengalens, zeigt jedoch das Gegenteil. Hier verhindern seit fast drei Dekaden regionale Parteien die Verbesserungen des demokratischen Klimas. Sie treten als Bewegungen für Autonomie in Form eines neuen Teilstaats innerhalb der Indischen Union unter dem Namen "Gorkhaland" auf. Aufgrund ihrer Kontrolle der autonomen Councils, durch Repression und mit staatlich sanktionierter Patronage verkrustet ein System, das die Mitbestimmung der Massen unterminiert.

How have Central Asians built livelihoods amidst economic hardship and political dysfunction during three decades of post-Soviet independence? Local leaders are mobilizing people, resources—and, importantly, trust—to enable entire communities to prosper. These nonstate figures are increasingly consequential, but their model of paternalistic patronage may not represent what all Central Asians want.

State disruption confronted Afghanistan's rulers and their international supporters with a challenging legacy after 2001. The emergence of a neopatrimonial political order, with formal bureaucratic and administrative structures entwined with informal networks and patronage, has significantly affected attempts at aid delivery. Such dangers need to be recognized and addressed at the outset in internationally supported transitions

In Chirimoto, way up in the jungle of Peru, political power reveais itselfthrough religious celebrations under the patronage of four traditiohalfamilies of European origin. ; En este artículo se muestra, a través de una fiesta patronal, el poder políticoque detentan en la zona las cuatro familias más importantes del distrito deChirimoto (provincia de Rodríguez de Mendoza, región Amazonas).

Die von den Kolonialmächten willkürlich gezogenen Grenzen stellen ein erhebliches Problem für die Stabilität des afrikanischen Staatensystems dar. Während des Kalten Krieges hatten die Supermächte die Stabilität der Grenzen zu Lasten der ethnischen Selbstbestimmung garantiert. Der Wegfall der Patronage durch die Supermächte, die Einflußnahme der internationalen Gemeinschaft auf die Innenpolitik von Staaten (Demokratisierung) und die Zunahme des Strebens nach Selbstbestimmung gefährden die Stabilität der bestehenden Grenzen. Die westlichen Staaten, v.a. die USA, müssen einen Beitrag dazu leisten, daß politische Liberalisierung nicht zu Destabilisierung führt, indem sie z.B. Dezentralisierungsprogramme fördern und friedenserhaltende Streitkräfte stärken. (AuD-Hng)

THE ALTERNATION OF PARTIES IN OFFICE IS NOT THE ESSENCE OF THE LEFT /RIGHT RHYTHM OF DEMOCRATIC POLITICS. CAMPAIGNING BY TELEVISION, THE DECLINE OF LOCAL PATRONAGE. THE RISE OF SINGLE-ISSUE GROUPS, AND THE UNANTICIPATED EFFECTS OF NEW ELECTION LAWS HAVE RESULTED IN THE DISCUSSED DECOMPOSITION OF POLITICAL PARTIES, REDUCING THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CANDIDATES' PARTY AFFILIATION.

The study of patronage and of patron-client relations has come lately to the fore in anthropology, political science and sociology, and has exerted a great fascination for scholars in these spheres. From a topic of relatively marginal concern it has become a central one, closely connected to basic theoretical problems and controversies in all the social sciences.

Banks plays a vital role in the socio-economic development of a country. Like in other parts of the world, Pakistan has dual banking environment with intense competition. Knowing the key triggers of patronage factors is utmost important. The aim of the study is to identify the key factors contributing towards Islamic banking patronage factors in Malakand division, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. 280 customers of full-fledged Islamic banking or conventional banking with Islamic window were selected for the study. Data was collected through self-administered questionnaire designed based on the previous studies. Five pints likert scale range from very important to not important was used. Descriptive statistics and Friedman's test were used to identify the factors associated with Islamic bank selection and their degree of importance. The results of the study revealed both religious and non-religious factors are considered by customers before opting for Islamic banking. Among the variable religiosity was most important predictor of Islamic banking, followed by friendly and cooperative staff, shariah compliant products, ATM facilities and referral by friends and family. However, banking hours cost of financing and return on investment were given less preference by customers.Results of the study are expected to benefit the bank officials at large as most of the population lives in rural areas of Pakistan. According to Pakistan bureau of statistics, 67% of population of Pakistan consists of rural while, in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa 83.1% accounts for rural population. Furthermore, the government authorities could also get more fruitful results by focusing on the factors identified in the study before devising any strategies for rural areas.Key Words: Riba, Islamic Banking, Religiosity, Shariah Compliance, Patronage, Non-Religious Factors

PH.D.HISTORY OF ART ; The research primarily focuses on the Modernism's development vis-à-vis Roman Catholic hegemony and church patronage. The reason for this is that the pervasive influence of the church on all spheres of Maltese life meant that its power was effective even in extraneous situations when the church was not directly involved in proceedings, as will be shown throughout this study. Hegemony is enacted through force and consent; it is both imposed and naturalised so as to establish conventions for thought and behaviour. This model for understanding the effectivity of power gives explanations as to why Modern artists encountered many enduring obstacles. Other power structures that determined Malta's twentieth-century history; the British colonial government, the business and trade community, the political class, and other factions will not be discussed despite their significance. The absence of artistic patronage stemming from these latter contingents is a notable issue that is being addressed in ongoing research beyond the scope of this thesis.1 It is being proposed here that Modern art's development faced its greatest, but not sole, challenge due to the status quo defined by the Roman Catholic worldview; its ideological and moral conventions. Each of the chapters have centred on the subjects of critical and art historical writings, the conflict between rurality and urbanisation, church patronage and spiritual artistic idioms, art criticism and autonomy and the lack thereof, and, finally, the evolution of abstraction and the persistence of figuration in the later twentieth century. Special emphasis has been placed on these topics because each presents a series of significant art historical issues that manifest the ideological and socio-political factors which determined the evolution of Modern art in Malta. ; N/A

Resumen La presente investigación es una historia de la posdictadura (1992-2012) a través del fenómeno del clientelismo político. Aunque existe un avanzado debate sobre las implicancias del denominado "modelo chileno", esta indagación busca analizar dicho ciclo a través de una historia de las prácticas políticas, en particular del clientelismo como mecanismo de vinculación entre los referentes políticos y dirigentes territoriales. Al contrario de las perspectivas más tradicionales que visualizan al clientelismo como una relación vertical de dominación entre patrones y clientes, esta investigación exploró un enfoque que privilegió la atención en los mediadores y clientes de la relación. Para ello, se optó por evidenciar la constitución de una economía moral, sobre la cual se movilizaron diferentes arreglos morales entre mediadores y patrones. Dichos lazos, no fueron contruídos solo en los momentos electorales, sino más bien a través del tiempo, con diferentes performances de confianzas, amistad y racionalidad. Por lo anterior, y desde un punto de vista histórico, definimos al clientelismo como una costumbre política, anclada en el trabajo político de los referentes, aprendida en la práctica y evidenciable mediante la trayectoria de los actores. La tesis principal que argumenta esta indagación, sostiene que existieron dos grandes diferencias con el clientelismo previo al periodo dictatorial. La primera de ellas se relaciona con la erosión del sistema de intermediación local-nacional cuya columna vertebral fueron los partidos políticos. Ello se produjo en parte, por el desarrollo gremial de los alcaldes agrupados en la Asociación Chilena de Municipalidades, quienes perfilaron una estrategia dual a ratos con y contra los partidos políticos. Aunque el sistema no se agotó totalmente, pues los partidos siguieron controlando el monopolio de la inscripción de candidatos así como ciertos márgenes de intermediación, el sistema ya no es como el descrito por Valenzuela en 1977. Por otra parte, una segunda diferencia pasó por la consolidación de un clientelismo más despartidizado, cuyos nuevos mediadores son los dirigentes barriales articulados con sus referentes, toda vez que el retiro de los partidos políticos del territorio se hizo más evidente. En este proceso, la costumbre clientelar se adaptó a las nuevas exigencias de subvenciones via fondos concursables, sobre la cual se teje toda una ritualidad clientelar entre referentes y mediadores. Desde la perspectiva de los actores, esta práctica fue un recurso histórico para la solución de problemáticas locales a cambio de apoyo político. Mientras para los referentes, fue un mecanismo para intentar fidelizar su electorado y reproducirse en el poder. Palabras claves: clientelismo, transición, trabajo político, intermediación, municipios. ; ABSTRACT The following research is a post-dictatorship account (1992-2012) throughout the phenomenon of political patronage. Although there is a advanced debate on the implications of the so-called "Chilean Model", this study seeks to analyze the referred period through a narration of political practices; focusing on those related to patronage as a means of correlation between both political influencers and territorial leaders. Contrary to more traditional perspectives that consider patronage as a vertical relation of dominance among patrons and clients, this research examines an approach that pays closer attention to brokers and clients within such relation. In order to do so, the study of the frame of a moral economy is analyzed, noticing different moral arrangements among brokers and patrons in the process. Similarly, it can be observed that those arrangements were established not only during election periods, but also in practices over time which unveil patterns of confidence, friendship and rationality. Overall, it may be said from a historical point of view that patronage is defined as a political repeated praxis deeply linked to political performances of brokers, and, at the same time, it is internalized and observed through the political development of social actors The main thesis, which states this investigation, seeks to demonstrate that there existed two great differences with the patronage before the dictatorial period. On the one hand, the first difference is related to political erosion of the local-national brokerage system whose backbone was represented by political parties. This situation was rather triggered by the union development of mayors belonging to the Chilean association of municipalities, who designed a dual strategy; pro political parties, at times, against them. Although the system did not seem to completely collapse because of parties continued having control of both the monopoly on the registration of candidates and certain elements of brokerage, the system is no longer seen as Valenzuela pointed out in 1977. On the other hand, the second difference can be explained by the consolidation of a more distant patronage from political parties. In light of these new circumstances, the new brokers are local leaders who strengthen networks with their political referents due to the progressive territorial withdrawal of parties. In this process, patronage practices became used to new demands of subsidies via grunt funds; thus, a new patronage coordination between leaders and brokers is observed. From the perspective of brokers and clients, this practice arises as a historical means to unravel local issues in return for political support. Whereas leaders state that the those practices can be considered as a scheme to both promote political loyalty among voters and perpetuate themselves in power.

"Cuius regio, eius religio". Tras la Dieta de Augsburgo de 1555 los diferentes Príncipes asumieron el compromiso de consolidar las respectivas creencias religiosas en sus reinos. Simultáneamente, aspiraban a la construcción de un régimen administrativo centralizado y eficaz que contribuyera al fortalecimiento de las instituciones de la monarquía. El proceso de cambio envolvía las estructuras de la religión, la política, la sociedad y la cultura. Pero para llevar a cabo una reforma de tal envergadura, los monarcas buscaron la colaboración de hombres destacados a los que confiaron la administración de sus reinos. En España, el segoviano Diego de Espinosa monopolizó la privanza de Felipe II entre 1565 y 1572. El proceso de confesionalización y reforma gubernativa fue coordinado por el propio Espinosa que en pocos años llegó a desempeñar altos cargos en la corte filipina: Presidente del Consejo de Castilla y Presidente del Consejo de la Inquisición o Inquisidor General. En esta investigación, el autor se propone analizar la trayectoria personal, política y religiosa de Espinosa ya que, mientras disfrutó de la gracia del monarca, logró articular un programa de reformas confesionales con un fuerte sentido religioso pero que asimismo buscaban la defensa del regalismo monárquico con la misma intensidad. El caso de Espinosa pone de manifiesto la importancia del fenómeno de patronazgo en la temprana modernidad por lo que intentaremos reconstruir dichas redes clientelares. ; "Cuius regio, eius religio". After the Diet of Augsburg in 1555 the different princes committed to the consolidation of their respective faiths in their realms. At the same time they aspired to the construction of a centralized and successful administrative regime that would help strengthen their monarchies. The change involved the religious, political and cultural structures as well as those related to the society. To carry out such a reform the monarchs sought the collaboration of renowned men to whom they entrusted the administration of their realms. In Spain the Segovian Diego de Espinosa monopolized the favour of Phillip II between 1565 and 1572. The process of confessionalization or confession-building and governmental reform was coordinated by Espinosa himself, who in the span of a few years managed to hold a series of important positions in the Philippine Court: President of the Castilian Council and General Inquisitor. In this paper the author seeks to analyse the personal, political and religious trajectory of Espinosa given that, during the time he enjoyed the favour of Phillip II, he successfully articulated a program of confessional reforms with a strong religious spirit but that sought, at the same time, to defend the institution of the monarchy. Espinosa's case highlights the importance of the phenomenon of patronage in the early Modern Ages, that is one of the reasons why it is important to try and reconstruct those patronage networks.

Direkt im Anschluss an den Großen Terror ließ Stalin seine eigenen Schergen verurteilen. Eine gängige Erklärung ist, dass damit der Clan des gerade erst zum Tode verurteilten Geheimdienstchefs Nikolaj Ivanovicov beseitigt und durch frische Kader ersetzt werden sollte. Dagegen legen die Akten zum Gebiet Nikolaev (Ukraine) nahe, dass die Verfolgung der Verfolger auf einen ab Sommer 1938 forcierten Staatsbildungsprozess zurückgeht. Das für die Sowjetunion so typische Patronage und Klientelsystem sollte als Ganzes torpediert und die Loyalität des Personals nun ausschließlich auf den Staat ausgerichtet werden. Marc Junge prägt dafür den Begriff der »stalinistischen Modernisierung«

Soldgeschäfte waren eine grundlegende Komponente schweizerischer und europäischer Geschichte der Frühen Neuzeit. Sie förderten einerseits den Klientelismus und provozierten andererseits Korruptionskritik. Die Autoren und Autorinnen untersuchen vor diesem Hintergrund die wirtschaftlichen und politischen Aktivitäten der 1799 ausgestorbenen Zuger Familie Zurlauben. Gleichzeitig veranschaulichen einzelne Beiträge zu Klientelismus, Patronage und Korruptionskritik und zu den länderübergreifenden Gewaltmärkten des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts die europäischen Aspekte der Thematik in ihren unterschiedlichen ökonomischen, politischen und sozialen Dimensionen. Der vorliegende Band erscheint im Zusammenhang mit dem Abschluss der Edition der Acta Helvetica der Familie Zurlauben.