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Using the lenses of realism, liberalism, the English School and constructivism, this book explains how the divisions and differences in African identities affect African international politics. This book explores the African condition in the twenty-first century. It analyses how geographical, racial, ethnic, linguistic, religious and power differences shape continental and intercontinental relations in Africa through the creation of identities and values which militate against intra-continental or regional relations. The author assesses inclusionary and exclusionary, rational and irrational relationships, interactions and non-interactions which occur between geographical, linguistic, racial and religious entities in Africa. He suggests that, in these moments, one entity will negatively relate, interact or refuse to interact with another entity for the gains of the former and to the detriment of the latter or even to the detriment of both entities. Divided into two parts, the first part of the book employs an ecumenical approach to discuss the divisions and differences that disunite Africa as a continent and Africans as a people and how they affect African international politics. Part II goes on to explore how this 'othering' can be superseded by non-discriminatory, unifying and positive identities and values. Examining the possibility of creating identities and values that can unite Africa as a continent and Africans as a people, this book will be of interest to scholars of African politics, international relations and political theory.

There is a strong scholarly consensus that domestic revolutions create conditions ripe for international conflict. Traditionally scholars have treated revolutions as events, after which there is a period of time during which international conflict is more likely. Yet some states experience significant international conflict only during and in the immediate aftermath of a revolution, whereas other states continue to engage in conflict for many years and even decades afterward. This article seeks to explain the persistence of conflict for some but not all revolutionary states by differentiating the concept of revolutionary leaders from that of revolutions as events, both theoretically and empirically. The author shows that existing theories linking revolution to international conflict underemphasize an important mechanism through which revolution leads to conflict: by selecting conflict-prone leaders through the dynamics of revolutionary politics. He argues that revolutionary politics allow leaders with certain characteristics, including high risk tolerance and strong political ambition to alter the status quo, to obtain executive office because individuals without these characteristics generally do not succeed in leading revolutions. Having obtained power, revolutionary leaders have aggressive preferences that make their states more likely than nonrevolutionary states to instigate international conflict. (World Politics / SWP)

AN ATTEMP TO DEVELOP A FRAMEWORK FOR THE ANALYSIS OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC EXCHANGE,THE AUTHORS VIEW SUCH EXCHANGE AS A SYSTEM OF INTERACTION WITHIN A SOCIAL STRUCTURE, ENCOMPASSING ECONOMIC, POLITICAL, AND OTHER BASES OF POWER DIFFERENCES, THEY FOCUSON THE EFFORTS OF VARIOUS WE STERN NATIONS SINCE 18TH CENTURYTO ADVANTAGEOUSLY STRUCTURE EXCHANGE AND TO ESTABLISH OR PERPETUATE INEQUALITY

In a recent article in this journal, Chapman presents a formal model of the informational role played by international institutions. Unfortunately, the equilibria given in the article are incorrect. In this article, we identify the errors in the analysis of Chapman and solve for correct equilibria to the model. Our results show little support for the empirical implications derived in the original article. Contrary to these original findings, we find that there may be no relationship between an institution's policy position and its effect on domestic public opinion or the likelihood that leaders will consult the institution.

Starting in the 1990s, scholarship has produced interesting, new, nuanced ideas about the potential role of international institutions in transforming the global political system. Political scientists have achieved a new understanding of how the Westphalian system came into being, and this understanding has provided a rudimentary model of the dynamics of system transformation. The new institutionalism has provided insights into the possible role of institutions. Scholars have developed new understandings of secondary consequences of conducting interactions among nation-states through international institutions. The study of a particular institution, the European Union, has been revitalized and important knowledge has emerged about its dynamics and trajectory. Finally, scholars have begun to raise questions about the properties of a non-Westphalian system, especially about how democratic accountability could be established. This chapter examines each of these developments in turn.

"By engaging with ongoing discussions surrounding the scope of cross-border regulation, this expansive Research Handbook provides the reader with key insights into the concept of extraterritoriality. It offers an incisive overview and analysis of one of the most critical components of global governance. Authored by central voices in the global extraterritoriality debate, the Research Handbook on Extraterritoriality in International Law offers legal, interdisciplinary, and regional perspectives on this evolving field. It covers a variety of issues, such as the economics of extraterritorial crime, judicial extraterritoriality, and extraterritorial human rights obligations. This comprehensive Research Handbook will be a valuable research resource for scholars and students of international law and politics, as well as international and domestically oriented legal practitioners who seek to grasp the difficult legal questions surrounding extraterritoriality"--