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Problem setting. In most states, the territorial issues were accompanied by the establishment of a sovereign power, the inviolability of borders, the preservation of the independence of the state, the search for a new model of national identity. As a result, territorial integrity has gained the appropriate level of institutionalization and legitimization at the international and national levels, thus becoming one of the most pressing problems for modern humanities.The basis for understanding the territorial integrity of the state is the study of Hajd, Ch. (2005). The territorial integrity of the state scientist understood as its unity and indivisibility, while inviolability – as the preservation of the integrity of the territory, protection from encroachments by other states or other political forces. In this respect, the territorial integrity and inviolability of the territory are considered by the author as a whole and partial, on the basis of which the inviolability acts as a structural component and a necessary condition for the territorial integrity of the state.The purpose of the paper is to conduct a conceptual analysis of the concept of state territory and territorial integrity in the context of modern political science. The objectives of the paper are to find out the essence of the state territory, to specify the main theories of its research, to systematize the main research approaches to the identification of the content of territorial integrity and the tools for its protection within the framework of domestic and Western political science.The paper main body. The concept of Cassese, A. (2007) is of significant methodological value within the research. The territorial integrity of the state he understood as "an element of state unity characterizing the immutability of state borders, territorial integrity and inviolability of the territory of the state historically formed and people living in a certain territory". On this basis, territorial integrity is the basis of strengthening the constitutional system, which in no case may contradict the principle of the right of people to self-determination. Within this research logic, an important role in implementing the mechanism of ensuring the territorial integrity of the state is given to judicial instruments for resolving territorial disputes within a single constitutional space.The scientific approach by Fukujama, F. (2004) is analyzed. The scientist makes a methodological attempt to carry out a detailed analysis of the notions of "state unity" and "territorial integrity".Within the bounds of political analysis, the concept of Eide, A. (2015) is of great conceptual value. He defines the notions of "territorial integrity", "state integrity" and "territorial inviolability". The concept of Jacobson, J. (2014) in this context is also of great importance. The author reveals the essence of territorial integrity in the context of the implementation of the principle of inviolability of borders, which is an important condition for the solution of issues of protection of state borders, which are essential for the provision of international security throughout the world.Conclusions of the research. Thus, our analysis made it possible to find out the essence of the notions of "state border", "territorial integrity", "territorial integrity" by systematizing the main research approaches that were formed in the context of world and national scientific thought. On this basis, the structural and functional content of the state territory is clarified, including the determination of its composition, history of formation, morphology, location and characteristics of the boundaries. The economic and political peculiarities of the development of the state territory are presented. The relationship between the structure of the state territory and the territorial structure of the economy, the content of territorial disputes and claims between the states, as well as the nature of the corresponding territorial-ethnic conflicts, which leads to a violation of its integrity, are disclosed.The notions of territorial integrity, which refers to unity and indivisibility, and territorial inviolability, which characterizes the preservation of the integrity of the territory, protection from encroachments by other states or other political forces, are delimited.Territorial integrity and territorial inviolability are considered as integral and partial, on the basis of which the inviolability acts as a structural component and a necessary condition for the territorial integrity of the state. It is this aspect that is least developed within the framework of modern political science, which thus forms the methodological prospects for further study of this problem. ; Раскрыта сущность государственной территории, конкретизированы основные теории ее исследования, в частности концепции А. Кейсеса, Ф. Фукуямы, А. Эйде, Ж. Якобсона, А. Эртеля. Систематизированы основные исследовательские подходы к идентификации содержания территориальной целостности и инструментов ее защиты; которые были сформированы в пределах мировой научной мысли. Уточняется структурное и функциональное содержание территории государства, определяется ее структурный состав, освещаются исторические аспекты ее образования, морфология, место нахождения и характеристика границ. Освещены экономические и политические особенности развития государственной территории. Установлена взаимосвязь между структурой государственной территории и территориальной структурой экономики, содержанием территориальных споров и претензий между государствами, а также характером соответствующих территориально-этнических конфликтов, что приводит к их целостности. Установлена сущность понятий «государственная граница», «территориальная целостность», раскрыто их структурно-функциональное содержание, состав. История формирования, морфология, место размещения и характеристика границ; представлены экономические и политические особенности их развития.Разграничены понятия территориальной целостности, под которой понимается единство и неделимость, и территориальной неприкосновенности, что характеризует сохранение целостности территории, защиту от посягательств со стороны других государств или политических сил. Территориальная целостность и неприкосновенность территории рассматриваются как целое и частное, на основании чего неприкосновенность выступает структурной составляющей и необходимым условием территориальной целостности государства.Проанализирована взаимосвязь между структурой государственной территории и территориальной структурой хозяйствования, определено содержание территориальных споров и претензий между государствами, а также проведена характеристика природы соответствующих территориально-этнических конфликтов, которые приводят к нарушению ее целостности. ; З'ясовується сутність державної території, конкретизовано основні теорії її дослідження, зокрема, концепції А. Кейсеса, Ф. Фукуями, А. Ейде, Ж. Якобсона, А. Ертеля. Систематизовано основні дослідницькі підходи до ідентифікації змісту територіальної цілісності та інструментів її захисту, які були сформовані в межах світової наукової думки. Уточнюється структурний і функціональний зміст території держави, визначається її структурний склад, висвітлюються історичні аспекти її утворення, морфологія, місце знаходження і характеристики кордонів. Висвітлено економічні і політичні особливості розвитку державної території. Встановлено взаємозв'язок між структурою державної території і територіальною структурою економіки, змістом територіальних суперечок і претензій між державами, а також характером відповідних територіально-етнічних конфліктів, що призводить до порушення її цілісності. З'ясовано сутність понять «державний кордон», «територіальна цілісність», розкрито їх структурно-функціональний зміст, склад, історію формування, морфологію, місце розташування та характеристики кордонів; наведено економічні й політичні особливості її розвитку.Розмежовано поняття територіальної цілісності, під якою розуміється єдність та неподільність, та територіальної недоторканості, що характеризує збереження цілісності території, захист від посягань з боку інших держав або інших політичних сил. Територіальна цілісність та недоторканість території розглядаються як ціле та часткове, на підставі чого недоторканість виступає структурною складовою та необхідною умовою територіальної цілісності держави. Проаналізовано взаємозв'язок між структурою державної території та територіальною структурою господарювання, визначено зміст територіальних суперечок і претензій між державами, а також охарактеризовано природу відповідних територіально-етнічних конфліктів, які призводять до порушення її цілісності.

[spa] La investigación «Fronteras y transmigraciones del diálogo intercultural: implicancias del acto educativo como acción estética y emancipadora» consiste en el diseño (en el marco de la metodología de modelización ecosistémica) de un proyecto pedagógico (investigativo/interventivo) cuyo objetivo es reflexionar críticamente acerca de los elementos fundamentales de la educación en perspectiva intercultural y dialógica. En tal sentido, se documentan algunas reflexiones episte-metodo-lógicas acerca de temáticas relevantes en este campo. Éstas se han trabajado en paralelo (e interconexión) a una serie de acciones socioeducativas en ámbitos formales e informales de la ciudad de Barcelona. En relación a las temáticas de interés investigativo, se abordan (en los capítulos respectivos) una serie de cuestiones importantes, a saber, los debates acerca de las diferencias entre las tradiciones multi e intercultural; el desarrollo de la filosofía intercultural durante las últimas décadas; las formas de la inteligibilidad (en ocho metáforas) del fenómeno intercultural; la alfabetización intercultural como referente teórico de la acción socioeducativa; también lo referente entre interculturalidad, hermenéutica diatópica e intertextualidad; se propone, por otra parte, hacer explícito el marco constituyente entre cultura y alteridad entendido como fundamento de principio del pensamiento intercultural; además se realiza un compendio de las conceptualizaciones en relación a la "cultura" en las tradiciones humanista y antropológica, y su traducción pedagógica en términos de vecindad e imaginación; lo anterior a la luz de las implicaciones que tiene la noción de la experiencia para la investigación educativa, y la compresión de la metodología como una forma de tekné. Como se señaló previamente, estas inquietudes son concurrentes a la formulación y ejecución de una serie de acciones socioeducativas en la ciudad de Barcelona: 1. La participación en la fundación Migra Studium en cuatro escenarios: el grupo de visitas y monitoreo al Centro de internamiento para extranjeros (CIE) de Barcelona, la construcción del programa de parejas lingüísticas "Alliberar la paraula", el montaje (junto al colectivo de teatro La Trilateral) de la obra "Ramon Llull a la ciutat nova", y el diseño de los espacios de "Espai de Trobada Intercultural". 2. La participación en la Comisión de Pedagogía de la Comunidad de Aprendizaje (Escola Coves d` En Cimany), los grupos interactivos, y la ejecución del proyecto comunitario "Las nuevas aventuras de las bacterias cromáticas". 3. La colaboración (en la organización) y participación en el encuentro "Imaginarios desarmados. Arte y exilio", que tuvo por objetivo apoyar los acuerdos de Paz de la Habana (entre el gobierno colombiano y las fuerzas armadas revolucionarias de Colombia) junto a un grupo de colombianos (y otros aliados) residentes en Barcelona. 4. Por último, la participación como profesor invitado a los seminarios de antropología para estudiantes de educación social y pedagogía de la UB (campus Mundet). Desde la complementariedad de estos niveles se delimita la hipótesis de trabajo de investigación, que se formuló tardíamente como «la (im) posibilidad de una educación intercultural». Esta consideración se expone en la introducción. Con base en esta hipótesis se invita a la filosofía de la educación, esto es, a la pedagogía, a convenir en un pacto donde poner entre paréntesis esas (im) posibilidades, entendidas en tanto retos pedagógicos. En otras palabras, se pone en consideración que establecer una agenda educativa sobre el diálogo intercultural se trata de un asunto que reviste unos retos significativos. De los cuales el principal sería estimar el pedagógico de dicha educación, dígase a propósito de los principios sobre los que se fundamenta. Esta reflexión se pone en contraste (e interlocución) con la discusión política sobre la posibilidad de una ciudadanía mundial, principalmente teniendo en cuenta algunas consideraciones acerca del arraigo, la solidaridad, la globalización y el cosmopolitismo. Acá se marca un escenario de complejidad. En el prefacio se establece que la "esperanza" pedagógica frente a las (im) posibilidades se enriquece en la analogía del "intercambio epistolar" (entendido como correspondencia en la amistad). A partir de estas consideraciones se propone a la correspondencia y la amistad como fundamentos del diálogo intercultural. En esto orden de ideas, se plantea comprender el horizonte de la interculturalidad en la perspectiva de una política de los afectos: donde los sujetos políticos son capaces de pactar alianzas. Lo que aparece de nuevo como interpelación sobre el alcance de esas alianzas, pregunta fundamental para la pedagogía que piensa la educación intercultural. Como cuando Gonzalo Arango afirmaba: "Ni usted ni yo necesitamos presentación. Tenemos tres cosas en común: esta tierra, la vida y la muerte. En eso somos semejantes, casi amigos." ; [eng] This research entitled points to design a pedagogical ecosystem modeling, consisting on a research/intervention project. It aims to enhance the critical pedagogical reflection on intercultural and dialogical education. Several subjects are documented to achieve it, including episte- methodological issues, which have been connected to formal and informal educational actions performed in Barcelona city. Concerning to the key conceptual topics important issues are addressed, namely, multi and intercultural discussions; last decades' intercultural philosophy developments; eight metaphorical interculturality understandings; intercultural literacy and socio-educational action; intertextuality and diatopical hermeneutics; culture and alterity as a intercultural constituent framework; humanistic and anthropological approaches to culture, and its pedagogical translation as neighborhood and imagination based on the experience`s role on systemic modeling methodological tradition. As previously noted, these concerns were linked to a number of socio-educational actions: 1. NGOs participation on four Migra Studium scenarios: the CIE´s visit and monitoring Group, linguistics couples program "Alliberar la paraula", design and execution on "Ramon Lllull a la Ciutat nova" social theater project, and the involvement on the intercultural space meetings "Espai de Trobada Intercultural". 2. Learning- Community contributions on pedagogical commission, interactive groups, and the project execution "Las nuevas aventuras de las bacterias cromáticas" (supported by the school Coves d´ En Cimany and Juan Marse´s neighborhood library). 3. "Imaginarios desarmados. Arte y Exilio" collaborations, which aimed to build community alliance around the Havana Agreements between Colombian government and Farc´s Guerrilla. 4. University of Barcelona Guest Professor on Anthropology classes. Related to this complementary "between-levels" analysis, the research hypothesis, which was later formulated, is defined as follows: . Based on this rhetoric statement an invitation is required to pedagogy: to put in parentheses those impossibilities as if were pedagogical challenges. In other words, establishing an educational agenda concerning to intercultural dialogue poses significant challenges. The main would be estimating it´s pedagogical «scope» based on certain principles. To make a contrast on this idea, some political arguments about world citizenship are brought: roots, solidarity, globalization and cosmopolitism. A complex scenario is thus marked. Because of these impossibilities, a pedagogical hope is suggested: as an analogy (to an exchange symbol) based on an epistolary frame. Correspondence and friendship notions are highlighted from this idea. Furthermore, an affections politics is proposed in this sense: the political subject´s power is thus understood as the ability to pact alliances. In short, pedagogical hope is referred to solidarity and potential arrangements. Both values whose "devaluation" appears worrisome, but involve the possible, as Gonzalo Arango used to say: "Neither You nor I need an introduction. We all have three common things: the land, life and death. Places where at least We are similar, almost friends."

Theoretischer Hintergrund: Im Zuge der aktuellen demographischen Entwicklung konnte in den letzten Dekaden eine extreme Prävalenzzunahme der Demenz vom Alzheimertyp (AD) verzeichnet werden, die insbesondere künftige Generationen vor enorme gesundheitspolitische Herausforderungen stellen wird und zur Entwicklung früherer diagnostischer wie auch effektiver therapeutischer Verfahren drängt. Derzeit verfügbare Biomarker der AD sind entweder zu unspezifisch, invasiv oder zu teuer, um sie als breite Screeningwerkzeuge einsetzen zu können. Insbesondere die Erkenntnis, dass die pathologischen Prozesse der AD lange vor ihrer klinischen Manifestation im unteren Hirnstamm beginnen, führte zu der Entwicklung der neuen Methode der somatosensibel evozierten Potentiale des N. vagus (VSEP), die zunehmend als Marker der vagalen Hirnstammfunktion angesehen wird. Dennoch wurde in letzter Zeit die Aussagekraft der Vaguspotentiale angezweifelt, nachdem eine neuere Studie ihren muskulären Ursprung postulierte. Zur Validierung der parasympathischen Ätiologie der VSEP schien die Herzratenvariabilität (HRV) als breit anerkannter Marker der parasympathischen Aktivität besonders geeignet. Beide Methoden wurden auf ihren Zusammenhang sowie auf eine potentielle Veränderung im Rahmen eines "mild cognitive impairment" (MCI) untersucht, um ihr diagnostisches Potenzial bezüglich eines prädementiellen Stadiums der AD zu überprüfen. Methoden: Die vorliegende Studie erfolgte als Querschnittsanalyse des ersten Untersuchungszeitpunktes der Vogel-Studie. Nach Ausschluss von Probanden mit HRV- wie VSEP-relevanten Erkrankungen (nicht Hypertonie, Medikamente) und sorgfältiger Datenbearbeitung enthielt die Gesamtstichprobe 218 ältere Probanden im Alter von 74 ± 1.4 Jahren (MCI: n=27; kognitiv gesunde Kontrollen: n=191). Die Erhebung der VSEP erfolgte nach den gängigen Methoden von Fallgatter et al. (2003) an den Elektrodenpositionen Fz-F3, Fz-F4, C3-F3, C4-F4 und T4-O1/T3-O1 bei sukzessiver Stimulation beider Innenseiten des Tragus, die Messung der HRV über 15 min mit einem Finometer® Midi. Nur VSEP-Latenzen (P1, N1, P2) und die vagal modulierten HRV-Variablen RMSSD, LF, HF, RSAnorm (natürlicher Logarithmus) wurden in die weitere Analyse eingeschlossen. Zur Gegenüberstellung von VSEP und HRV in der Kontrollgruppe wurden Korrelationen sowie univariate Varianzanlysen der Quartilgruppen HRV-korrelierter VSEP-Latenzen, zum Vergleich von VSEP und HRV in MCI- und Kontrollgruppe T-Tests für unabhängige Stichproben durchgeführt. Ergebnisse: Für die gesunde Kontrollgruppe konnten in den Korrelationsberechnungen unter Kontrolle potentieller Einflussfaktoren signifikante Ergebnisse in den Elektrodenpositionen T4-O2 (Stimulation rechts) sowie C4-F4 (Stimulation links) verzeichnet werden. Alle Latenzkomponenten des Kanals C4-F4 zeigten signifikante, negative Korrelationen mit den vagal modulierten HRV-Parametern (P1 mit ln RMSSD, ln LF, ln HF, RSAnorm; N1 mit ln RMSSD, ln LF, ln HF; P2 mit ln LF). Die jeweiligen Latenz-Quartilgruppenvergleiche bestätigten, dass längere P1-Latenzen mit einem signifikant geringeren parasympathischen Tonus (RSAnorm, Trend bei HF) und einer signifikant geringeren Funktion der Baroreflexe (LF) einhergeht, wobei letzteres auch für P2 gilt. Die Ergebnisse der VSEP im Kanal T4-O2 fielen zwar konträr aus (positive Korrelation von P2 mit ln LF, ln HF, ln RSAnorm), konnten jedoch auch in Anbetracht eines allgemein schwächeren Zusammenhanges zwischen VSEP und HRV nur unzureichend durch die Varianzanalysen untermauert werden. Die Mittelwertsvergleiche zwischen MCI- und Kontrollgruppe ergaben einerseits vergleichbare HRV-Werte in beiden Gruppen, andererseits eine signifikante P2-Latenzverlängerung im Kanal T4-O2 (Stimulation rechts) in der MCI-Gruppe im Vergleich zu kognitiv gesunden Kontrollen. Schlussfolgerung: Trotz nicht hundertprozentig kongruenter Ergebnisse konnte unter anderem anhand der P1-Latenz im Kanal C4-F4 und der in hohem Maße parasympathisch modulierten RSAnorm ein sehr signifikanter Zusammenhang zwischen HRV und VSEP-Latenzen deutlich gemacht werden. Dies legt den Ursprung der VSEP in den autonomen Strukturen des Hirnstamms nahe. So könnte sich eventuell eine Verzögerung der VSEP-Latenz P2, wie es in der vorliegenden Studie bei MCI-Patienten beobachtet wurde, als additiver, nicht-invasiver Biomarker zur Frühdiagnose von prädementiellen Phasen der AD etablieren. Bereits angelaufene Längsschnittstudien wie die Vogelstudie werden künftig genauere Aussagen über die prädiktive Aussagekraft der VSEP zur Vorhersage einer AD liefern. ; Theoretical Background: In the course of the current demographic development, an extreme increase in the prevalence of Alzheimer's disease (AD) has been recorded in recent decades. This will confront particularly future generations with enormous health challenges. Therefore the development of earlier diagnostic as well as effective therapeutic procedures urges. The currently available biomarkers of AD are either non-specific, invasive or too expensive for using them as a screening tool. The insight that the pathological processes of AD start long before their clinical manifestation in the lower brainstem, led to the development of a new method called vagus somatosensory evoked potentials (VSEP), which is increasingly seen as a marker for the vagus activity in the brainstem. Nevertheless the relevance of the VSEP was questioned lately after a newer study stated its muscular origin. The heart rate variability (HRV) is a widely accepted marker of the vagal tone and seemed to be suitable for validating the parasympathetic etiology of the VSEP. The correlation of both methods (VSEP and HRV) was therefore investigated in a group of cognitive healthy participants. This study examined furthermore possible changes of VSEP and HRV in a group of participants with mild cognitive impairment (MCI) in order to validate their diagnostic potential in terms of this symptomatic predementia phase of AD. Methods: The presented study was carried out as a cross-sectional study within the first visit of the Vogel study. After exclusion of participants with diseases that might affect either HRV or VSEP (not hypertension, drugs) and after careful data processing, the total sample contained 218 elderly participants at the age of 74 ± 1.4 years (MCI: n=27, cognitive healthy participants: n=191). The VSEP were measured at the electrode positions Fz-F3, Fz-F4, C3-F3, C4-F4 und T4-O1/T3-O1 on the basis of the common methodology, which was firstly introduced by Fallgatter et al. (2003), by successive transcutaneous stimulation of the vagus nerve at the inner side of the tragus at both ears. The measurement of HRV was carried out over 15 minutes with a Finometer® Midi. Only VSEP latencies (P1, N1, P2) and the vagal modulated HRV variables RMSSD, LF, HF, RSAnorm (natural logarithm) were included in further analysis. To investigate the relationship between VSEP and HRV within the group of cognitive healthy participants, correlations as well as ANOVAs were accomplished. To compare VSEP and HRV between the groups of participants with and without MCI, T-Tests for independent samples were performed. Results: By taking potential influencing factors into account, the correlation of VSEP and HRV was significant for the electrode positions T4-O2 (right vagus stimulation) and C4-F4 (left vagus stimulation) in the group of cognitive healthy participants. All VSEP latencies of the electrode position C4-F4 showed significant, negative correlations with the vagal modulated parameters of HRV (P1 with ln RMSSD, ln LF, ln HF, ln RSAnorm; N1 with ln RMSSD, ln LF, ln HF; P2 with ln LF). As confirmed by ANOVA it could be shown that longer P1-latencies are significantly correlated with a lower vagal tone (RSAnorm, trend for HF) as well as a lower function of the baroreflex (LF) and that longer P2-latencies correlate with a lower L low frequency power of HRV. There were contrary results for the electrode position T4-O2 (positive correlation between P2 and ln LF, ln HF, ln RSAnorm), but the correlation between VSEP and HRV for this electrode position was generally weaker and furthermore insufficiently confirmed by ANOVA. As verified by T-Tests there was on the one hand no significant difference in the parameters of HRV between the MCI group and the control group, on the other hand a significant prolongation of the P2-latencies (T4-O2, right vagus stimulation) was detected in the MCI group in comparison to the group of cognitive healthy participants. Conclusion: In spite of not completely congruent results, this study revealed a significant negative correlation between HRV and VSEP particularly for the electrode position C4-F4. This suggests that the origin of the VSEP is located in the autonomous structures of the brainstem. Thus a delay in the P2-latency of the VSEP, as observed in the group of participants with MCI in this study, could possibly be established as a additive, non-invasive biomarker for an earlier diagnosis of predementia phases of AD. In future longitudinal studies like the Vogel Study will provide more precise information about the predicitve value of the VSEP in terms of the prediction of AD.

Given the complexities of education in the 21st century, how might transformative approaches to literacy, a critical literacy embedded in social justice, offer one way of responding to current issues? My interest in this question emerges from my work as a classroom teacher working with diverse students for ten years. In my work with elementary school students (Grades 3 to 8), my approaches to teaching aligned with critical pedagogy (Freire, 1970; Kincheloe, 2007; Andrade and Morell, 2008). That is, I sought to engage students in societal critique through dialogue, and to foster various forms of social action as responses to the issues we explored. I wanted my students to be literate, I believed they were capable of high levels of literacy, and believed that their literacy could be a tool to explore the underlying causes of injustice and take action to redress them. I often aimed at what Lesko and Bloom refer to as "happy-ever-after endings" (1998, p. 390): I hoped students felt good about our learning, their social action, the money and awareness we raised for particular justice initiatives, and about the people the social action aimed to help. In my teaching, I found that providing opportunities for critical talk in response to various texts and opportunities for drama improvisation activities to be powerful ways to engage students in the complexities of social justice issues, particularly those students who seemed to be disengaged during more traditional instructional approaches. Such in and out of role talk was my way of getting students passionate about an issue, and to foster embodied responses to texts that I (as teacher) introduced.I felt at the time that I experienced success in engaging students using dialogic and dramatic pedagogies associated with critical literacy. I taught in a school where most of the students identified as White and middle to upper-middle class. Students at this school responded with enthusiasm to my conceptions of social justice and my connected literacy practices. For example, I often invited analysis and critique of various media texts, organized community service learning projects, and accompanied students to demonstrations aimed at raising awareness of various issues that students and I associated with local and global injustice. We often discussed the plight of Others1. I began to wonder, however, why my students seemed to be buying in to my pedagogy. I wondered whether or not what we were doing was actually working toward social justice.When I began teaching at a large elementary school populated by students who had recently immigrated to Canada (many under refugee claims), were racially marginalized, and/or were of lower socio-economic status, this challenged my prior conceptions of critical literacy work embedded in social justice. Many of these students did not seem to respond as positively to what I considered important issues (that I assumed were also important to them). My new context provoked questions about what I was doing, how I was doing it, for whom, and the role played by my gender, racial and class privilege in my attempts at transformative social justice teaching. I began to wonder whether my teaching reflected and valued these students' lived experiences. When I became an equity consultant for my school board, I continued to question the relationships between my (and other teachers') experiences, those of my (and their) students, and the realities of people directly harmed in the issues I addressed. I wondered: How did students with different social identities and life experiences interpret my pedagogy and content? Why did some students seem to care about issues of justice (as I presented them), and others not? How might conflict be a productive component of critical literacy for social justice, and what diverse ways could students demonstrate their "literacy"?.In North America, the term 'social justice' has become a catch phrase in education circles, with many schools, school boards, and faculties of education incorporating it into their mission statements and curriculum documents. Indeed, diverse understandings of social justice manifest themselves through various approaches to education. For example, anti-oppressive, multicultural, and democratic citizenship education all, to various extents and with different emphases, claim to incorporate social justice goals. These approaches reject current neoliberal trends in education that are manifested through pervasive standardized testing, scripted curriculum, and continued disparities in the educational achievement of groups marginalized by racism and poverty. Many critical scholars argue that an emphasis on curriculum standards and testing functions to privilege certain perspectives and dominant groups in society (De Lissovoy, 2015; Kumashiro, 2009) and marginalize Others. Such neoliberal trends challenge teachers who wish to work through critical literacies with students to address injustice (Ayers et al, 2009; Kumashiro, 2009; Soloman & Singer, 2011). At the same time, some researchers argue that social justice approaches risk imposing perspectives rather than acknowledging diverse student experiences and intersubjective constructions of knowledge (Sonu, 2009a). Social justice education is a complicated endeavor, defined and practiced for particular goals, and situated within particular contexts.Critical literacy scholars, such as Allan Luke, Barbara Comer, and Vivian Vazquez, focus directly on literacy practices that manifest in classrooms, and what those literacy practices mean for addressing broad issues of social justice. Critical literacy practice involves teachers in weaving critical questions about various texts into the fabric of everyday life at school. This paper builds on such work focused on critical literacy teaching in elementary school classrooms, and student responses to it – in particular, I frame critical literacy as students' encounters with texts and with each other. Such encounters can include opportunities for students to engage rich talk – dramatic in-role talk included - in relation to multiple text forms. These opportunities are meaning making events-where the analysis of power relations can potentially provoke creative responses.I present and discuss two vignettes from two urban elementary classroom case studies—a grade 6 class in a demographically mixed area and a grade 8 class in an economically and racially marginalized neighborhood in Southern Ontario, Canada. The teachers in these classrooms regularly implemented dialogic literacy pedagogies on conflictual social justice topics. I also worked with small groups of students from these classrooms, and engaged them in improvised drama session (described below). Teachers' and my own pedagogies included not purely talk or deliberation, but emotive political exchanges, embodying neither fixed identities, fixed social positions, nor straightforward solutions to complex issues. Within this paper, I explore moments of paradox, concurrence and dissonance between two educators' (one classroom teacher and myself as researcher) intentions and various students' responses. These moments illustrate the possible dangers, and transformative potential of eliciting conflictual exchanges in the critical exploration of issues associated with social justice.

Brazil-China agricultural trade mushroomed since 2000 to become one of the world's largest flows of agroindustrial commodities and capital, reigniting and transforming agrarian questions in a new, multipolar world order. After the conjunction of food price and financial crises in 2007-2009, this burgeoning trade gave rise to a very palpable boom of Chinese investments in Brazilian agribusiness. My dissertation is the most in-depth and extensive study to date about this phenomenon, and its background in historical relations between Brazil and China. As this growth of Chinese investments abroad took place, a broader rush of investments in farmland and agroindustrial production, processing, trade, and infrastructure unfolded worldwide (often called the global land grab) – and China was identified as a major new investor, while Brazil was recognized as one of the foremost targets for transnational agroindustrial investments. State and corporate actors across both China and Brazil promoted this leveraging of investments as a new form of South-South cooperation, claiming it strengthens domestic agribusinesses and governments in these countries in relation to the hegemonic agribusiness and state interests from the Global North. On the other hand, some critics feared this new wave of investments establishes a neocolonial relation that deindustrializes Brazil, dragging it back to an extractivist and export-oriented agriculture that curtails employment and the standard of living of Brazilians, and locks the country economically into dependent international relations. In this dissertation, I set out to investigate where and how Chinese investments are taking place in Brazilian agribusiness (both direct and indirect, targeting everything from seeds, agrochemicals, and other inputs, farmland and agricultural production, agroindustrial processing, and the related logistics infrastructure such as warehouses and ports). My findings indicate that Chinese investments in Brazilian agribusiness did expand rapidly in recent years, but they are still far dwarfed by capital from the Global North – particularly in farmland and agricultural production. The prominent discourse that "China is a (or the) major land grabber" is debunked, and I argue it has actually been constructed through a complex conjuncture of social interests that range across rural social movements, commercial farmers, landed elites, and industrialists in Brazil, alongside agribusinesses and financiers from the Global North. This indicates also a form of sinophobia, which I argue must be understood in its 200-year history of shifting and sedimented Orientalist discourses about the Chinese in Brazilian (and other "Western") imaginaries. Tracing a genealogy of this sinophobia, I also reconstruct the emergence of a transnational class of boosters, brokers, bureaucrats, and (agri)businessmen (mostly men), who I call collectively "agribusiness professionals." I argue these agribusiness professionals have not only been at the forefront of constructing Brazil-China relations for over 200 years, but also it is examining their work of assembling Chinese capital with Brazilian land, labor, and expertise that we can comprehend the nature and denouement of Brazil-China agroindustrial partnerships. Thus, I combine political economic and historical methods with a critical global ethnography of the transnational agribusiness professionals assembling Chinese capital with Brazilian agribusiness – rooted in in-depth interviews, life histories, and some participant observation undertaken from the fall of 2010 through the spring of 2017. This period included fieldwork in China during the summers of 2011 and 2013, and the spring of 2015. In Brazil, fieldwork was undertaken during the summer of 2012, and between January 2014 and August 2015. In total, I spent over 20 non-consecutive months undertaking fieldwork in Brazil and 7 non-consecutive months in China, working in about 14 Brazilian states and 8 Chinese provinces (and provincial-level cities). This research reveals that Chinese agroindustrial capital is not homogeneous, centralized, or directed "from Beijing", and rather than treating it as a "global force" that has "local impacts" in Brazil, I reveal how Chinese and Brazilian agribusiness professionals co-produce the emerging Brazil-China agroindustrial assemblage in the pursuit of their own affluence and influence. On one end of the spectrum, there are companies and projects that I term "Paper Tigers." These are companies that invested (or attempted to invest) primarily in farmland and agricultural production, and so were feared to be menacing land grabbers, but nevertheless turned out to be quite ineffective. Through a combination of insufficient financial and political resources, inadequate operational capacity among agribusiness professionals, and social resistance across various scales, these Paper Tigers either failed to operate profitably or even establish themselves in the first place. On the other end of the spectrum are companies I call (adapting a term from the Chinese government's recent policies) "Dragon Heads." These are companies that play leading roles in their sectors domestically, and launched foreign investments primarily through global-level mergers and acquisitions (M&As) of existing transnational or local (i.e. Brazilian) companies, focusing primarily on agroindustrial trade. While these indirect investments through M&As actually amount to the largest influx of Chinese agroindustrial capital into Brazil, and show clear signs and potential for converging with the agribusiness corporations from the Global North that had hegemony over much of Brazilian and transnational agroindustrial assemblages, this is still an underexplored phenomenon. A central contribution of my dissertation is discerning Chinese agribusiness investments in Brazil as Dragon Heads or Paper Tigers, showing this to be a much more useful lens for analysis than simple categorization across ownership structure as private companies or state-owned enterprises. My main argument is that, whether Brazil-China agroindustrial partnerships collapse as Paper Tigers or advance as Dragon Heads, these projects ultimately benefit the transnational agribusiness professionals who assemble them above all others. While transnational agribusiness professionals cultivate their own wealth and power through these projects, they also aggravate the exploitation of natural resources and workers, and the marginalization of peasants and agroecological alternatives. Therefore, what I call the "South-South question" – how Brazil-China agroindustrial partnerships constitute new linkages of agroindustrial capitalism within and between these previously-peripheral spaces that emerge now as new hubs of capital, and with what implications for the society and environment, particularly struggles for democracy and social justice – brings into the spotlight this group of agribusiness professionals as the key intellectuals (in the sense that Gramsci used in his examination of the "southern question") who construct capitalist hegemony through transnational agribusiness development. In turn, the struggle for democracy, land redistribution, agroecology, agrarian reform, food sovereignty, and social justice must contest this intellectual and political terrain of transnational agribusiness professionals. Agroecological alternatives for Brazil-China agroindustrial partnerships exist, and are illustrated in the conclusion of this dissertation, but their pursuit is fundamentally a project of internationalist class struggle – uniting peasants, workers, and their allies in both China and Brazil against an increasingly transnational capitalist class.

The object of this research is the Zaberezinskis family among the political elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania: the association of the family's history (its genealogy, economic, political, foundational activity) with the rest of the environment of the GDL rulers of the Jagiellonian Dynasty. The general backdrop of the political life of the GDL makes it possible to see and evaluate the weight of the Zaberezininkis family among the country's ruling elite. From the late 15th to the middle of the 16th century, the aristocratic authority with its ages-old roots acquired institutional form. Foreseeing the possibility of rulers residing outside the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (as during Kazimierz Jagiellonian's rule), Alexander Jagiellonian's privilege of 6 August 1492 authorized broader prerogatives for the Council of Lords. At the same time, on the eve of the proclamation of the Grand Duke, the summoned parliament initiated the tradition of representation of the nobility. Institutional changes were accompanied by the reception of humanistic ideas, legal culture and political theory, linked to the custom, increasing at the time, of nobility sending their offspring to universities to pursue higher education. The story of the Zaberezinskis family, descendants of Rimvydas, is presented In the context of the formation of the GDL Republic (Respublica Magni Ducatus Lithuaniae), a political nation of descendants of the Romans (as the Lithuanian nobility portrayed themselves). The earliest data on the kin are associated with the times of Sigismund Kęstutaitis, and the latest with those of Sigismund Augustus. Members of the family played a particularly significant role in the history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the times of Kazimierz Jagiellonian and his two sons Alexander and Sigismund the Old, from the 1480s until 1544. Responding to the postulates of the modern science of genealogy, the story of the family is presented according to its different branches. Against the background of key events in Lithuanian history, beginning from Jurgis Rimvydaitis and Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis, the careers of the latter's children and their descendants, their interrelationships, and factors influencing their careers are analysed. Due to the different status of different members of the family and the different amounts of data available in the sources, the questionnaire applied to different members of the family differs. Jonas Jurgaitis and his son Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis, who reached the highest posts, are the most significant, and the most extensive treatment is given to their biographies. The composition of the landholding and the development of the network of towns are discussed in a separate part of the study. The available data (including property holdings) do not directly confirm a family relationship between the Zaberezinskis and the Manvydas families. No sources have been found in which the Zaberezinskis in any way mention Manvydas or his brother, or a family relationship with them. In the view of the author of this work, the success of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinsky's career can be attributed to his holding the strategic post of Vicar of Polotsk at a key moment, the favour of Lithuanian Grand Duke Alexander and strong personal abilities. In consequence, Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinsky proved one of the most prominent personalities on the Council of Lords, achieving the particularly high offices of Voivode of Trakai and Grand Marshall, and personally taking part in the most important events in the interstate relations of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. For a variety of reasons (often due to early death), the only descendent of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis who achieved a significant political career was his son Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis (~1473-1538), who ultimately, like his father, assumed the posts of Voivode of Trakai and Grand Marshall of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. His relations with the other most influential high-ranking noblemen of the period are considered, especially the meaning of marriages contracted by him and arranged by him for his descendants and relatives. The gathered data regarding the formation and distribution of the family's latifundium show that the most important stage in the formation of the estate was the time of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis, although later the family also acquired significant properties through marriage and purchases. A major step in this process was the marriage of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis to the daughter, Ona, of Jonas Nasuta, who held large properties in Palenkė (Podlasie). Other ways land was acquired were purchases and gifts of the rulers (Casimir and Alexander). One such event that stands out is Alexander's gift in 1506 of the regions of Alytus and Simnas. Many of the surviving papers written by Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis in the final period of his life, when he resided in Alytus as Keeper of the City and the Region, testify to intense internal colonization of the area of Alytus and Simnas by the Nemunas River. Alytus and Simnas also include the most noteworthy church foundations made by Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis and his family, a clear witness to the founders' piety. As he gave the decisive impulse for Alytus and Simnas to become city-like settlements, he can properly be considered the founder of those cities. The political self-awareness of the Lithuanian aristocracy is best captured by the term from that period "the Republic of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania" (Respublica Magni Ducatus Lithuaniae), as D. Kuolis has accurately observed. The theory of the Roman origins of the Lithuanian nobility, with all its consequences (such as e.g. the rule of law), can be considered the highest peak of the political culture of the ruling elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In 1525 (well before the Union of Lublin, which is often associated with Lithuanian republican traditions) Albertas Goštautas's memorial to the Grand Duchess Bona associated the notion of nobility with loyalty to the ruler and responsibility for the commonwealth (the republic). Although it can be said that certain Republican ideals drawn from antiquity thrived among the Lithuanian aristocracy, their dominant trait was conservatism (unwillingness to admit lesser nobility to the structures of power). The high-rank nobility clearly recognized the ruler as the head of the political body of the Grand Duchy, and sought for him a crown. The programme for a Kingdom of Lithuania should be linked to the need, fostered by aristocracy, for the GDL to have its own distinct identity, though having a separate ruler was important also for practical reasons: the unquestioned centralized government accelerated the defence mechanisms of the state. A contemporary observer testifies that, when the ruler was absent, the Lithuanian lords "did not know what to do, remained undecided and did nothing." The ruling elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, both in their actions and in what they wrote (in the Lithuanian chronicles and elsewhere), unequivocally showed that no agreements with the Polish Crown bound them. The role of the aristocracy in the political emancipation of the lesser nobility and the importance of the latter for the maturing of the Lithuanian-Polish Union are issues that still require further research. Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis gave some of his nobles personal freedom and economic autonomy, which can be regarded as a precondition for political emancipation.

In this thesis, theoretical and methodological basis of the study of informational direction of policy on protecting national interests of the state are systematized; the experience in this very area of foreign countries and Ukraine is generalized.It is proved that the informational direction of policy on protecting national interests is an integral part of state policy, which ensures the promotion and protection of interests in public political-informational, political-figurative and political-semantic fields. It has been pointed on synergistic specificity of implementing such a policy in the conditions of non-linear development of the world.The substantial difference between the concepts «political territory» and «political space», which are used as synonyms in political science, was justified. Political territory should be considered as states-nations and its associations, which have publicly recognized and legally secured borders, institutions of governance, system of legislation and regulation, and monopoly to use force. They are focused on ensuring stability, maximum protection, inviolability of borders and preservation of sovereignty. Political space is a set of interrelated political phenomena and processes which go beyond borders, but initiated by certain state in order to establish economic, political, cultural, linguistic, informational, etc. control on internal and external space. The author proposed the following indicators of divergence: geographic (border), regulatory, institutional (presence/absence of a single decisionmaking center).Such concepts as «political-figurative field» and «political- semantic field», which are the components of a constructed reality, were identified. They also define the entire set of images and meanings, which the national interests of the state are articulated in. Political-figurative field is a component of a constructed reality, a set of authentic values of the people, symbols and simulacrum, in which the national interests of the state are articulated. Moreover, it is the totality of tangible and intangible images that identify territory (emblem, anthem, flag, personalities, goods, historical places, etc.). They also create an emotional connection with target audiences for the promotion and protecting national interests.Political-semantic field refers to totality of essential characteristics of different phenomena, which form interpretations of reality and create a politicalrelevant knowledge for the promotion and protecting national interests of the state.The author added the list and the scope of the methods and techniques of research the informational direction of protection on national interests of the world states in terms of modern non-linear political processes. Forms of its manifestation in modern politics were added too.The study of information-communication activities in the field of protecting national interests as a part of political science and methodological understanding of the essence of this direction has gained further development in this thesis. It is proved, that influence of modern nonlinear socio-political processes contributed to the redefinition the role and place of informational direction of protecting on national interests, its appearance on the same level with power instruments of protection state sovereignty and interests.Based on generalized experience of formation and implementation the informational direction of policy on protecting national interests of the states and supranational organizations the author formed two models – subsidiary (US, UK, EU and NATO) and vertical (Russia).Clarified and systematized the experience of formation and implementation of information policy for the protecting of national interests of Ukraine in the conditions of nonlinear social and political processes. Improved and expanded approaches to the assessment of external and internal perception of the state based on analysis of rating indicators of the state development and polls that indirectly reflect the state of understanding, support of the national interests of target audiences in information-communication sphere.The author proposed the transitional model of the development and implementation of the informational direction of policy on protecting national interests of Ukraine in the conditions of nonlinear processes, which reflects modern transformation and transition from a vertical to a subsidiary model. ; У дисертаційному дослідженні систематизовані теоретико- методологічні основи дослідження інформаційного напряму політики захисту національних інтересів держави; узагальнений досвід закордонних держав та України у цьому напрямі.Доведено, що інформаційний напрям політики захисту національних інтересів є складовою державної політики, яка забезпечує просування і захист інтересів у публічному політико-інформаційному, політико-образному та політико-смисловому просторах. Вказано на синергетичну специфіку реалізації такої політики в умовах нелінійності розвитку світу.Обґрунтовано змістовну розбіжність понять «політична територія» і «політичний простір», які у політичній науці використовуються як синоніми. Під політичною територією розуміються держави та їх об'єднання, які мають юридично закріплені і визнані у світі кордони, інститути управління, систему нормативно-правового регулювання та монополію на використання сили. Вони орієнтовані на забезпечення стабільного існування, максимального захисту, непорушності кордонів та збереження суверенітету. Політичний простір – це сукупність взаємопов'язаних політичних явищ та процесів, які не обмежуються кордонами, але ініційовані певною державою з метою встановлення економічного, політичного, культурного, мовного, інформаційного та ін. контролю над власним та зовнішнім простором. Запропоновано такі індикатори розбіжності: географічні (кордони), нормативно-правові, інституційні (наявність/відсутність єдиного центру прийняття рішень).Розкрито такі поняття, як «політико-образний простір» та «політико- смисловий простір», які є складовими конструйованої реальності та визначають всю сукупність образів та смислів, у яких артикулюються національні інтереси держави. Під політико-образним простором розуміється складова конструйованої реальності, сукупність аутентичних цінностей народу, символів і симулякрів, у яких артикулюються національні інтереси держави, вся сукупність матеріальних та нематеріальних образів, які ідентифікують територію (герб, гімн, прапор, видатні особи, вироблені товари, історичні місця, тощо), створюють емоційний зв'язок з цільовими аудиторіями задля просування та захисту національних інтересів. Під політико-смисловим простором - сукупність сутнісних характеристик тих чи інших явищ, які формують інтерпретації дійсності та створюють політико-релевантне знання задля просування та захисту національних інтересів держави.Доповнено перелік і сферу методів та методик дослідження інформаційного напряму політики захисту національних інтересів держав світу в умовах нелінійних політичних процесів сучасності. Доповнено форми його вияву у сучасній політиці.Дістало подальший розвиток вивчення інформаційно-комунікаційної діяльності у сфері захисту національних інтересів як напряму політичної науки, а також методологічне осмислення сутності цього напряму. Обґрунтовано твердження, що вплив сучасних нелінійних суспільно- політичних процесів сприяв переосмисленню ролі та місця інформаційного напряму політики захисту національних інтересів, виведенню його на один рівень з силовими інструментами захисту державного суверенітету та інтересів.На основі узагальненого досвіду формування та реалізації інформаційного напряму політики захисту національних інтересів держав світу та наднаціональних організацій сформовано дві моделі – субсидіарну (США, Великобританія, ЄС та НАТО) та вертикальну (Російська Федерація).З'ясовано та систематизовано досвід формування і реалізації інформаційного напряму політики захисту національних інтересів України в умовах нелінійних суспільно-політичних процесів. Удосконалено і доповнено підходи оцінки зовнішнього і внутрішнього сприйняття держави на підставі аналізу рейтингових показників розвитку держави та соціологічних опитувань, які опосередковано відображають стан розуміння, підтримки національних інтересів цільовими аудиторіями в інформаційно- комунікаційній сфері.Запропоновано авторську перехідну модель вироблення та реалізації інформаційного напряму політики захисту національних інтересів України в умовах нелінійних процесів, яка відображає сучасні трансформації, перехід від вертикальної до субсидіарної моделі.

The object of this research is the Zaberezinskis family among the political elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania: the association of the family's history (its genealogy, economic, political, foundational activity) with the rest of the environment of the GDL rulers of the Jagiellonian Dynasty. The general backdrop of the political life of the GDL makes it possible to see and evaluate the weight of the Zaberezininkis family among the country's ruling elite. From the late 15th to the middle of the 16th century, the aristocratic authority with its ages-old roots acquired institutional form. Foreseeing the possibility of rulers residing outside the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (as during Kazimierz Jagiellonian's rule), Alexander Jagiellonian's privilege of 6 August 1492 authorized broader prerogatives for the Council of Lords. At the same time, on the eve of the proclamation of the Grand Duke, the summoned parliament initiated the tradition of representation of the nobility. Institutional changes were accompanied by the reception of humanistic ideas, legal culture and political theory, linked to the custom, increasing at the time, of nobility sending their offspring to universities to pursue higher education. The story of the Zaberezinskis family, descendants of Rimvydas, is presented In the context of the formation of the GDL Republic (Respublica Magni Ducatus Lithuaniae), a political nation of descendants of the Romans (as the Lithuanian nobility portrayed themselves). The earliest data on the kin are associated with the times of Sigismund Kęstutaitis, and the latest with those of Sigismund Augustus. Members of the family played a particularly significant role in the history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the times of Kazimierz Jagiellonian and his two sons Alexander and Sigismund the Old, from the 1480s until 1544. Responding to the postulates of the modern science of genealogy, the story of the family is presented according to its different branches. Against the background of key events in Lithuanian history, beginning from Jurgis Rimvydaitis and Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis, the careers of the latter's children and their descendants, their interrelationships, and factors influencing their careers are analysed. Due to the different status of different members of the family and the different amounts of data available in the sources, the questionnaire applied to different members of the family differs. Jonas Jurgaitis and his son Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis, who reached the highest posts, are the most significant, and the most extensive treatment is given to their biographies. The composition of the landholding and the development of the network of towns are discussed in a separate part of the study. The available data (including property holdings) do not directly confirm a family relationship between the Zaberezinskis and the Manvydas families. No sources have been found in which the Zaberezinskis in any way mention Manvydas or his brother, or a family relationship with them. In the view of the author of this work, the success of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinsky's career can be attributed to his holding the strategic post of Vicar of Polotsk at a key moment, the favour of Lithuanian Grand Duke Alexander and strong personal abilities. In consequence, Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinsky proved one of the most prominent personalities on the Council of Lords, achieving the particularly high offices of Voivode of Trakai and Grand Marshall, and personally taking part in the most important events in the interstate relations of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. For a variety of reasons (often due to early death), the only descendent of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis who achieved a significant political career was his son Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis (~1473-1538), who ultimately, like his father, assumed the posts of Voivode of Trakai and Grand Marshall of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. His relations with the other most influential high-ranking noblemen of the period are considered, especially the meaning of marriages contracted by him and arranged by him for his descendants and relatives. The gathered data regarding the formation and distribution of the family's latifundium show that the most important stage in the formation of the estate was the time of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis, although later the family also acquired significant properties through marriage and purchases. A major step in this process was the marriage of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis to the daughter, Ona, of Jonas Nasuta, who held large properties in Palenkė (Podlasie). Other ways land was acquired were purchases and gifts of the rulers (Casimir and Alexander). One such event that stands out is Alexander's gift in 1506 of the regions of Alytus and Simnas. Many of the surviving papers written by Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis in the final period of his life, when he resided in Alytus as Keeper of the City and the Region, testify to intense internal colonization of the area of Alytus and Simnas by the Nemunas River. Alytus and Simnas also include the most noteworthy church foundations made by Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis and his family, a clear witness to the founders' piety. As he gave the decisive impulse for Alytus and Simnas to become city-like settlements, he can properly be considered the founder of those cities. The political self-awareness of the Lithuanian aristocracy is best captured by the term from that period "the Republic of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania" (Respublica Magni Ducatus Lithuaniae), as D. Kuolis has accurately observed. The theory of the Roman origins of the Lithuanian nobility, with all its consequences (such as e.g. the rule of law), can be considered the highest peak of the political culture of the ruling elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In 1525 (well before the Union of Lublin, which is often associated with Lithuanian republican traditions) Albertas Goštautas's memorial to the Grand Duchess Bona associated the notion of nobility with loyalty to the ruler and responsibility for the commonwealth (the republic). Although it can be said that certain Republican ideals drawn from antiquity thrived among the Lithuanian aristocracy, their dominant trait was conservatism (unwillingness to admit lesser nobility to the structures of power). The high-rank nobility clearly recognized the ruler as the head of the political body of the Grand Duchy, and sought for him a crown. The programme for a Kingdom of Lithuania should be linked to the need, fostered by aristocracy, for the GDL to have its own distinct identity, though having a separate ruler was important also for practical reasons: the unquestioned centralized government accelerated the defence mechanisms of the state. A contemporary observer testifies that, when the ruler was absent, the Lithuanian lords "did not know what to do, remained undecided and did nothing." The ruling elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, both in their actions and in what they wrote (in the Lithuanian chronicles and elsewhere), unequivocally showed that no agreements with the Polish Crown bound them. The role of the aristocracy in the political emancipation of the lesser nobility and the importance of the latter for the maturing of the Lithuanian-Polish Union are issues that still require further research. Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis gave some of his nobles personal freedom and economic autonomy, which can be regarded as a precondition for political emancipation.

One of the major successes of advanced quantitative methods has been its seeming ability to provide unbiased determinations of which education practices are effective for education in general and for improving the educational achievement and opportunity of the neediest students. The power of this methodology as applied in the top education research journals has led to periodic implementation of federal and state effective practices policies. In such policies the government or its proxy determines which programs are effective and then requires or encourages schools to spend its funds exclusively on those proven programs. For example, the federal Investing in Innovation (i3) initiative requires those applying for its largest dissemination grants to have had their intervention validated as effective by the What Works Clearinghouse (WWC). Some are now even advocating that all expenditures of federal funds by school districts be restricted to purchasing research validated programs. While this seems like rational policy, between 1998 and 2002 I produced a series of articles that showed that the most research validated program to develop the reading skills of students born into poverty was not actually effective in practice. Was this dichotomy between published research proving something to be effective and what was happening in the real world an anomaly or a more widespread problem? This article (a) analyzes the validity of the gold standard scientific methodology used by the top research journals and WWC to determine whether practices are effective, and (b) examines the history of effective practices policies and their actual effectiveness. I conclude that the increasingly sophisticated methods used to assess the effectiveness of practices (a) are flawed and exaggerate actual effectiveness, and (b) do not provide the type of information practitioners need. As a result, research on effective practices tends to mislead rather than inform practice and are a major reason why efforts to reform high-poverty schools have had limited success. I therefore conclude that effective practices policies should not be implemented. I then suggest ideas for reforming the scientific process used to assess the effectiveness of education interventions. ; Uno de los más grandes éxitos de los métodos cuantitativos avanzados han sido su aparente capacidad de proveer determinaciones imparciales de cuáles son las prácticas educativas eficaces para la educación y para mejorar el rendimiento académico y las oportunidades de los estudiantes más necesitados. Tal como se aplica en las revistas de investigación de la educación más destacadas, el poder ha resultado en la implementación federal y estatal de póliticas de prácticas efectivas. En tales políticas, el gobierno o su representante determinan qué programas son efectivos y después requieren que las escuelas gasten sus fondos exclusivamente en programas científicamente comprobados. Por ejemplo, una iniciativa federal requiere que aquellos que solicitan subvención del gobierno hayan tenido su intervención validada como efectiva por el What Works Clearinghouse (WWW). Al momento algunos están proponiendo que todos los fondos federales se restrinjan a los programas que la investigación ha demostrado ser efectivos. Mientras parece ser una pólitica racional, entre 1998 y 2002 produje una serie de artículos que demuestran que el programa más validado para desarrollar las habilidades de lectura de los estudiantes nacidos en pobreza no era realmente efectivo en práctica. ¿Sera que esta dicotomía que dice que las investigaciones publicadas y científicamente comprobadas que han demostrado ser efectivas son el estándar de oro en el mundo real, es una anomalía única o será una manifestación más perversiva? Este artículo (a) analiza en un lenguaje fácil de entender la validez de la metodología científica estandarizada y utilizada por las revistas principales de investigación y el WWC para determinar si las prácticas son efectivas, y (b) examina el historial de póliticas de prácticas efectivas y su eficacia real y actual. Concluyo que los métodos cuales son cada vez más sofisticados utilizados para evaluar la eficacia de las prácticas (a) son defectuosos y exageran la efectividad real, y (b) no proporcionan el tipo de información que necesitan los profesionales. Como resultado, la investigación sobre prácticas engaña en lugar de informar a la práctica y son una de las razones principales por las que los esfuerzos para reformar las escuelas de alta pobreza han tenido un éxito limitado. Por lo tanto, concluyo que las póliticas de prácticas efectivas no deben ser implementadas y sugiero ideas para reformar el proceso científico utilizado para evaluar la eficacia de las intervenciones educativas. ; Um dos maiores sucessos de métodos quantitativos avançados têm sido sua aparente capacidade para fornecer determinações imparciais de que práticas educacionais eficazes para a educação e para melhorar o desempenho académico e oportunidades para os alunos mais necessitados. Quando aplicado em periódicos da educação mais notável de pesquisa, poder resultou na implementação de políticas federais e estaduais de práticas eficazes. Em essas políticas, o governo ou o seu representante determinar quais programas são eficazes e, em seguida, exigem que as escolas de gastar os seus fundos exclusivamente em programas cientificamente comprovados. Por exemplo, uma iniciativa federal exige aqueles que procuram subsídio do governo foram validados tão eficaz a sua intervenção pelo o What Works Clearinghouse (WWW). Quando alguns estão propondo que todos os fundos federais são restritas a programas que a investigação tem demonstrado ser eficaz. Embora pareça uma política racional entre 1998 e 2002, produziu uma série de artigos que mostram que a validado para desenvolver as habilidades de leitura dos estudantes nascidos no programa de pobreza não foi muito eficaz na prática. Será que esta dicotomia que diz pesquisa publicada e comprovado cientificamente que provaram ser eficazes são o padrão ouro no mundo real, é uma anomalia única ou ser um perversiva manifestação? Este artigo (a) analisa em uma linguagem fácil de entender a validade da metodologia científica padronizada e utilizado pelos principais revistas científicas e WWC para determinar se as práticas são eficazes, e (b) examina a história das políticas de práticas eficazes ea sua eficácia real e atual. Concluo que os métodos que são cada vez mais sofisticados utilizados para avaliar a eficácia das práticas (a) são defeituosos e exagerar a eficácia real, e (b) não fornecem o tipo de informação necessária por profissionais. Como resultado, a investigação sobre a prática engana ao invés de informar a prática e são uma das principais razões pelas quais os esforços para reformar as escolas de alta pobreza tiveram sucesso limitado. Portanto, concluo que as políticas eficazes não deve ser implementado práticas e sugerir ideias para a reforma do processo científico utilizado para avaliar a eficácia das intervenções educativas.

Nowadays the environment is an aspect that is taken into account in every field given its continuous deterioration over the years due to not only natural but also anthropogenic factors. The scope of the economy also has a great impact on the environment, especially in the life cycle of any product that enters the market, since natural resources are used for its manufacture and then, when consumed, it becomes a waste; both parts of the process having an impact on the environment. With the growing depletion of natural resources and the increase of environmental pollution by the constant generation of waste, we now try to bring the present linear economy to become a circular economy where the product does not become a waste if it is not reused or recycled and in this way it can be used to generate new products. In this way, in order to study and know how the transition to this change can be made when the economy has been developing in this way for so many years, it is explained how there are various mechanisms and measures that can lead to this transition to happen. a gradual and adequate form, including the economic instruments and especially the legal norms which regulate the polluting behavior, not prohibiting it in its entirety but modifying it. In this article we analyze how legal instruments, in this case concentrating on tax law norms, can help to fulfill the objective of the circular economy package within Spanish territory specifically in the reduction of waste generation. Spain has legislation on waste management since the Constitution establishes the right to a healthy environment. In it, the competences of the State and the Autonomous Communities are established on the measures to be taken on environmental protection. The Waste and Soils Pollutants Law details how the national and regional policies and plans on waste management should be prepared. It is here where it is stipulated which autonomous communities have the power to elaborate fiscal norms and establish any financial stipulation to be able to carry out this waste management and how local entities can develop fiscal incentives or subsidies to those who practice the desired conducts favorable to the environment. ; Hoy en día el medio ambiente es un aspecto que se tiene en cuenta en todo ámbito dado su continuo deterioro a través de los años a causa de factores no solo naturales sino también antropogénicos. El ámbito de la economía también tiene un gran impacto en el medio ambiente en especial en el ciclo de vida de cualquier producto que entra en el mercado ya que para su fabricación se utilizan recursos naturales y luego al ser consumido se vuelve un deshecho; teniendo ambas partes del proceso un impacto sobre el medio ambiente. Con el creciente agotamiento de recursos naturales y el aumento de la contaminación del medio ambiente por la generación constante de residuos se intenta ahora llevar la presente economía lineal a convertirse en una economía circular donde el producto no se vuelva un residuo si no se reutilice o recicle y de esta manera se pueda utilizar el mismo para generar nuevos productos. De este modo, con el objeto de estudiar y conocer cómo se puede realizar la transición a este cambio cuando la economía ha venido durante tantos años desarrollándose de esta manera, se expone cómo existen diversos mecanismos y medidas que pueden llevar a esta transición a suceder de una forma gradual y adecuada, incluyendo los instrumentos económicos y en especial las normas jurídicas las cuales regulan la conducta contaminante no prohibiéndola en su totalidad pero si moderándola. En el presente artículo se analiza cómo los instrumentos jurídicos, en este caso concentrándose en las normas de derecho tributario, pueden ayudar a cumplir el objetivo del paquete de economía circular dentro del territorio Español específicamente en la reducción de la generación de residuos. España cuenta con legislación sobre la gestión de residuos desde que se establece en la Constitución el derecho a un medio ambiente sano. En la misma se fijan las competencias del Estado y de las Comunidades Autónomas sobre las medidas a tomar sobre la protección ambiental. La Ley de Residuos y Suelos Contaminantes detalla como deberán de elaborarse las políticas y planes tanto nacionales como autonómicos sobre la gestión de residuos. Es aquí en donde se estipula qué comunidades autónomas tienen la facultad de elaborar normas fiscales y establecer cualquier estipulación financiera para poder llevar a cabo esta gestión de residuos y cómo las entidades locales pueden desarrollar incentivos fiscales o subvenciones a quienes practiquen las conductas deseadas favorables para el medio ambiente. ; Aujourd'hui, l'environnement est un aspect qui est pris en compte dans tous les domaines compte tenu de sa dégradation continue au fil des années en raison de facteurs non seulement naturels, mais aussi d'origine anthropique. La portée de l'économie a également un grand impact sur l'environnement, en particulier dans le cycle de vie de tout produit entrant sur le marché pour la fabrication de ressources naturelles sont utilisées et à consommer devient un déchet; les deux parties du processus ayant un impact sur l'environnement. Avec l'épuisement croissant des ressources naturelles et l'augmentation de la pollution de l'environnement par la production constante de déchets est cherche maintenant à présenter l'économie linéaire pour devenir une économie circulaire où le résidu de produit n'a pas été re sinon réutiliser ou recycler et de cette façon, il peut être utilisé pour générer de nouveaux produits. Ainsi, afin d'étudier et d'apprendre comment vous pouvez faire la transition vers ce changement lorsque l'économie a été pendant tant d'années à se développer de cette façon, montre comment différents mécanismes et mesures qui peuvent conduire cette transition à se produire une progressive et appropriée, y compris les instruments économiques et en particulier les normes juridiques qui régissent le comportement polluant ne pas interdire complètement mais si moderándola. Dans cet article, nous analysons comment les instruments juridiques, dans ce cas, en mettant l'accent sur les règles de droit fiscal, peut aider à atteindre l'objectif du paquet d'économie circulaire sur le territoire espagnol en particulier sur la réduction de la production de déchets. L'Espagne a une législation sur la gestion des déchets puisque la Constitution établit le droit à un environnement sain. Dans celui-ci, les compétences de l'Etat et des Communautés Autonomes sont établies sur les mesures à prendre en matière de protection de l'environnement. La loi sur les déchets et les polluants des sols détaille comment les politiques et plans nationaux et régionaux sur la gestion des déchets doivent être préparés. C'est là quelles régions les États ont le pouvoir d'établir des règles fiscales et établir une provision financière pour mener à bien cette gestion des déchets et comment les entités locales peuvent développer des incitations fiscales ou des subventions à ceux qui mènent les comportements favorables souhaités pour environnement.

Authoritarian and totalitarian systems are built on the collective conscience and obedience of their subjects. With the object of securing the continuity of the dominant ideology, these systems create obedient masses and draw their strength from their support. Their awareness of human agency and the troubles that it may initiate require these oppressive political systems to take measures to abolish it beforehand. Totalitarian regimes and the dominance of an ideology are the frequently referred motifs that dystopian narratives employ to display how oppressive and restrictive a political regime may become. The governmental restrictions include the repression of sexual practices and the manipulation of gender roles. These are regarded as the predominant ones that affect the protagonists more than other restrictions and put them into action against the order. Throughout this thesis, three dystopian novels that were published in three consecutive periods of the twentieth century will be examined by putting emphasis on the manipulation and suppression of sexuality and gender. With regard to Judith Butler's gender performativity theory, three different close readings will be provided. According to Butler, one can develop personality and so communicate with the others if she/he can experience her/his sexuality and gender. In line with her theory, sexuality and gender stand as the essential elements of identity development. In George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949), notably sexuality and other relations among people are regulated by the state. Besides sexual relations, the citizens are isolated from each other through general distrust with the intent of securing the continuity of the state; therefore, as a first step family bonds are annihilated in Oceania. Natural sexual relations and emotions are not approved of and sexual intercourse is accepted only on the condition that it aims procreation. Citizens are encouraged to have children as it is their duty to the state. Discovering his subjectivity through sexual pleasure, Winston Smith rejects the suppressive regulations of the Party and suffers due to his rebellious nature. xi In Anthony Burgess's The Wanting Seed (1962), the main crises that the society has encountered are put forward as overpopulation and famine. In order to control population increase, homosexuality is promoted by the government and heterosexuality is politically and socially suppressed. Although heterosexuals and heterosexual families still exist, they are constantly subjected to negative discrimination. This social pressure hinders the citizens from experiencing their natural gender inclinations and forces them to behave and even feel like homosexuals. The protagonists Tristram Foxe and his wife Beatrice-Joanna Foxe are separated due to their heterosexual desires and are punished by the social structure in different ways. In Iain Banks's The Wasp Factory (1984), the manipulation of not only sexuality but also gender is suggested as an oppressive enforcement carried out by the totalitarian power. It is suggested that if a person is constantly suppressed throughout the process of her/his personality development, she/he inevitably internalises the already constructed gender norms. The manipulation of gender in a totalitarian-state-like-family is depicted through the abused sixteen-year-old protagonist, Frank Cauldhame. Unaware of his biological femaleness, he is brought up by his father believing that he is a castrated boy. His corrupted gender directs him to commit crimes in an attempt to accomplish the socially constructed masculine ideal. Throughout the novel, Frank's attempts to fulfil his masculine ideal foreshadow the catastrophic results that sexual and gender manipulation would lead to. In conlcusion, the destructive effects of the restrictive and manipulative enforcements carried out by the totalitarian systems in the fields of sexuality and gender will be examined from three different perspectives throughout the novels in mention. ; Otoriter ve totaliter sistemler toplumsal bilinç ve insanların sisteme bağlılığı üzerine kurulmuşlardır. Bu sistemler, hâkimiyet sahibi ideolojinin devamlılığını sağlamak için kendilerine bağlı kitleler yaratır ve onların desteğinden güç alırlar. İnsan etkinliğinin ve ileride neden olabileceği sorunların farkındalığı, bu baskıcı siyasal sistemleri insan etkinliğini ortadan kaldırmayı hedefleyen tedbirler almaya yönlendirir. Totaliter rejimlerin ve ideolojilerin hâkimiyeti, bir siyasal rejimin ne kadar baskıcı ve engelleyici olabileceğini gözler önüne sermek amacıyla distopik eserlerin sıklıkla başvurduğu öğelerdir. Bu idari kısıtlamalar cinselliğin baskılanmasını ve cinsel kimliklerin manipüle edilmesini de kapsar. Cinselliğin bastırılması ve farklı şekillerde kişilerin kendi eğilimlerinin dışına yönlendirilmesi distopik romanlardaki ana kahramanları etkileyen ve onları düzene karşı harekete geçiren öncelikli baskı unsurları olarak kabul edilebilir. Bu tez kapsamında, yirminci yüzyılın üç ayrı döneminde yayımlanmış üç distopik eserde cinselliğin ve toplumsal kimliğin manipülasyonu üzerinde durularak incelenecektir. Judith Butler'in performatif cinsiyet kuramına ilişkin olarak üç farklı metin okuması sunulacaktır. Butler'e göre, bir kişi eğer cinselliğini ve toplumsal kimliğini deneyimleyebiliyorsa kişilik geliştirebilir ve diğer kişiler ile iletişim kurabilir. Bu kuram doğrultusunda, cinsellik ve toplumsal cinsiyet bireyselliğin temel unsurları olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. George Orwell'in romanı Bin Dokuz Yüz Seksen Dört (1949)'te, başta cinsel ilişki olmak üzere insanlar arasındaki tüm ilişkiler devlet tarafından düzenlenmiştir. Cinsel ilişkilerin yanı sıra, devletin devamlılığının güvence altına alınması amacıyla insanlar yaratılan güvensizlik yoluyla birbirlerinden uzaklaştırılmak istenmiştir ve bu sebeple, ilk adım olarak Oceania'da aile bağları ortadan kaldırılmıştır ve aile fertlerinin birbirlerine olan güveni yok edilmiştir. Doğal cinsel ilişkiler ve duygular kabul görmez ve cinsel ilişki üremeyi hedeflediği takdirde onaylanır. İnsanların çocuk sahibi olmaları devlete karşı bir görev olarak kabul edildiği için teşvik edilmiştir. Cinsel tatmin yoluyla ix bireyselliğinin farkına varan Winston Smith, egemen sistemin baskıcı düzenlemelerini reddeder ve isyankâr doğası yüzünden cezalandırılır. Anthony Burgess'in Tohuma Hasret (1962) romanında temel sorunlar olan aşırı nüfus artışı ve kıtlık cinsel eğilimlerin baskılanması, yönlendirilmesiyle ve üremenin kısıtlanması ile önlenmeye çalışılmıştır. Nüfus artışını kontrol altına almak amacıyla hükümet tarafından eşcinsellik teşvik edilir ve heteroseksüeller siyasal ve sosyal açılardan hor görülür. Bu baskıcı düzenin temel amacı insanların bireyselleşmelerine cinsel kimliklerinin manipüle edilmesi yoluyla engel olmaktır. Heteroseksüellik ve heteroseksüel aileler toplumda hâlâ var olsalar dahi, sürekli olarak ayrımcılığa, hor görülmeye maruz kalırlar. Sosyal baskı insanları toplumsal cinsiyetlerini deneyimlemekten alıkoyar ve eğilimleri olmadığı halde eşcinsel gibi davranmaya hatta hissetmeye zorlar. Ana kahramanlar Tristram Foxe ve eşi Beatrice-Joanna Foxe heteroseksüel eğilimleri sonucunda ayrı düşerler ve farklı yollarla toplum düzeni tarafından cezalandırılırlar. Iain Banks'ın Eşekarısı Fabrikası (1984)'nda, sadece cinselliğin değil toplumsal cinsiyetin manipülasyonu da totaliter güç tarafından yürütülen baskıcı bir uygulama olarak sunulur. Kişilik gelişimi boyunca baskı altında kalan bir bireyin, dayatılan cinsel kimliği kaçınılmaz bir şekilde benimsediği ortaya koyulmuştur. Cinsel kimliğin manipülasyonu totaliter-benzeri-bir sistemin hâkim olduğu ailede on altı yaşındaki ana kahraman Frank Cauldhame üzerinden anlatılmıştır. Biyolojik kadınlığından habersiz bir şekilde, bir kaza sonucunda hadım kaldığına inandırılmış ve babası tarafından büyütülmüştür. Frank'ın yozlaşmış cinsel kimliği onu ideal erkeksi cinsel kimliğini kazanması amacıyla suç işlemeye sevk etmiştir. Roman boyunca, Frank'ın erkeksi cinsel kimliğini kazanma çabaları, cinselliğin ve cinsel kimliğin manipülasyonun neden olacağı feci sonuçları önceden belirtmektedir. Sonuç olarak, bahsi geçen romanlarda konu edilen totaliter sistemlerin cinsellik ve toplumsal cinsiyet alanlarında gerçekleştirilen baskılayıcı ve manipüle edici zorlamaların yıkıcı etkileri üç farklı bakış açısı ile incelenecektir.

The object of this research is the Zaberezinskis family among the political elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania: the association of the family's history (its genealogy, economic, political, foundational activity) with the rest of the environment of the GDL rulers of the Jagiellonian Dynasty. The general backdrop of the political life of the GDL makes it possible to see and evaluate the weight of the Zaberezininkis family among the country's ruling elite. From the late 15th to the middle of the 16th century, the aristocratic authority with its ages-old roots acquired institutional form. Foreseeing the possibility of rulers residing outside the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (as during Kazimierz Jagiellonian's rule), Alexander Jagiellonian's privilege of 6 August 1492 authorized broader prerogatives for the Council of Lords. At the same time, on the eve of the proclamation of the Grand Duke, the summoned parliament initiated the tradition of representation of the nobility. Institutional changes were accompanied by the reception of humanistic ideas, legal culture and political theory, linked to the custom, increasing at the time, of nobility sending their offspring to universities to pursue higher education. The story of the Zaberezinskis family, descendants of Rimvydas, is presented In the context of the formation of the GDL Republic (Respublica Magni Ducatus Lithuaniae), a political nation of descendants of the Romans (as the Lithuanian nobility portrayed themselves). The earliest data on the kin are associated with the times of Sigismund Kęstutaitis, and the latest with those of Sigismund Augustus. Members of the family played a particularly significant role in the history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the times of Kazimierz Jagiellonian and his two sons Alexander and Sigismund the Old, from the 1480s until 1544. Responding to the postulates of the modern science of genealogy, the story of the family is presented according to its different branches. Against the background of key events in Lithuanian history, beginning from Jurgis Rimvydaitis and Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis, the careers of the latter's children and their descendants, their interrelationships, and factors influencing their careers are analysed. Due to the different status of different members of the family and the different amounts of data available in the sources, the questionnaire applied to different members of the family differs. Jonas Jurgaitis and his son Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis, who reached the highest posts, are the most significant, and the most extensive treatment is given to their biographies. The composition of the landholding and the development of the network of towns are discussed in a separate part of the study. The available data (including property holdings) do not directly confirm a family relationship between the Zaberezinskis and the Manvydas families. No sources have been found in which the Zaberezinskis in any way mention Manvydas or his brother, or a family relationship with them. In the view of the author of this work, the success of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinsky's career can be attributed to his holding the strategic post of Vicar of Polotsk at a key moment, the favour of Lithuanian Grand Duke Alexander and strong personal abilities. In consequence, Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinsky proved one of the most prominent personalities on the Council of Lords, achieving the particularly high offices of Voivode of Trakai and Grand Marshall, and personally taking part in the most important events in the interstate relations of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. For a variety of reasons (often due to early death), the only descendent of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis who achieved a significant political career was his son Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis (~1473-1538), who ultimately, like his father, assumed the posts of Voivode of Trakai and Grand Marshall of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. His relations with the other most influential high-ranking noblemen of the period are considered, especially the meaning of marriages contracted by him and arranged by him for his descendants and relatives. The gathered data regarding the formation and distribution of the family's latifundium show that the most important stage in the formation of the estate was the time of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis, although later the family also acquired significant properties through marriage and purchases. A major step in this process was the marriage of Jonas Jurgaitis Zaberezinskis to the daughter, Ona, of Jonas Nasuta, who held large properties in Palenkė (Podlasie). Other ways land was acquired were purchases and gifts of the rulers (Casimir and Alexander). One such event that stands out is Alexander's gift in 1506 of the regions of Alytus and Simnas. Many of the surviving papers written by Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis in the final period of his life, when he resided in Alytus as Keeper of the City and the Region, testify to intense internal colonization of the area of Alytus and Simnas by the Nemunas River. Alytus and Simnas also include the most noteworthy church foundations made by Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis and his family, a clear witness to the founders' piety. As he gave the decisive impulse for Alytus and Simnas to become city-like settlements, he can properly be considered the founder of those cities. The political self-awareness of the Lithuanian aristocracy is best captured by the term from that period "the Republic of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania" (Respublica Magni Ducatus Lithuaniae), as D. Kuolis has accurately observed. The theory of the Roman origins of the Lithuanian nobility, with all its consequences (such as e.g. the rule of law), can be considered the highest peak of the political culture of the ruling elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In 1525 (well before the Union of Lublin, which is often associated with Lithuanian republican traditions) Albertas Goštautas's memorial to the Grand Duchess Bona associated the notion of nobility with loyalty to the ruler and responsibility for the commonwealth (the republic). Although it can be said that certain Republican ideals drawn from antiquity thrived among the Lithuanian aristocracy, their dominant trait was conservatism (unwillingness to admit lesser nobility to the structures of power). The high-rank nobility clearly recognized the ruler as the head of the political body of the Grand Duchy, and sought for him a crown. The programme for a Kingdom of Lithuania should be linked to the need, fostered by aristocracy, for the GDL to have its own distinct identity, though having a separate ruler was important also for practical reasons: the unquestioned centralized government accelerated the defence mechanisms of the state. A contemporary observer testifies that, when the ruler was absent, the Lithuanian lords "did not know what to do, remained undecided and did nothing." The ruling elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, both in their actions and in what they wrote (in the Lithuanian chronicles and elsewhere), unequivocally showed that no agreements with the Polish Crown bound them. The role of the aristocracy in the political emancipation of the lesser nobility and the importance of the latter for the maturing of the Lithuanian-Polish Union are issues that still require further research. Jonas Jonaitis Zaberezinskis gave some of his nobles personal freedom and economic autonomy, which can be regarded as a precondition for political emancipation.

When thinking about the purpose of the university, we often think about such things as knowledge, critical thinking, new ideas, rigorous science, scholarly development, and recently also employability, productivity, and academic citizenship. However, the future university might carry an equally important, but perhaps more disturbing purpose within it – that of resistance, transgression, and otherness. In other words, the purpose of the university might be the ability and will to push against standardization of education and thinking, to make room for different people and voices, to embrace otherness, strangeness and things that seem intelligible and of no use at first glance. But nurturing this not-yet-ness of our thinking, doing and being is at the heart of the university, partially through an insistence on careful listening to and for otherness, on creating room for seeming non-sense, and on revolting against limiting or oppressing hegemonies. In On Resistance: A philosophy of Defiance (2013) Howard Caygill calls attention to the importance of resisting and defying the urge for conformity, appropriation and consistency within every system of power. This is however not easily done as Henry Jenks points out in Transgression (2003), given that the 'systematization' and 'ordering' of thinking going on in institutions such as the university, pushes back and demands loyalty, agreement and shared 'norms' and 'values'. In a productive struggle between revolt and systematization in thinking at the university new ideas, innovative viewpoints and radical advances are nurtured. Unfortunately, looking across the higher education landscape today resistance and defiance are often suppressed as unproductive or even dangerous by the university itself. The university has become afraid and concerned with its own financial and political survival and, thus, absorbed in delivering clear comprehensible and evident proofs of its worth to society. In the face of neoliberalism and the political endorsement of the 'Mode 2-university' we might ask what is the fate of the future university and the people within it when an anxious university eradicates its places of resistance and spaces of transgression? What happens when room for and tolerance with revolting thinking, wicked ideas and transgressive actions is diminishing? Is there any hope for the university to offer itself as an open ethical room for staff and students living there in ways that are welcoming to the Other and resistant to the conformity of the Same (Levinas, 1999)? Importantly, here, resistance and transgression does not entail a breaking down or demolition of the university, knowledge or HE practice, but rather, an acknowledgement and insistence on the inclusion of other forms, voices, and rooms for thinking. Consequently, boundaries are needed to ensure ethical and meaningful education – the purpose of HE is also an insistence on universal ethical imperatives and academic virtues as Nixon attests in Towards the Virtuous University: The moral bases of academic practice (2008). Transgressive thinking and defiant behavior in HE does not deny limits or boundaries, rather it engages them through dialogue to complete them. As such, transgression is not the same as disorder, and resistance not the same as riot, but the insistence on breaking into new territory, on caring for otherness, and on revolting against marginalization and exclusion of thinking into comfortable familiarity (Jenks, 2003). Thus, the university creating places of resistance and spaces for transgression, is also the university that dares to insist on being an ethical, caring and democratic university. For the future university to keep on thinking, it must include and embrace unsettled and heterotopic spaces for transgression and caring places for resistance in the form of revolt as 'a commitment to freedom' and 'an invitation to alterity' (Jenks, 2003). It is a purposeful offering of places and spaces where people can gather, experiment, explore, and think in radical democratic ways along the lines described by Jacques Ranciére's Hatred of Democracy (2005). Taken together, such a conceptualization of the purpose of the university is an invitation for staff and students to dare to be thinking on the other side of the known through reinserting possibilities for revolt, in a dissident thinking that haunts established knowledge hegemonies, constantly unsettling the already settled (Kristeva, 1996). In this view, the university must establish itself as vibrant matter that never allows thinking to sediment or become instrumental tools in the service of society. Here, the university must reclaim itself as a place of resistance and a space for transgression – as what Kristeva (1998) calls a 'space of life' that comes into being as an affectionate place through allowing and embracing defiance and revolt. Such a notion of the purpose of the university entails a university capable of defiance and able to resist the pressure for uniformity and consensus-seeking in thinking. It is a purposeful university unafraid and daring and insisting on staying polyphonic and heterotopic in both mood and mode. Even when its rationale, purpose, and worth is questioned as intelligible, valuable, viable, or reasonable it will strive to foster and promote Otherness of both knowing, doing, and being through nurturing and harboring what Kristeva (1998) and Peters (2016) call dissident thought. That is, thinking that aims at critical questioning, unruly subversion and transgression of hegemonies. Explicating the purpose of the university through the lens of a philosophy of resistance and transgression, we see the place of the future university as a place for vibrant and vital defiance and as offering spaces of revolting and revolutionary disturbance. It is, however, not a violent or belligerent university as some of the narrower understandings of transgression, revolt and resistance might suggest – but a call for a university of care and affection for the Other and seemingly non-sensical. The future university rises from the mongrel collective, the polyphonic voice, the heterotopic space, and the ethical transgression. It is not the sole virtuous trumpet calling the world but rather a cacophony of torn trumpets singing the ethical song of revolting Otherness. Can such a howl of torn trumpets make itself heard in a world overcome with trumpism, neoliberalism, fake news and the alt-right? Is there any place and space for the university to be defiant through insisting on doing philosophy through embracing Otherness? And can the future university simultaneously be a non-violent, affectionate, and caring place of resistance and space for transgression without losing its dangerousness, disorderliness, and disobedience? This paper offers thinking on what a future university that promotes places of resistance and spaces of transgression might bring about as it contests the lazy, marketable, useful university that has accidently dulled its own thinking through becoming opportunistic, utilitarian, and afraid of its own future.

Tropical forests store more than half of the world's forest carbon and are particularly threatened by deforestation and degradation processes, which together represent the second largest source of anthropogenic CO2 emissions. Consequently, tropical forests are the focus of international climate policies (i.e. Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation, REDD) aiming at reducing forestrelated CO2 emissions. The REDD initiative lies on our ability to map forest carbon stocks (i.e. spatial dynamics) and to detect deforestation and degradations (i.e. temporal dynamics) at large spatial scales (e.g. national, forested basin), with accuracy and precision. Remote-sensing is as a key tool for this purpose, but numerous sources of error along the carbon mapping chain makes meeting REDD criteria an outstanding challenge. In the present thesis, we assessed carbon (quantified through aboveground biomass, AGB) estimation error at the tree- and plot-level using a widely used pantropical AGB model, and at the landscape-level using a remote sensing method based on canopy texture features from very high resolution (VHR) optical data. Our objective was to better understand and reduce AGB estimation error at each level using information on large canopy tree structure, distribution and spatial organization.Although large trees disproportionally contributed to forest carbon stock, they are under-represented in destructive datasets and subject to an under-estimation bias with the pantropical AGB model. We destructively sampled 77 very large tropical trees and assembled a large (pantropical) dataset to study how variation in tree form (through crown sizes and crown mass ratio) contributed to this error pattern. We showed that the source of bias in the pantropical model was a systematic increase in the proportion of tree mass allocated to the crown in canopy trees. An alternative AGB model accounting for this phenomenon was proposed. We also propagated the AGB model bias at the plot-level and showed that the interaction between forest structure and model bias, although often overlooked, might in fact be substantial. We further analyzed the structural properties of crown branching networks in light of the assumptions and predictions of the Metabolic Theory of Ecology, which supports the power-form of the pantropical AGB model. Important deviations were observed, notably from Leonardo's rule (i.e. the principle of area conservation), which, all else being equal, could support the higher proportion of mass in large tree crowns.A second part of the thesis dealt with the extrapolation of field-plot AGB via canopy texture features of VHR optical data. A major barrier for the development of a broad-scale forest carbon monitoring method based on canopy texture is that relationships between canopy texture and stand structure parameters (including AGB) vary among forest types and regions of the world. We investigated this discrepancy using a simulation approach: virtual canopy scenes were generated for 279 1-ha plots distributed on contrasted forest types across the tropics. We showed that complementing FOTO texture with additional descriptors of forest structure, notably on canopy openness (from a lacunarity analysis) and tree slenderness (from a bioclimatic proxy) allows developing a stable inversion frame for forest AGB at large scale. Although the approach we proposed requires further empirical validation, a first case study on a forests mosaic in the Congo basin gave promising results.Overall, this work increased our understanding of mechanisms behind AGB estimation errors at the tree-, plot- and landscape-level. It stresses the need to better account for variation patterns in tree structure (e.g. ontogenetic pattern of carbon allocation) and forest structural organization (across forest types, under different environmental conditions) to improve general AGB models, and in fine our ability to accurately map forest AGB at large scale. ; Les forêts tropicales séquestrent plus de la moitié du carbone forestier mondial et sont particulièrement menacées par les processus de déforestation et de dégradation, qui représentent la deuxième source d'émissions anthropogéniques de CO2. De fait, les forêts tropicales sont au centre de politiques climatiques internationales (i.e. Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation, REDD) visant à réduire ces émissions. L'initiative REDD repose sur notre capacité à cartographier les stocks de carbone forestier (dynamique spatiale) et à détecter la déforestation et la dégradation (dynamique temporelle) à large échelle spatiale (e.g. nationale, bassin forestier), avec exactitude et précision. Dans ce cadre, la télédétection apparait comme un outil crucial, mais les nombreuses sources d'erreur dans la chaîne de cartographie du carbone font des objectifs du REDD un challenge ambitieux. Dans cette thèse, nous avons évalué les erreurs associées aux estimations de carbone forestier (quantifié au travers de la biomasse épigée, AGB) (1) aux échelles de l'arbre et du peuplement en utilisant un modèle pantropical largement employé et (2) à l'échelle du paysage en utilisant une méthode de télédétection basée sur les caractéristiques texturales d'images optiques à très haute résolution spatiale. Notre objectif général était de mieux comprendre et de réduire l'erreur d'estimation de l'AGB à chaque échelle par une meilleure prise en compte de la structure, de la distribution et de l'organisation spatiale des arbres de canopée.Malgré l'importance des grands arbres dans la dynamique du carbone forestier, ils sont sous-représentés dans les jeux de données destructifs et soumis à un biais de sous-estimation dans le modèle d'AGB pantropical. Nous avons assemblé une base de données pantropicale et étudié l'influence de la forme de l'arbre sur le patron d'erreur du modèle. Nos résultats montrent que la source de biais du modèle est une augmentation de la masse de l'arbre dans la couronne chez les arbres de canopée. Un modèle d'AGB prenant ce phénomène en compte a été proposé. Nous avons aussi propagé le biais du modèle à l'échelle du peuplement et montré que l'interaction entre la structure du peuplement et l'erreur du modèle, qui est souvent négligée, peut en fait être substantielle. Une analyse des propriétés structurelles des couronnes a également été menée au regard des hypothèses de la Théorie Métabolique de l'Ecologie Des déviations ont été observées, notamment à la loi de Léonardo (i.e. principe de conservation des aires), qui, toutes choses égales par ailleurs, pourraient justifier la grande proportion de masse trouvée dans les couronnes des arbres de canopée.Une seconde partie de la thèse porte sur l'extrapolation des estimations d'AGB des parcelles de terrain via les caractéristiques de texture des canopées extraites par transformée de Fourier (i.e. méthode FOTO). Un obstacle majeur au développement d'une méthode d'estimation de l'AGB à large échelle basée sur la texture tient au fait que la relation texture – paramètres de structure du peuplement varie entre types de forêt et régions du monde. Nous avons investigué cette question en simulant des scènes de canopées virtuelles pour 279 parcelles de 1 ha établies dans des types de forêts tropicales contrastés. Nous montrons qu'en complémentant les indices de texture FOTO avec d'autres descripteurs structuraux, notamment sur l'ouverture de la canopée (via une analyse de lacunarité) et l'élancement des arbres (via un proxy bioclimatique), il devrait être possible de développer un cadre d'inversion stable de l'AGB à large échelle. Un premier cas d'étude empirique dans une mosaïque forestière du bassin du Congo a donné des résultats prometteurs.Globalement, ce travail met en évidence le besoin de mieux prendre en compte les patrons de variation de structure de l'arbre (e.g. ontogénétique) et de la forêt afin d'améliorer les modèles génériques d'AGB.

The essence of the legal nature of relations between the non-entrepreneurial company and its participants is revealed. Analyzed the views of scholars on the definition and content of corporate rights in non-entrepreneurial societies. It is concluded that in a non-commercial partnership there are two types of legal relationships regulated by different methods of civil law: internal corporate relations or organizational, regulated by a method in which the decision of the majority is mandatory for minority, and property relations, which are regulated by the legal equality of parties, with all legal consequences.Formulation of the problem. Today many non-entrepreneurial companies have shown themselves to be active in such a way that real social issues are solved, which for a number of reasons the state does not manage. Among them, supporting and protection of the rights of socially vulnerable groups of the population (children, youth, women, military personnel, veterans, refugees, settlers, invalids, etc.); defending the rights of citizens to a favorable environment; complex of issues related to local self-government; leisure organization, education, retraining, social rehabilitation, etc.The variety of forms of non-entrepreneurial company directly depends on the specific purpose for which it is created and its functions. Some of them are created and operate for the sake of providing economic benefits to an indefinite number of people who are not participants of the non-entrepreneurial company itself (charities, institutions, foundations), others in order to meet the needs of all, the participants themselves of non-entrepreneurial company (public organizations, associations of co-owners of multi-apartment buildings residential buildings, credit unions).Analysis of the recent research materials and publications. The searching of certain issues of the legal status of NT was given attention in the works of V.I. Borisova, I.V. Spasibo-Fateyeva, I.M. Kucherenko, V.I. Zhukov, I.P. Zhigalkin, V.F. Poddubnaya, OO Belyaeva, VV Cochin, N.Y. Filatova and many other scientists, emphasizing the relevance of the research topic.Despite the considerable interest of scientists in the issues of non-entrepreneurial company activities, many outstanding issues remain, including the legal nature of the relationship between non-entrepreneurial company and its participants.Purpose of the article – to identify the legal nature of the relationship between non-entrepreneurial company and its participants, depending on the type of non-entrepreneurial company and the purpose of its creation.Presenting the main material. The legal nature of the relationship between the non-entrepreneurial company and its participants is based on the "right of participation" in the society enshrined in the law. For its researching it is necessary to determine the legal nature of the "right to participate" in non-entrepreneurial company as a legal entity. Along with the "participation", the term "membership" is also used by law, which in some cases is generally identified. It follows from the conclusion that for non-entrepreneurial company it is not fundamental, but it is more expedient to use the term "right of participation" to unify the use of the definition.Definition of the"right of participation" Civil Code is not provided. Therefore, in clarifying the essence of this right should proceed, first of all, from the general understanding of the concept of "participation" and to analyze the rights enshrined by law to the members of the companies. The legal nature of the right to participate in a company as a legal entity is the right of a companion to act on his own, which causes another person - the companion of the state of affiliation. It can be argued that the right to participate implies involvement in something that the person is involved in, that is, the fact that the person is in a certain connection with other persons is confirmed. This association is not an obligation. However, this is a right that is not opposed to any obligation.The peculiarity of the right of participation of a society is the actions of a companion in a company, which at the same time is both a power and a duty. The right to participate in the "union of persons" is simultaneously a duty in the "union of deposits". The "Union of Persons" adopted the method of legal regulation of intra corporate law, which consists in the decision of the body of the company, adopted by the majority, mandatory for the minority of companions. The method of democratic centralism. Does not have the right to veto, but there is a certain, intracorporate, subordination. In its legal nature, this is an organizational relationship (the right to participate), the subject of civil law. The "Union of deposits" inherent method of legal regulation is a method of civil law. This is a method of legal equality, that is, not subordination of subjects of civil legal relations to each other. This is a property relationship, in which its members, being companions, are related to each other as equal.Conclusions. Based on the foregoing can conclude that in the company, including non-entrepreneurial, two types of legal relations governed by various methods of civil law: internal corporate relations or organizational, regulated by the method in which the majority decision is mandatory for the minority, and property legal relations, which are regulated by the method of legal equality of the parties, with all legal consequences.In the non-entrepreneurial company, in which property contributions are significant and perform functions similar to functions of property contributions in entrepreneurial associations, there is a need for additional protection of the rights and legitimate interests of participants (members), which can be ensured, in particular, by improving the system of reporting on the activities of non-entrepreneurial company and the cost of material resources; mandatory creation in the non-entrepreneurial company of the bodies that control the activities of the organization; the extension of the list of questions submitted to the exclusive competence of the supreme management body of non-entrepreneurial company, etc. If the non-entrepreneurial company simply gives its participants (members) goods, works, and services typical of the external market for a fee, then they act in a role equivalent to the role of creditors. At the same time, the participants (members) are subject to general rules on the protection of creditors' rights. ; Раскрыта сущность правовой природы отношений между непредпринимательским товариществом и его участниками. Проанализированы взгляды ученых на определение и содержание корпоративных прав в непредпринимательских товариществах. Сделан вывод, что в непредпринимательских товариществах существуют два вида правоотношений – внутрикорпоративные и имущественные, которые регулируются различными методами гражданского права. ; Розкрито сутність правової природи відносин між непідприємницьким товариством і його учасниками. Проаналізовано погляди науковців щодо визначення та змісту корпоративних прав у непідприємницьких товариствах. Зроблено висновок, що в непідприємницькому товаристві існують два види правовідносин – внутрішньокорпоративні та майнові, які регулюються різними методами цивільного права.