Suchergebnisse

The goal of this article is to analyze emergency economic measures to support culture during the COVID-19 pandemic crisis (2020—2021). The article presents a classification of economic measures to support the industry during that period, analyzes the actions taken in Russia and four European countries (France, Great Britain, Italy and Germany). There are described the effectiveness and practical implementation of a wide range of financial mechanisms that stimulate the restoration and preservation of the industry's sustainability, including non-refundable subsidies, credits and loans, insurance coverage for canceled and postponed cultural events, compensations for lost income due to reduced ticket sales, job retention programs. The article presents the results of a comparative analysis of the anti-crisis expenditures incurred by the five countries' central governments (at the republican or federal level) to support culture in the crisis. The author pays special attention to state measures to support cultural workers, including those self-employed. In conclusion, the article presents recommendations on further directions of economic policy in the field of culture, taking into account the analysis of relevant foreign literature and the latest reports of European governments with a high level of state support for the industry.

Der Artikel untersucht die Beziehungen und die gewaltenteilenden Elemente in der institutionellen Entwicklung der Europäischen Union, vor allem das Verhältnis supranationaler Institutionen wie der Europäischen Kommission, des Europäischen Parlaments oder des Europäischen Gerichtshofs zu intergouvernementalen Institutionen wie dem Ministerrat. Dabei wird deutlich, daß die Entwicklung des politischen Systems der EU nicht immer linear verlaufen ist und sich die Stellung und Bedeutung der verschiedenen Institutionen im Laufe der Zeit sehr differenziert entwickelt hat (SWP-Fnk)

Using illustrations from Energy Union‐related legislative initiatives, this article argues that organizational reforms have led to a more top‐down approach in the steering of the European Commission, allowing Commission President Juncker a more centralized internal leadership than his predecessor Barroso. Interviews with EU policy‐makers revealed two main findings. First, the new filter functions of the seven Vice‐Presidents and the Secretariat‐General have contributed to a more top‐down policy formulation process. Second, horizontal coordination has been improved by the implementation of project teams, and by the abolition of a separate Commissioner for Climate Action. Consequently, the level of ambition of the Commission's policy agenda now depends more than in the past on the Commission President's priorities.

Conflicts between European Union (EU) members about enlargement result from its redistributive effects. EU members are more likely to suffer from enlargement if they profit from EU transfers and if they are relatively close to applicant countries in which unemployment is significantly higher than in member countries. Phasing in membership rights serves to compensate the relative losers of enlargement to accomplish EU widening. Using data from all previous enlargement rounds until 2004, we demonstrate that EU members are more likely to demand a discrimination of new members if distributional conflicts arise. The existence of these distributional conflicts in turn increases the odds of EU members and the accession candidates actually agreeing on a phase-in period.

Ukraine, which has been a sovereign state since 1991, is facing a dilemma whether it should direct its foreign policy towards Western Europe or intensify the collaboration within the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States. Since the Ukraine has perceived itself as a geographical, cultural and historical part of Europe al- most from the first days of independence she has undertaken to become permanently rooted in the family of European states. It was a consequence of the policy directed to- wards Western Europe and the United States that Kiev declared its readiness to become a rightful member of the European Union and NATO. Ukraine has combined her efforts to integrate with both these bodies, which is illustrated in the activity of Kiev that treats both these directions as the complementary elements of a singl e strategy anorientation towards the West.

AbstractThe past three decades have witnessed a spectacular evolution in policies toward foreign direct investment (FDI). Whose interests do these policy innovations reflect? While existing theory suggests popular pressure drives openness, I argue reforms occur when shifts in financial access change local economic elites' policy preferences toward FDI. When large domestic firms no longer have access to cheap credit through political connections, liquidity constraints outweigh firms' preferences to exclude foreigners. Economic elites then pressure governments to pursue liberal FDI policy environments. Using a combination of measures of FDI policy for up to 166 countries from 1973–2015, I find increases in financial constraints are robustly associated with decreases in foreign equity restrictions, and this relationship is strongest when domestic political institutions favor business interests. A financing constraints explanation of FDI policy reform has important implications for explanations of policy change, theories of business power amid increased interdependence, and expectations over the distributive effects of globalization.

"From the Quasi War with France and the opening of Japan, to the numerous interventions of the 1990s, these events have been situated at the heart of US foreign policy. There are four different explanation's as to why the US, throughout its history, has used military force just short of war. Some scholars have suggested that nation's use military force on behalf of security objectives. Others have maintained that economic self-interest has motivated many military interventions. Recently many researchers have explored the extent to which the US has used force to promote democracy and human rights, and still more scholars have argued that presidents use limited force for domestic political purposes. Assessing the utility of each of these explanation's throughout US history, Meernik employs both historical narrative and statistical techniques to provide a comprehensive account of these important foreign policy events. This engaging, highly informative volume is particularly suited to scholars and students in the fields of international relations, foreign policy, military affairs and history."--Provided by publisher.

Hybrid warfare is neither a novel idea nor a new phenomenon. It has been evolving for ages, yet its manifestation in the contemporary era has intensified. Taking advantage of politico-ethnic fault lines, socio-religious vulnerabilities, and identity conflicts, hybrid warfare advocates using all means available including regular or irregular and conventional or unconventional ways of warfare to subdue the will of an adversary. An externally motivated and supported threat requires essential measures in the foreign policy domain to thwart and foil it outside the borders. Therefore, this paper deals with the conceptual aspects of hybrid warfare and highlights the contours of the hybrid threat currently confronting Pakistan. It navigates through the challenges for foreign policy formulation and implementation in a hybrid warfare environment and identifies loopholes and grey areas while recommending tangible measures.

Bibliography Entry
Naz, Imtiaz Hussain. 2021. "Foreign Policy in Hybrid Warfare Environment – Way Forward for Pakistan." Margalla Papers 25 (1): 1-11.

BACKGROUND Although sudden cardiac death (SCD) is recognized as a high-priority public health topic, reliable estimates of the incidence of SCD or, more broadly, out-of-hospital cardiac arrest (OHCA), in the population are scarce, especially in the European Union. OBJECTIVES The study objective was to determine the incidence of SCD and OHCA in the European Union. METHODS The study examined 4 large (ie, >2 million inhabitants) European population-based prospective registries collecting emergency medical services (EMS)–attended (ie, with attempted resuscitation) OHCA and SCD (OHCA without obvious extracardiac causes) for >5 consecutive years from January 2012 to December 2017 in the Paris region (France), the North Holland region (the Netherlands), the Stockholm region (Sweden), and in all of Denmark. RESULTS The average annual incidence of SCD in the 4 registries ranged from 36.8 per 100,000 (95% CI: 23.5-50.1 per 100,000) to 39.7 per 100,000 (95% CI: 32.6-46.8 per 100,000). When extrapolating to each European country and accounting for age and sex, this yields to 249,538 SCD cases per year (95% CI: 155,377-343,719 SCD cases per year). The average annual incidence of OHCA in the 4 registries ranged from 47.8 per 100,000 (95% CI: 21.2-74.4 per 100,000) to 57.9 per 100,000 (95% CI: 19.6-96.3 per 100,000), corresponding to 343,496 OHCA cases per year (95% CI: 216,472-464,922 OHCA cases per year) in the European Union. Incidence rates of SCD and OHCA increased with age and were systematically higher in men compared with women. CONCLUSIONS By combining data from 4 large, population-based registries with at least 5 years of data collection, this study provided an estimate of the incidence of SCD and OHCA in the European Union. (J Am Coll Cardiol 2022;79:1818–1827) © 2022 The Authors. Published by Elsevier on behalf of the American College of Cardiology Foundation. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).