Suchergebnisse

In Latin American countries, the idea of legal pluralism and the beginning of processes aimed at the search for normative decolonization have shown a slow evolution. Much of this slow development has been due to the monopolization of the administration of justice by the State, given that state intervention has resulted in the criminalization of the forms of social control of indigenous peoples that were once allowed. However, in recent times the constitutional recognition of indigenous justice has allowed indigenous peoples to recreate and apply their own forms of social control regarding behaviors that the community considers unapproved. State interference is reluctant to give up its interventionism and for that purpose it uses infra-constitutional legislation that has not presented the same constitutional development, since in these persistence the inferiority lags were believed to have been overcome. In this sense, this article intends to present, on the one hand, a descriptive vision of the rights recognized by the constitutions of the countries that make up the Community of Andean Nations and on the other, the lack of harmony that exists with respect to current legislation, not only limiting but criminalizing the administration of indigenous justice. ; En los países latinoamericanos, la idea de pluralismo jurídico y el inicio de procesos encaminados a la búsqueda de la descolonización normativa presentan una lenta evolución. Gran parte de este lento desarrollo ha sido debido a la monopolización de la administración de justicia por parte del Estado, dado que el intervencionismo estatal ha desembocado en la penalización de las formas de control social de los pueblos indígenas que otrora eran permitidas. No obstante, en los últimos tiempos, el reconocimiento constitucional de la justicia indígena ha permitido que los pueblos indígenas puedan recrear y aplicar sus propias formas de control social respecto de conductas que la comunidad considera desaprobadas. Sin embargo, la injerencia estatal se resiste a dejar su intervencionismo y para ello utiliza legislación infraconstitucional que no ha presentado el mismo desarrollo de la Constitución, ya que en ella persisten rezagos de inferioridad que se creían superados. En este sentido, el presente artículo pretende plantear, por un lado, una visión descriptiva de los derechos que reconocen las constituciones de los países que integran la Comunidad Andina de Naciones y, por otro, la falta de sintonía que existe respecto de la legislación penal que a la fecha sigue, no solamentelimitando sino criminalizando a la administración de la justicia indígena.

ABSTRACTIn the last ten years, Medellín, Colombia has undergone significant socioeconomic improvements and a reduction in homicides. By drawing from qualitative data collected in Medellín, this article shows how, despite these improvements, residents in the marginalized neighborhoods maintain a perception that the state is unable or unwilling to provide them with services, such as employment and order or social control. Criminal gangs in these neighborhoods appear to rely on, and even exploit, the weakness of the state, as they are able to get citizens to perceive them as more reliable and legitimate than the state. This article argues that it is important for Latin American policymakers to promote citizen engagement in the design and implementation of policies to reduce current levels of violence.

The EU Return Directive lays down minimum standards and procedures concerning the return of third-country nationals (non-EU nationals) illegally residing in a member state. To actually effectuate their return, the Return Directive provides for several instruments, such as the return decision, the entry ban and the possibility of detention. In this study, the author has researched the merger of criminal law with immigration law, known as the crimmigration phenomenon, in relation to the EU Return Directive. He has systematically assessed whether these EU instruments apply to the enforcement of these return rules and if they meet return policy or require adaptation in the light of primary and secondary EU law and the European Convention on Human Rights. In Crimmigration and the Return Directive crimmigration is explored from mainly three perspectives: the balance between the effective measures and the fundamental rights of the migrant, the legitimacy of criminal sanctions and the legal position of the migrant. EU Return Directive plays an important role in the enforcement of the EU return provisions that are based on criminal and semi-criminal rules. Member states are obligated to respect the fundamental rights of the illegal third-country national. However, there are two serious bottlenecks regarding the application of the current Return Directive: the fundamental rights protection for illegal third-country nationals is not fully developed, and criminal law safeguards and principles have a limited role. The research outcomes aim to benefit the primary actors involved with the Return Directive: the judiciary (CJEU, ECtHR and national courts), the Union legislature, the national legislatures and national authorities, advocacy, NGOs and the migrant