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AbstractHow do government protections, and violations, of its citizens' civil liberties influence the country's exposure to terrorism? Existing research remains divided. We contribute clarity to these debates by examining the distinct effects of specific types of civil liberties: physical integrity (e.g., freedom from extra-judicial torture and killing), political liberties (e.g., freedom of expression and assembly), and private liberties (e.g., freedom of thought and religion and property rights). We distinguish these civil liberties dimensions from the role of institutions for political selection (e.g., elections) and horizontal accountability (e.g., checks and balances, executive constraints). We argue physical integrity rights decrease terrorism, by reducing grievances against and increasing trust in the state, while political liberties increase terrorism, by both incentivizing violence among those with extremist goals and protecting their ability to organize. Empirically, we measure a country's exposure to terrorism using the Global Terrorism Database. We isolate the effects of government actions on these civil liberties dimensions from each other, and from the effects of the state's political institutions, by leveraging the Varieties of Democracy data. Our sample covers 177 states from 1970 to 2018. We find evidence consistent with our hypotheses regarding the effects of the distinct component dimensions of civil liberties.

Disaster governance in conflict areas is of growing academic concern, but most existing research comprises either single case studies or studies of a variety of country contexts that group all types of conflict together. Based on three case studies, this article offers a middle-ground scenario-based approach, focusing on disaster governance in authoritarian contexts experiencing low-intensity conflict. Low-intensity conflict is characterized by intense political tensions and violence that is more readily expressed in ways other than direct physical harm. Inspired by Olson's (2000) maxim that disasters are intrinsically political, this article explores the politics of disaster response by asking what is at stake and what happened, unpacking these questions for state, civil society, and international humanitarian actors. Using data from a total of one year of qualitative fieldwork, the article analyzes disaster governance in 2016 drought-ridden Ethiopia, marked by protests and a State of Emergency; 2015 flooded Myanmar, characterized by explosive identity politics; and 2016–2019 drought-ridden Zimbabwe, with its intense socioeconomic and political turbulence. The study's findings show how framing and power processes in disaster governance—comprising state and non-state actors—largely lean toward the state, with the consequence that political interests, rather than needs assessments, steer who and what will be protected from disaster impact.

This chapter focuses on vigilantism in Greece. Specifically, it examines the Golden Dawn, a group, which beyond engaging in vigilante activities is also the third biggest political party in the country. The Golden Dawn is distinct from a number of other European parties broadly labelled under the 'far right' umbrella in that in was formed as a violent grass-roots movement by far right activists, its main activities prior to 2012 confined to the streets. It can be described as a vigilante group, which frequently uses violence, engages in street politics, has a strong focus on community-based activities, and its members perceive themselves as 'street soldiers'. Since 2013 a number of its leading cadres, who are also members of the Greek parliament, have been undergoing trial for maintaining a criminal organisation and other criminal acts including murder and grievous bodily harm. The progressive entrenchment of this group in the Greek political system has raised a number of questions about its potential implications on the nature of democracy and policy-making. This chapter examines various dimensions of the Golden Dawn's vigilante activities. Following a brief overview of the Greek socio-political context, it proceeds to examine the party's ideology, its organizational structure, its various operations, communications activities and relationships with other political actors and groups in Greece.

North Maluku is the youngest province in Indonesia which has begun to carry out democracy through the Election of Regional Heads (Pilkada). One of the largest regional elections in North Maluku is the Governor's Election. Unfortunately the Governor's Election that has been running so far has been colored by various problems. Symbolic violence such as black campaigns by bringing down political opponents using ethnic and primordial issues sprang up. In addition, the ability of figures to build the image of political actors who have power and influence also makes people accept the results of regional elections that are full of disputes. Coupled with the condition of the mass media that have a tendency to take sides because of certain interests, the existence of social construction on the image of political actors is getting stronger. This study wants to see how the image of political actors is constructed. Through the Focused Group Discussion method with the parties involved it was found that social construction of reality had happened through the role of mass media. Although there are social constructions conveyed by the mass media, the community has its own ability to build that image in itself through the power of interaction and communication as well as through the power of other media such as social media.

A paradigm shift in the political system has been taken in Bangladesh on 12 October, 2015 with the final approval by the Cabinet to hold local polls on partisan basis. The long historical practice of non-partisan local polls has been shifted to first ever partisan poll that brought major challenges for the existing confrontational political parties of Bangladesh. Ruling Bangladesh Awami League considered demonstrating its popularity at grass-root level and controlled all political institution through this election while Bangladesh Nationalist Party had opposed these partisan local government elections as a political trick with an ill motive by the government. For the first time in Independent Bangladesh, 9th Union Parishad[1](UP) election hold on partisan basis at six phases across the country from March to June 2016. The articles tried to explore the experiences of this maiden partisan UP polls and what are the immediate consequences on the local governance as well as electoral system through reviewing seceondary materials specially the Daily Newspapers. Unfortunately massive violence, record deaths and uncontested elected Chairman, election fraughts & irregularities, reluctant role of Election Commission, strong dominant of ruling party over electoral system were common phenomenon in this maiden partisan election.[1] Lowest tier of rural local government in Bangladesh.

This article looks at the way in which a certain understanding of sectarian violence and discourses has been historically employed as a political tool by the Egyptian Government, especially in regards to the systematic repression and discrimination against the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) (al-ʾIkḫwān al-Muslimūn) throughout the organisation's history. Such an understanding is particularly significant as it looks at sectarian divisions along religious and political lines taking place between two political entities within the context of a state in which Sunni Islam is the official religion; therefore, tensions have been constructed by the regime on the basis of 'moderate' vs. 'radical' interpretations of Islam. Looking at the historical relationship between the state and the Islamist organisation, it is rather easy to identify a repeating pattern of short periods of cooperation alternated to much longer interludes of brutal repression, the overarching aim of both being the safeguarding of the regime's fragile perceived legitimacy. It follows that the politicisation of sectarian hatred and strategies at the hand of the state has led to the MB being constructed and perceived as 'the other', which has arguably hindered the organisation's political development and created a stigma that is still negatively impacting on the understanding of the its role and narrative today.

This article investigates the effect of natural resources on whether ethno-political groups choose to pursue their goals with nonviolent as compared to violent means, distinguishing terrorism from insurgencies. It is hypothesized that whether or not the extraction of fossil fuels sparks violence depends both on the group's characteristics and the state's reaction. Data are taken from the Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior (MAROB) project, covering 118 organizations in 13 countries of the Middle East and North Africa over the 1980-2004 period. The multinomial logit models combine group- and country-specific information and show that ethno-political groups are more likely to resort to rebellion rather than using nonviolent means or becoming terrorists when representing regions rich in oil. This effect is enhanced for groups already enjoying regional autonomy or being supported by a foreign state but can be mitigated by power-sharing arrangements. These results are thus in line with the argument that economic considerations, or 'greed', dominate over political considerations, or 'grievances', with regard to violent conflicts. The opposite appears to hold considering terrorism, as we do not find any evidence for a resource curse here, but find an increasing effect of political discrimination and a decreasing effect of regional autonomy.

For a given number of troops in a peace operation, is it advisable to have soldiers from a single country, or should the UN recruit peacekeepers from a variety of donor countries? Since 1990, the number of contributors to peace operations has grown threefold, and most operations have carried the mandate to protect civilians. This article explores the effect of diversity in the composition of a mission, measured by fractionalization and polarization indices, on its performance in protecting civilians in Africa in the period 1991–2008. It finds that mission diversity decreases the level of violence against civilians, a result that holds when geographic and linguistic distances between countries are considered.

During the two decades that preceded the 2011 revolutions in Egypt and Syria, animated debates took place in Cairo and Damascus on political and social goals for the future. Egyptian and Syrian intellectuals argued over the meaning of tanwir, Arabic for "enlightenment," and its significance for contemporary politics. They took up questions of human dignity, liberty, reason, tolerance, civil society, democracy, and violence. In Enlightenment on the Eve of Revolution, Elizabeth Suzanne Kassab offers a groundbreaking analysis of the tanwir debates and their import for the 2011 uprisings.Kassab locates these debates in their local context as well as in broader contemporary political and intellectual Arab history. She argues that the enlightenment they advocated was a form of political humanism that demanded the right of free and public use of reason. By calling for the restoration of human dignity and seeking a moral compass in the wake of the destruction wrought by brutal regimes, they understood tanwir as a humanist ideal. Kassab connects their debates to the Arab uprisings, arguing that their demands bear a striking resemblance to what was voiced on the streets of Egypt and Syria in 2011. Enlightenment on the Eve of Revolution is the first book to document these debates for the Anglophone audience and to analyze their importance for contemporary Egyptian and Syrian intellectual life and politics

The 2016-2017 candlelight vigil was a very important event because it led to the impeachment of an incumbent president for the first time in South Korea's constitutional history. Above all, it was a remarkable phenomenon in that it unfolded peacefully and acted like a festival even though many citizens gathered on the streets to demand the president's impeachment, which is essentially an extreme argument under institutional democracy. Violence, which was common in previous mass movements, was impossible in the 2016-2017. Some emphasized the heightened sense of citizenship, while others understand it in a historical context, but it does not see the dynamics of change that exist within the mass movement. Moreover, peaceful and festive gatherings have received a lot of attention, especially in the 2000s. And this is highlighted as a strategy for citizens who voluntarily come out on the street to keep their distance from activists. The existence of a movement dealing with various political agendas was seen as a risk of distorting the purpose of the manifestation. For citizens, distancing from them is an important strategy to preserve the purity of the movement. Therefore, the 'flag', which is a symbol of the movement, was excluded from the square. However, the so-called 'Any Flag Festival' that appeared at the 2016-2017 candlelight vigils bridges the gap between the movement represented by the flag and the general participants. The group play using flags relieved the tension between the movement's organization and the citizens, which was an internal conflict factor in the manifestation, which coincidentally led them to be together. As a result, this formed an important social context for mass movements such as festivals, which became important in the 2000s, to be completed in 2016 and 2017. ; Ruch protestacyjny czuwania przy świecach lat 2016-2017 był znaczący dla Korei Południowej, gdyż po raz pierwszy w historii południowokoreańskiego państwa konstytucyjnego doprowadził do usunięcia z urzędu prezydenta. Był jednak przede wszystkim niezapomnianym zjawiskiem, które przebiegało w sposób pokojowy i w formie obchodów, mimo, że na ulice wyległy rzesze ludzi, domagających się usunięcia urzędującej ówczesnej prezydent i stanowiących poważny czynnik wwarunkach demokracji instytucjonalnej. Przemoc, tak wszechobecna wpoprzednich ruchach masowych, nie miała miejsca w latach 2016-2017. Niektórzy podkreślali zwiększone poczucie przynależności obywatelskiej, zaśinni skupiali się na kontekście historycznym, z pominięciem dynamik zmiany obecnych w ruchach powszechnych. Co więcej, szczególnie w latach 2000. pokojowe i radosne zgromadzenia przykuwały uwagę, stanowiąc element podkreślany jako rodzaj strategii dla obywateli, którzy wylegli naulicę, zachowując jednocześnie dystans wobec aktywistów. Istnienie ruchów, powiązanych z różnymi agendami politycznymi, postrzegano jako zagrożenie dla wypaczenia celu demonstracji. Dla obywateli, zdystansowanie się względem tychże jest ważną strategią zachowania 'czystości' ruchu. Sprawiło to, że na placu manifestacji nie było flagi – symbolu ruchu. Jednakże tak zwany 'Festiwal Każdej Flagi', który zaobserwowano podczas czuwania przy świecach lat 2016-2017 wypełnił lukę między ruchami demonstrującymi się flagą, a uczestnikami pozostałych. Zbiorowe występy z flagami rozluźniły napięcie na linii organizatorzy ruchów – obywatele, co paradoksalnie stało sięczynnikiem scalającym mimo, że było czynnikiem konfliktu wewnętrznego w demonstracjach. W efekcie ukształtował się ważny kontekst społeczny dla takich masowych demonstracji jak festiwale, które zyskiwały nauwadze w latach 2000., aż do ich zakończenia w latach 2016-2017.

Preliminary Material /Marc Weller and Barbara Metzger -- Chapter 1. Nationalism, Self-determination, and the Doctrine of Territorial Unity /James Mayall -- Chapter 2. Why the Legal Rules on Self-determination Do Not Resolve Self-determination Disputes /Marc Weller -- Chapter 3. The Logics of Power-sharing, Consociation and Pluralist Federations /Brendan O'Leary -- Chapter 4. Complex Power-sharing in and over Northern Ireland: a Self-determination Agreement, a Treaty, a Consociation, a Federacy, Matching Confederal Institutions, Intergovernmentalism, and a Peace Process /Brendan O'Leary -- Chapter 5. Resolving the Bougainville Self-determination Dispute: Autonomy or Complex Power-sharing? /Anthony J. Regan -- Chapter 6. Resolving Self-determination Disputes through Complex Power-sharing Arrangements: the Case of Mindanao, Southern Philippines /Mark Turner -- Chapter 7. Power-sharing and International Intervention: Overcoming the Post-conflict Legacy in Bosnia and Herzegovina /Florian Bieber -- Chapter 8. Interim-governance for Kosovo: the Rambouillet Agreement and the Constitutional Framework Developed under UN Administration /Marc Weller -- Chapter 9. Power-sharing in Macedonia? /Farimah Daftary and Eben Friedman -- Chapter 10. Gagauzia and Moldova: Experiences in Power-sharing /Priit Jerve -- Chapter 11. Case Study of the Conflict in South Ossetia /Ketevan Tsikhelashvili and Natasha Ubilava -- Chapter 12. Addressing the Self-determination Dispute /Marc Weller -- Chapter 13. Power-sharing and the Vertical Layering of Authority: a Review of Current Practices /Stefan Wolff -- Chapter 14. Electoral Arrangements in Systems of Complex Power-sharing /Andrew Reynolds -- Chapter 15. Third-party Involvement in Self-determination Conflicts /Ulrich Schneckener -- Chapter 16. Education /Mark Turner -- Chapter 17. Resolving Self-determination Disputes Using Complex Power-sharing: the Role of Economic Policies /John Bradley -- Chapter 18. Policing Territories Previously Subject to Civil War and Ethnic Violence /Philip Towle -- Chapter 19. The Military Dimension of Security Sector Governance in Complex Power-sharing Arrangements /Paul Cornish -- Chapter 20. Transforming Justice, Reclaiming the Rule of Law: Legal Transition in Complex Power-sharing Agreements /Angela Hegarty -- Chapter 21. The Role of Human and Minority Rights in Complex Power-sharing /Jennifer Jackson-Preece -- Chapter 22. 'Bridges' in Self-determination Disputes? External Relations of Sub-national Entitiesand Minority Groups /Francesco Palermo -- Chapter 23. Conclusion Power-sharing Theory: Lessons from the Complex Power-sharing Project /John Mcgarry -- Biographies /Marc Weller and Barbara Metzger -- Bibliography /Marc Weller and Barbara Metzger -- Index /Marc Weller and Barbara Metzger.

Response of a political French continental philosophy, heir to a materialist tradition, reading the history and history of political philosophy, having endeavored to find in it resources of understanding and action to complement contemporary works.The power of our time would be scientifico-political rather than theological-political: it is the scientificized normalization that would discriminate the holders of power-knowledge from the rest of the population: everything seems to have had to be scientificized in order to survive, everything had to be normalized or divided in order to survive.The risk denounced is that of a logic of over-scientificized rationalization through division and quantitative standardization and that of a hegemony of scientific-political authority denying even the diversity of ways of doing science, marginalizing the place of critical research disciplines such as philosophy. Against the ideologies of consensus, the materialist approach identifies the historical existence of excessive powers, which therefore imposes the limitation of their mutilating overflow in order to reduce the mutilation of existence, contrary to the acceptances and invisibilities of the philosophies of Hayek, Nozick and Rawls: thinking about the identification and relevant delimitation of power is therefore a philosophical duty, analyzing as an indicative sign the peaceful and civic actions of minority political groups.This work, heir to the tradition of French political philosophy, concerned with a rigorous reading of Hobbes, proposes an effort of political thought in the service of the deployment of a new philosophical gesture of political philosophy: the self-critical gesture.Certain points are developed with capital importance, migratory wandering as an anomaly in relation to the logic of law, the question of contemporary international relations and their institutions, and possible political strategies for peace. ; Réponse d'une philosophie continentale française politique, héritière d'une tradition matérialiste, ...

Response of a political French continental philosophy, heir to a materialist tradition, reading the history and history of political philosophy, having endeavored to find in it resources of understanding and action to complement contemporary works.The power of our time would be scientifico-political rather than theological-political: it is the scientificized normalization that would discriminate the holders of power-knowledge from the rest of the population: everything seems to have had to be scientificized in order to survive, everything had to be normalized or divided in order to survive.The risk denounced is that of a logic of over-scientificized rationalization through division and quantitative standardization and that of a hegemony of scientific-political authority denying even the diversity of ways of doing science, marginalizing the place of critical research disciplines such as philosophy. Against the ideologies of consensus, the materialist approach identifies the historical existence of excessive powers, which therefore imposes the limitation of their mutilating overflow in order to reduce the mutilation of existence, contrary to the acceptances and invisibilities of the philosophies of Hayek, Nozick and Rawls: thinking about the identification and relevant delimitation of power is therefore a philosophical duty, analyzing as an indicative sign the peaceful and civic actions of minority political groups.This work, heir to the tradition of French political philosophy, concerned with a rigorous reading of Hobbes, proposes an effort of political thought in the service of the deployment of a new philosophical gesture of political philosophy: the self-critical gesture.Certain points are developed with capital importance, migratory wandering as an anomaly in relation to the logic of law, the question of contemporary international relations and their institutions, and possible political strategies for peace. ; Réponse d'une philosophie continentale française politique, héritière d'une tradition matérialiste, ...