Suchergebnisse

Turkey's foreign policy in the first decade after the collapse of the bipolar system retained features of its continuity in comparison with the Cold War: the Kemalist principles of laicism and the choice in favor of further Westernization, with its orientation towards cooperation with the EU and Euro-Atlantic structures remained firmly in place. However, the post-bipolar period demonstrated a significant change in Turkey's foreign policy. The existing explanations for this phenomenon often start either from the appeal to the Islamic identity of the Justice and Development Party as the main reason for the changes, or from the approaches that prioritize Turkey's economic interests and emphasize Turkey's attempts to strengthen economic interdependence with neighbors in the region. Given the increasing complexity of the domestic and foreign policy nexus and the increasingly fluid characteristics of the international environment, it seems that an analysis of Turkish foreign policy in the post-bipolar period requires an alternative conceptual and methodological approach that allows the changes in Turkey's foreign policy to be viewed along three dimensions. In this article, the author resorts to just such an approach. It includes the study of domestic policy, the international context and the transformation of the ideological and institutional support of foreign policy. This approach makes it possible to explain the logic of Turkey's «sudden» reorientation from cooperation with the EU and Western countries in general to attempts to consolidate its leading role in the Middle East and establish itself as a regional hegemon in relation to situational alliances with various state and non-state actors in the broader international context.

The discussion and analysis of the diverse outreach activities in this article provide guidance and suggestions for academic librarians who are interested in outreach and community engagement of any scale and nature. Cases are draw from a wide spectrum and are particularly strong in the setting of large academic libraries, special collections and programming for multicultural populations. The aim of this study is to present the results of research carried out regarding the needs, demand and consumption of European Union information by users in European Documentation Centres (EDC). A quantitative methodology was chosen based on a questionnaire with 24 items. This questionnaire was distributed within the EDC of Salamanca, Spain, and the EDC of Porto, Portugal, during specific time intervals between 2010 and 2011. We examined the level of EU information that EDC users possess, and identified the factors that facilitate or hinder access to EU information, the topics most demanded, and the types of documents consulted. Analysis was made of the use that the consumer of European information makes of databases and their behaviour during the consultation. Although the sample used was not very significant owing to its small size, it is a faithful reflection of the scarce visits made to EDCs. This study can be of use to managers of EDCs, providing them with better knowledge of the information needs and demands of their users. Ultimately this should lead to improvements in the services offered. The study lies within a frame of research scarcely addressed in specialized scholarly literature: European Union information.

The compliance model of dependent foreign policy argues that dependent states will implement the foreign policy preferences of their dominant economic partners. Despite its failure to deliver strong empirical results, compliance remains dominant within the study of dependent foreign policy. This article examines compliance's problems and explains its endurance within the subfield of international relations. Six cases drawn from the Hurtado and Febres Cordero administrations in Ecuador during the 1980s are analyzed to evaluate compliance's three critical assumptions about the dependent foreign policy process: the unitary actor, core-periphery bargaining, and divergent preferences between core and periphery. In only one of the cases do compliance's assumptions hold true and does compliance account for Ecuador's foreign policy. Flaws in the bargaining assumption and the divergent preferences assumption account for the model's poor description of the process behind many dependent states' foreign policies.

The goal of the research is to analyze and evaluate different applied and proposed models of cross-border evidence gathering in European Union criminal law. Its starting hypothesis is that European Union Criminal Law needs a model of cross-border evidence gathering that is going to take into account and adequately balance the interests of all the actors involved in the process of cross-border evidence gathering: the cooperating States, the individual affected, and the EU. Primary object of the analysis and evaluation are the traditional cooperation model – mutual legal assistance model, and the modern, EU specific, model – mutual recognition model. Next to them, other proposed alternative models of cross-border evidence gathering are also analyzed and evaluated. In order to achieve its goal, the research uses the following methods which are characteristic for legal sciences: the theoretical method, the normative method, the comparative method, and the case study method. Theoretical method is used to provide a better understanding of the historical background and the main principles of different models. The normative method is used in order to analyze the provisions of the legal instruments which govern the area. When the normative analysis is conducted, the respective legal instruments are looked at from three different perspectives: the position of the requesting/issuing State, the position of the requested/executing State, and the position of the individual concerned. The comparative method is used to present the differences between the models. The case study method is used in order to analyze the practical functioning of the models. The result of the research can be summarized as follows: 1. the traditional cooperation model – the mutual legal assistance model - can not answer the challenges posed before cross-border evidence gathering by the increase of transnational criminal activities, 2. the mutual recognition model is a better solution, both on the theoretical, and on the normative level, because it is more successful in balancing the interests of all the actors involved in the process; 3. the mutual recognition model would function much better in the surrounding of harmonized national criminal laws, 4. it is also possible to develop the elements of a supranational legal order in the selected areas, 5. different models can be applied and combined at the same time.

The author argues that the joint European Union (EU)-Mauritania fisheries agreement is of considerable strategic and economic importance for Mauritania. The article examines the role of this agreement, which includes provisions for fisheries access and a new fisheries partnership, in the sustainable development of Mauritania and the negative impacts of such arrangements. The author argues that European fishing represents the greatest strain on Mauritanian waters. Without further improvement to the existing fisheries agreements, European fishing activity could lead to the loss of profitability of the Mauritanian fishing industry, including the loss of local employment. K. Cargill

This article aims to theorize about how dynamics of party competition influence government decisions to engage in foreign policy change. It shows how a focus on the functioning of polarized two-party competition in Greece in the late 1990s sheds light on crucial questions concerning the content, timing and institutionalization of Greece's decision to allow the EU to grant Turkey candidate-member status. The article problematizes this foreign policy change as a decision influenced, among other factors, by the demands of party competition, and especially the strategy of the then ruling socialist party. More generally, this article shows how a focus on party politics complements in various interesting ways our understanding of foreign policy decisions and foreign policy change. Party system dynamics are shown to act as significant intervening factors between determinants of foreign policy usually analyzed in the literature and eventual foreign policy change.

What Does A Government New To Office Do When The Idealistic principles that guided its members in opposition face the hard realities of power? Recent German experience in the realm of foreign policy provides an instructive case study – not least because Germany's history in the first half of the twentieth century has created tremendous sensitivities in this sphere. Following a history of opposition to German military participation in actions beyond the NATO area, the parties of Germany's political left were immediately confronted with the need to make decisions on foreign and security policy when they were elected to govern in 1998. Pacifist principles or aspirations proved unsustainable in practice, and a policy consistent with that pursued by the outgoing conservative-liberal coalition was adopted. The new government developed a pragmatic foreign policy, incorporating the use of military means, notwithstanding the existence of a domestic political culture suspicious of the employment of military force.

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