Suchergebnisse

This article examines the role played by war, and public violence more generally, in the state-building experiences of Central America. Bellicist theory expects that wars provide a stimulus to extractive efforts, thus enhancing the autonomy and capacity of the state over time, though recent qualitative studies of South America find the opposite. I expand the reach of bellicist theory to Central America through the broader concept of public violence, which captures the long-term impact of external and internal rivals on the state. The quantitative tests demonstrate that Central American interstate and civil wars reduce the extractive ability of states, consistent with the South American evidence. Interstate rivals stimulate extractive efforts among governments, whereas intrastate rivals detract from those efforts. Incorporating the concept of public violence into bellicist theory thus helps to increase our understanding of Central American state building.

This article investigates the complex position of civil society within the unfolding processes of regional governance across North America. The analysis focuses on the region's evolution and institution-building under the North American Free Trade Agreement, as well as the negotiations that have accompanied more recent efforts to deepen continental integration. We argue that North American regional governance has clearly shifted from a state-centric to a more contested, pluralistic model of multilateralism, but is a model that still betrays a more elitist, non-cooperative orientation. Yet, beyond theorising about regional governance, this article raises concerns about the future of the North American governance project in the face of national and transnational civil society political contestation against the still exclusionary character of regional governance. It is suggested that there are both normative and political reasons why North American governance should be transformed to open new democratic channels for civil society participation in the emerging debates on deepening continental integration. Adapted from the source document.

There is a widespread belief that Latin America was part of Great Britain's unofficial empire in the 19th century. This notion entails the existence of an asymmetrical power relationship where the strongest party has a certain degree of actual political control over the weakest party. The sanction that can be eventually applied is threatening of or a real use of force. This paper explores both the "super-imperialist" views on the British hegemonic power, & arguments portraying British policies towards the region as "non-interventionist." Not having a formal command over Latin America, Great Britain attempted to impose "rules of the game" that -from the major powers perspective- governed the global order, particularly the international economic relations. Until the mid of the century, Great Britain intervened actively to "decree the law" & make recalcitrant nations relinquish. However, since the 1870s, as the British capacity to project its naval strength to the peripheral areas diminished, a political & strategic withdrawal began, whose upshot was the dissolution of armed coercion as a relevant factor in British-Latin American relations. Adapted from the source document.

Objetivo. Evaluar el impacto del ajuste estructural sobre los indicadores de salud en América Latina y el Caribe durante el período de 1980–2000. Métodos. Se trata de un estudio ecológico. Los datos del gasto público y del producto interno bruto per cápita (PIBpc) se tomaron del Banco Mundial y los de la esperanza de vida (EV) y mortalidad infantil (MI), de la Organización Mundial de la Salud. El ajuste estructural (adelgazamiento del Estado) se evaluó mediante el cambio en el consumo de gobierno (la reducción del gasto público) en los países de América Latina y el Caribe en la década de 1980–1990. El cambio en los indicadores de salud se midió por la variación porcentual de la EV y la MI. Se compararon estas variaciones en América Latina y el Caribe con las observadas en diferentes grupos de países de otras regiones del mundo durante el período de 1980–2000. Se determinaron las asociaciones entre la reducción del gasto público y los indicadores de salud mediante la prueba de Pearson. Para estimar el efecto de los cambios sobre la salud se construyó un modelo de regresión lineal multifactorial ajustado según el PIBpc. Resultados. Se observó una ralentización del incremento de la EV y del descenso de la MI en América Latina y el Caribe, especialmente en la década de 1980–1990. Se encontraron asociaciones significativas entre la variación de los indicadores de salud y el cambio del gasto público en todos los grupos de países analizados. Al ajustar el modelo de regresión múltiple, las asociaciones solo se mantuvieron en América Latina y el Caribe. Conclusiones. En la década de 1980, el ajuste de las políticas acroeconómicas tuvo un efecto negativo sobre los indicadores sociales, específicamente sobre los relacionados con la situación de salud en América Latina y el Caribe. Estos efectos se siguieron observando durante la década siguiente. ; Objective. To assess the impact of structural adjustment on health indicators in Latin America and the Caribbean during 1980–2000. Methods. This was an ecological study. Public spending and per capita gross domestic product (pcGDP) figures were obtained from the World Bank, and life expectancy (LE) and infant mortality (IM) figures were obtained from the World Health Organization. Structural adjustment (government downsizing) was assessed by looking at the change in the amount of spending taken up by the government (or the reduction in public spending) in Latin American and Caribbean countries during 1980–1990. Changes in health indicators were measured in terms of the percentage variation in LE and IM. The variations found in Latin America and the Caribbean were compared to those seen in different groups of countries in other parts of the world during 1980–2000. Pearson's chi squared test was used to explore the associations between the decrease in public spending and health indicators. In order to estimate the health effects of such changes, a multivariate linear regression model was created, with adjustments for pcGDP. Results. A deceleration in the rise of LE and in the decline of IM in Latin America and the Caribbean was noted, especially over the period from 1980 through 1990. Significant associations were observed between health indicators and the change in public spending in all groups of countries included in the study. When adjustments were introduced into the multiple regression model, the only associations that remained were seen in Latin America and the Caribbean. Conclusions. In the decade of 1980, adjustments in macroeconomic policies had a negative effect on social indicators, specifically those that had to do with health conditions in Latin America and the Caribbean. Such an effect lasted throughout the following decade.

Examines why the notion of a European-like process of integration has not been considered for & in North America, arguing that North America does exist symbolically, culturally, politically, or legally despite the fact that Canada, the US, Mexico, & Central America live it. The failure of North Americas intellectual, cultural, & historical integration is discussed in terms of persistent civilizational differences between Canada & the US, on one hand, & Latin America, on the other. However, integration is asserted to be an economic & human fact. In this light, recommendations are offered for rooting a responsible sense of common US-Mexican historical & cultural civic life, & what it would take to implement such a change is then contemplated. Historiographical attention is given to the role of history in this project & the attendant anti-Americanism. It is contended that North America could become a modest emblem of historical imagination & an intellectual agenda. D. Edelman

Describes three late-1990s-early-2000s protest campaigns against the implementation of second-phase neoliberal policies in Central America to evaluate the sort of circumstances wherein movements against globalization-induced reforms impact the pace & character of policy implementation. Focus is on teachers in Costa Rica, 1995; university students in Nicaragua, 1995-1997; & the movement against a sales tax hike in Guatemala, 2001. Attention is given to the role of public opinion, the breadth of mobilization, & alignment with oppositional political parties as important factors behind the influence of these campaigns. Tables, References. D. Edelman

Although California is often regarded as a regional civilization within the United States of America, this article argues that California justifies being considered a major civilization in itself, indeed the only genuinely 21stcentury civilization, if only because of its top ranking among world economies. The article traces the varied facets of California natural and social history to show the overriding importance of biodiversity as a perennially unifying theme for an understanding of that civilization, and it confronts the varied challenges to this biodiversity that constitute more recent California history and politics.

La multifuncionalidad constituye un nuevo modelo de desarrollo que pretende la diversificación económica de los espacios rurales, pues la agricultura tiene cada vez menos importancia en la riqueza de las naciones. Mientras en la Unión Europea este modelo representa una realidad conflictiva fomentada por las sucesivas reformas de la Política Agrícola Común (PAC), en América Latina, por el contrario, la multifuncionalidad rural no puede ser más que un mito inalcanzable si antes no se solucionan los seculares problemas estructurales de su agro. ; Multifunctionality is a new model of development aimed at generating economic diversification in rural areas, since agriculture plays an increasingly minor role in economies. Whereas in the EU, this model represents a conflictive reality fuelled by the successive reforms of the CAP, in Latin America, rural multifunctionality will never be anything other than an unachievable myth, unless the structural secular problems of its agricultural world are first resolved. ; La polyvalence constitue un nouveau modèle de développement visant la diversification économique des espaces ruraux, en effet l'agriculture perd de plus en plus d'importance au niveau de l'économie des pays. Alors qu'au sein de l'Union Européenne, ce modèle représente une réalité conflictuelle suite aux réformes successives de la PAC, en Amérique Latine, au contraire, la polyvalence rurale n'est rien de plus qu'un mythe inaccessible si les problèmes séculiers liés à la structure même de son agriculture ne sont pas résolus auparavant.