Suchergebnisse

Abstract
This introduction provides a backdrop to the contributions to the special issue of this journal. Specifically, it summarises the main arguments of authors as they addressed the main challenges and prospects for peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and atrocities prevention in Southeast Asia based on select case studies. Among the key themes that this special issue examines are: 1) asean/Southeast Asia's norms and practices and the stickiness of the 'asean Way' against pressures to effectively respond to transborder security threats; 2) the transfer and localisation of global norms like the Responsibility to Protect (r2p); 3) protection of civilians, human rights, and women, peace and security (wps) and 4) regional architecture including the asean Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights, asean Commission on Women and Children, asean Institute of Peace and Reconciliation, and the asean parliamentarians.

This article explores the origins of the European Union (EU) peacebuilding approach in Northern Ireland through the role of the long-serving MEP and Nobel Laureate, John Hume. It gives particular emphasis to the part played by the European Parliament (EP) in this endeavour, which has been neglected in existing studies of the EU influence on Northern Ireland. The article shows how Hume helped to create better understanding, interest and ultimately engagement by the EU to support peacebuilding efforts in Northern Ireland. Local political shifts would prove decisive in creating the peace process that emerged in the region in the 1990s, but the article argues that Hume's efforts, stretching as far back as the 1970s, both encouraged these shifts and then provided the basis for much greater EU engagement in support of the peace process. This deepens our understanding of the EU role in aiding political change in Northern Ireland.

Record numbers of violent conflicts are causing growing needs for humanitarian aid, especially in situations of forced displacement. Given the scarcity of resources, many actors seek to provide more effective, efficient and needs-based support. That is also the objective of the humanitarian, development and peace nexus (HDP nexus). The main added value of the HDP nexus in situations of forced displacement lies in its com­prehensive perspective on peace, which extends beyond social cohesion and creates space for political solutions and conflict transformation. The latter is a precondition for durable solutions for forcibly displaced people. The German government can actively support this by disseminating and deepening nexus expertise and improving accountability to affected populations. (author's abstract)

Pela Gandong local wisdom has played a significant role as a media for Ambon conflict resolution. The existence of dialogue and communication based on Pela Gandong culture can bring mutually battling parties to achieve peace. Therefore, the purpose of the study is to describe how SMPN 4 Salahutu Liang Central Maluku with 100% Muslim students also, SMPN 9 Ambon City with 99% of their Christian/Catholic students in implementing Panas Pela of Education as the transmission of Pela Gandong culture as an implementation of the Ambon City Regional Medium-term Development Plan (RPJMD). Panas Pela of education is an assemblage of students with different religions tore-warm the sibling relationship (Pela Gandong). This study uses descriptive qualitative research methods with a case study approach. Data collection is done by participatory observation, literature study, document analysis, and interviews. The results showed that the Panas Pela of Education activity on January 29, 2018, had succeeded in transmitting Pela Gandong culture to students to maintain peace. It can be seen by student's ability from both schools to blend in with one another without segregation and together celebrate the Panas Pela of Education. It is expected that the field of education implementing Panas Pela of Education sustainably. It will surely be successful because the local wisdom of the Pela Gandong has been integrated into the Ambon City Local Government Medium-term Development Plan (RPJMD).

Participatory action research fits well with conflict resolution and peacebuilding; it is used by scholar-practitioners as part of field-based practice efforts that contribute to transforming conflict and add to scholarly knowledge. However, as Cynthia Chataway's analysis of a participatory action research project undertaken with the Mohawk community of Kahnawake indicated, there are considerable constraints on mutual inquiry when it occurs in settings marked by historical oppression, distrust of outsiders and internal division; these constraints require the model to respond to the community context. Drawing on this insight, this paper explores a recent collaborative, community-based research that was part of a larger youth-centered peacebuilding and security initiative in Haiti. The initiative involved partners from Canada supporting a non-governmental organization and youth in four communities to engage in action research, under the umbrella of community-based research, as part of the 26-month project. The article draws out insights on ways in which the community-based research approach adapted to the conflict context, and reflects on the ways in which this form of engaged scholarship adds to knowledge in conflict resolution and peacebuilding.

Abstract Structural violence remains largely unaddressed and its invisibility means that it becomes naturalised in many societies. This research uses a conceptualisation of structural violence and that of liberal peace to show that leaders in historical marginalised societies whose power is built upon rhetoric to end historical inequalities can be useful allies to peace practitioners in addressing structural violence. A historical context in which structural violence developed within Zimbabwe is given and the voices that warned against building a society that was openly discriminatory were ignored. This research suggests that Zimbabwe's current leaders can do well to avoid open direct violence if they learn from history and address the structural violence rampant within Harare. The perspectives on structural violence amongst contemporary leaders could be grouped into those pointing at internal factors, those pointing at external factors and a third view taking a pragmatic and holistic approach. The polarisation between the two groups which has resulted in a political crisis of legitimacy, is seen to have perpetuated structural violence and undermined any possibility for a solution. While the infrastructure for peace laid out by liberal peace has found it difficult to reconcile the challenges of redressing colonial legacies of structural violence and issues of democratisation and rule of law. The current government has openly pleaded to the western powers to be left to exercise its sovereignty but it has remained under general isolation as the western powers cite its poor human rights record. This research captures the complexities of making peace and argues that the moral standard of measuring structural violence has to be acceptable and leaders should be seen as humane and in the process be made allies in peacebuilding efforts.