Suchergebnisse

Analysis of the complexities involved in the Indo-EEC co-operation for development: "Second oil shock", super-imposition of high interest rates, stagflation and unemployment in the EEC countries etc. EEC-India commercial co-operation agreements. India - one of the six major beneficiaries of the GSP (Generalized Scheme of Preferences adopted by the EEC since 1971). (DÜI-Sen)

India's support for the liberation struggle in East Pakistan. Indira Gandhi's firm stand against Pakistan. Post-liberation problems of Bangladesh. Its close economic co-operation with India. Progress made in the demarcation of the over 4000 kilometers long Indo-Bangladesh boundary. Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi's interests in establishing closer relations with Bangladesh. (DÜI-Sen)

AUTHOR PRESENTS AN ASSESSMENT OF INTERNATIONAL AGENCIES INVOLVED IN FOOD AND AGRICULTURE. HE TRACES THE DEVELOPMENTS AND CHANGES OVER THE PAST 35 YEARS IN THE ACTIVITIES OF THESE MAJOR INTERNATIONAL (UN) AGENCIES, TAKING INTO ACCOUNT THE ROLES PLAYED BY UN-MEMBER NATIONS IN GOVERNING THE RESPECTIVE AGENCIES AS WELL AS THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEMBER GOVERNMENTS AND THE UN SECRETARIAT.

In this article we argue that trust is fundamental to post-agreement negotiations in the field of international security. We present our concept of interstate trust and discuss its relation to two core mechanisms of international cooperation: control and policy integration. Our main hypothesis is that growing trust reduces a dyad's reliance on control and leads to intensified policy integration. To specify how the trust-control nexus and the trust-integration nexus structure post-agreement negotiations, we first assume that post-agreement negotiations are likely to follow interstate crises. Second, we theorize crisis reactions and differentiate between low-trust and high-trust situations. In low-trust situations, a crisis indicates a failure to control the actions of others. As a response, demands for institutional reform will stress new and improved control mechanisms. In high-trust situations, the trusting bias defuses most of the doubts about the other's cooperative preferences and points to miscommunication as the principal issue. Therefore, negotiations will be about intensifying policy integration. States do so for three purposes: sustaining valuable integration, overcoming the crisis, and building trust. As a first plausibility probe for our argument, we look at post-agreement negotiations between France and Germany. Adapted from the source document.

Der Beitrag stellt das Konzept der Political Tutelage, einer temporären politischen Bevormundung durch die Vereinten Nationen vor, das der deutsche Politikwissenschaftler K. Loewenstein in den 1940er Jahren entwickelte. In diesem Zusammenhang wird der Frage nachgegangen, ob und inwieweit dieses Konzept eine Alternative zu imperialer Politik darstellen kann. Loewenstein erarbeitet mit Blick auf die Nachkriegsordnung in Deutschland eine detaillierte Kombination aus unmittelbaren internationalen Kontrollen, institutionellen Arrangements und pädagogischen Maßnahmen, die demokratische Institutionen und eine dazu passende politische Kultur hervorbringen sollten. Sein Modell gibt Hinweise, unter welchen internationalen, institutionellen und kulturellen Rahmenbedingungen eine nicht-imperiale und nicht-militärische Demokratisierungspolitik funktionieren kann. Wie ein politischer Reformprozess heute angestoßen und vorangetrieben werden kann, ohne mit militärischer Gewalt alle Ansätze der Demokratisierung sofort wieder zunichte zu machen, wie dies gerade anscheinend im Irak der Fall ist, scheint noch eine weit offene Frage zu sein. (ICG2)

"The competitive quest of the Cartagena Protocol and the WTO for authority to regulate international trade in genetically modified organisms (GMOs) exemplifies a typical interaction between international institutions with diverging objectives. This article first develops a conceptual framework for the analysis of institutional interaction that emphasizes disaggregation of complex interaction situations into separate cases of clearly directed inter-institutional influence. These cases can follow different causal mechanisms. Second, applying this framework to the interaction between the Cartagena Protocol and the WTO reveals that existing commitments have driven parties toward a step-wise delimitation of the institutions' jurisdictions. Although the WTO acquired a first-mover advantage by structuring the regulatory field, the Cartagena Protocol showed surprising strength in exploiting the remaining room for maneuver. The structure of international governance thus steers institutions with differing objectives toward a jurisdictional balance that, while reflecting existing power relations, limits the potential for conflict and frames available policy choices." (author's abstract)

Chapter 1. Beyond News and Rumours: Political Economy of Kidnapping and Insecurity in Nigeria -- Chapter 2. One Means, Multiple Ends: A Strategic Framework of Understanding Kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 3. History of Kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 4. Ungoverned spaces and Kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 5. Oil-related kidnapping in the Niger Delta -- Chapter 6. Boko Haram and Kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 7. Armed Banditry and Kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 8. Kidnapping for Ransom -- Chapter 9. Kidnapping for Ritual -- Chapter 10. Kidnapping and Baby Factory in Nigeria -- Chapter 11. Human Trafficking as Kidnapping by Other Means -- Chapter 12. Gender Dimensions of Kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 13. Nigeria and the Transnationalisation of Kidnapping in the Lake Chad Region and the Gulf of Guinea -- Chapter 14. Kidnapping for Ransom (K4R) and the Challenges of Nigeria's International Image -- Chapter 15. State responses to the menace of kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 16. Non-state responses to kidnapping in Nigeria -- Chapter 17. Kidnapping and Hostage Negotiation in Nigeria -- Chapter 18. Journalism practice in an era of hostage taking: Media coverage of kidnappings in Nigeria -- Chapter 19. Concluding Reflections: On the Political Economy of Kidnapping in Nigeria.

India and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) are civilisational partners and belong to a shared geography. They not only share land and maritime borders, engagements between India and ASEAN have expanded from trade and investment to culture, science and technology, connectivity and sustainable development. The year 2022 marks the 30 years of partnership between ASEAN and India. In the last three decades, ASEAN and India have elevated their relations from the sectoral level to summit level to comprehensive strategic partnership level. The book Thirty Years of ASEAN-India Relations: Towards Indo-Pacific, presents rich prescriptions for the future. It covers a wide range of topics in the fields of economics, geography, history, archaeology, international trade, tourism, migration, and infrastructure for transport. The authors of the chapters are from diverse fields of academic disciplines from India and the ASEAN. Published to commemorate the 30th anniversary of ASEAN-India relations, this book is a valuable resource for practitioners and scholars who are interested in economic integration. Print edition not for sale in South Asia (India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Bhutan)

This paper investigates the impact of international shocks - interest rate, commodity price and industrial production shocks - on key macroeconomic variables in ten Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries by using near-VAR models and monthly data from the early 1990s to 2009. In contrast to previous work, the empirical analysis takes explicit account of the possibility of (multiple) structural breaks in the underlying time series. We establish strong evidence of structural breaks, particularly along the years 2007 and 2008, suggesting the very relevant impact of the recent global crisis on CEE economies. Moreover, our results suggest that the way how countries react to world commodity price shocks is related to the underlying economic structure and the credibility of the monetary policy. We also find that some countries like Slovakia and Slovenia - already euro area members - react stronger to foreign industrial production shocks than other countries and that the responses to such shocks are strongly correlated for selected CEE countries. Nevertheless, our results also shed light on substantial differences in responses to foreign interest rate shocks that originate from the US or the euro area.

The 1990-91 Gulf War, the Israeli-PLO agreement, instances of political and economic reform, and the radical political reassertion of Islam, all indicate that the post-Cold War Middle East is in the grip of dramatic changes. This has generated considerable enthusiasm. Yet such transformation to the political landscape bring with them daunting difficulties. The Middle East faces a host of problems urgently in need of solutions if a successful new world order is to be built on the ruins of the old. In this book, an international group of scholars addresses these issues, and considers the options for the political, social, and economic reconstruction of the region. Themes covered include: democratisation; the Arab state system in the new global environment; the civil war in Arabia; security structures; the Arab-Israeli conflict; the role and potential contribution of pan-Islamism and pan-Arabism; and the prospects for economic revival. Throughout, the linkages between regional dynamics and the changing global environment are highlighted. Case-studies are drawn from the whole region: from North Africa to the Gulf, and from Syria to Yemen