Arguments by lgbti advocates and the assertion of the rights of individuals with sexual development differences, point toward a growing debate on the existence of a new paradigm around the traditional binary concept of malefemale genders. In Colombian Law, this discussion extends to the field of the State liability for sex reassignment or modifying genitals surgeries performed in minors, without their informed consent. Once identified the grounds for the State liability, this paper shows the need for additional measures of reparation, beyond the award of economic damages, by means of concerted actions of the executive and legislative branches, intended to prevent discrimination, repetition and to dignify these individuals. ; Los argumentos esbozados por los defensores y activistas de la comunidad LGTBI, y la reivindicación de los derechos de las personas con diferencias de desarrollo sexual, conducen a reflexionar sobre la aparición de un nuevo paradigma en la concepción binaria tradicional masculino-femenino. En el derecho colombiano, este debate se extiende al campo de la responsabilidad extracontractual del Estado a favor de aquellas personas que, durante su niñez, fueron intervenidas quirúrgicamente sin su consentimiento informado para la reasignación de sexo o modificación de sus genitales. Una vez identificados los fundamentos de la responsabilidad estatal, la presente investigación pone en evidencia la necesidad de adoptar medidas adicionales de reparación, más allá de lo económico, que involucren acciones concertadas del ejecutivo y del legislador con miras a garantizar la no discriminación, la no repetición y la dignificación de estas personas.
Individuals engaging in same-sex acts, individuals identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and/ or intersex (LGBTI), and individuals who do not conform to heteronormative ideals of gender and sexuality experience structural, institutional and individual discrimination and exclusion across the world. This is no different in Southern African countries. While LGBTI individuals are heterogeneous and face very specific challenges based on their sexual orientation, gender identity, race, class, ethnicity and other factors, they share experiences of structural, institutional and individual discrimination and marginalisation based on their sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI). In most Southern African countries, same-sex activity remains criminalised, which further marginalises LGBTI individuals, and acts as an additional barrier to accessing public services and realising full civil and political rights. This contemporary literature review focuses on the state of LGBTI human rights in 10 Southern African countries: Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The purpose of this review is to contribute towards a strong evidence base and scientific foundation for informed programming in the region.
From same-sex marriage to the "rights agenda" in UruguayIn 2013, Uruguay recognized same-sex marriage, thus becoming the Latin American country where the rights of LGBTI people are better protected. Beyond the content of the law, this case is unique because, thanks to the action of the LGBTI movement, Uruguay is the only country in the world where the demand for same-sex marriage has been inscribed in a broader agenda of recognition of rights. The demands for the decriminalization of abortion and the legalization of marijuana are included in the LGBTI agenda thanks to the alliances between social movements that, in a pragmatic way, manage to push them until they are approved. Thus, the recognition of rights does not derive from a policy of José Mujica's government but is the result of joint action by civil society and left-wing parliamentarians. ; En 2013, Uruguay reconoce el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo volviéndose así el país latinoamericano donde los derechos de las personas LGBTI son mejor protegidos. Más allá del contenido de la ley, este caso es único porque, gracias a la acción del movimiento LGBTI, Uruguay es el único país del mundo donde la reivindicación por el matrimonio igualitario se ha inscrito en una agenda más amplia de reconocimiento de derechos. Así, las demandas por la despenalización del aborto y la legalización de la marihuana son incluidas a las demandas LGBTI gracias a las alianzas entre los movimientos sociales que, de manera pragmática, logran impulsarlas hasta su aprobación. Las leyes de ampliación de derechos no derivan de una política del gobierno del presidente José Mujica sino que son el resultado de una acción conjunta de la sociedad civil y de los parlamentarios de izquierda.
From same-sex marriage to the "rights agenda" in UruguayIn 2013, Uruguay recognized same-sex marriage, thus becoming the Latin American country where the rights of LGBTI people are better protected. Beyond the content of the law, this case is unique because, thanks to the action of the LGBTI movement, Uruguay is the only country in the world where the demand for same-sex marriage has been inscribed in a broader agenda of recognition of rights. The demands for the decriminalization of abortion and the legalization of marijuana are included in the LGBTI agenda thanks to the alliances between social movements that, in a pragmatic way, manage to push them until they are approved. Thus, the recognition of rights does not derive from a policy of José Mujica's government but is the result of joint action by civil society and left-wing parliamentarians. ; En 2013, Uruguay reconoce el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo volviéndose así el país latinoamericano donde los derechos de las personas LGBTI son mejor protegidos. Más allá del contenido de la ley, este caso es único porque, gracias a la acción del movimiento LGBTI, Uruguay es el único país del mundo donde la reivindicación por el matrimonio igualitario se ha inscrito en una agenda más amplia de reconocimiento de derechos. Así, las demandas por la despenalización del aborto y la legalización de la marihuana son incluidas a las demandas LGBTI gracias a las alianzas entre los movimientos sociales que, de manera pragmática, logran impulsarlas hasta su aprobación. Las leyes de ampliación de derechos no derivan de una política del gobierno del presidente José Mujica sino que son el resultado de una acción conjunta de la sociedad civil y de los parlamentarios de izquierda.
The world of work and business continues to be a hostile space for LGBTI people, especially transgender people. Discrimination in the workplace on the grounds of sexual orientation and identity manifests itself, as in society, with varying intensity in relation to people from these groups. It is a form of discrimination with its own characteristics, such as preventive concealment, self-segregation, and LGBTI phobia, which is a determinant of high doses of violence at work. Based on the knowledge of these features of discrimination against LGBTI people, this paper analyses the regulatory framework of anti-discrimination protection in the workplace and its judicial application, identifying its main shortcomings. Likewise, the assessment of the future Law for the real and effective equality of trans people and for the guarantee of LGBTI people's rights is not positive, as it is clearly insufficient to address the defining features of discrimination based on sexual orientation and identity in access to employment and occupation. Labour measures are regulated, as in the current regional regulations, as actions belonging to public policies, without the cause of this "self-limitation of competences" of the state legislator in labour matters being made explicit. No obligations are established for companies, nor for workers and their trade union representatives. Nor does the law establish obligations for collective bargaining to achieve effective equality for LGBTI people. Finally, the demands that LGBTI phobia be considered as a psychosocial risk have not been fulfilled, nor have the necessary protocols and action measures been established for its prevention. In short, the assessment of this law from a legal-labour perspective should finally lead us to reflect on the State's obligation to guarantee equality in the field of private relations, given its responsibility for the protection of human rights, also in companies. ; El mundo del trabajo y de la empresa sigue mostrándose como un espacio hostil para las personas LGTBI y, de forma muy especial, para las personas trans. La discriminación en el trabajo por causa de orientación e identidad sexual se manifiesta, al igual que en la sociedad, con diversa intensidad en relación con las personas de estos colectivos. Se trata de una forma de discriminación con rasgos propios, como son el ocultamiento preventivo, la auto segregación, y la LGTBI fobia, determinante de altas dosis de violencia en el trabajo. Desde el conocimiento de estos rasgos de la discriminación hacia las personas LGTBI, se analiza, en el presente trabajo, el marco normativo de la tutela antidiscriminatoria laboral y su aplicación judicial, identificándose sus principales insuficiencias. Igualmente, no es positiva la valoración de la futura Ley para la igualdad real y efectiva de las personas trans y para la garantía de los derechos de las personas LGTBI, que es claramente insuficiente para abordar los rasgos definitorios de la discriminación por orientación e identidad sexual, en el acceso al empleo y la ocupación. Las medidas laborales se regulan, al igual que las vigentes normas autonómicas, como acciones propias de las políticas públicas, sin que se explicite la causa de esta "autolimitación competencial" del legislador estatal, en materia laboral. No se establecen obligaciones para las empresas, las personas trabajadoras, ni sus representantes sindicales. La Ley tampoco fija obligaciones a la negociación colectiva, para alcanzar la igualdad efectiva de las personas LGTBI. No se han cumplido las reivindicaciones, en fin, de que la LGTBI fobia sea considerada como riesgo psicosocial y de que se establezcan protocolos y medidas de actuación necesarias para su prevención. En definitiva, la valoración, desde la perspectiva jurídico-laboral de esta ley, nos debe llevar finalmente a reflexionar sobre la obligación del Estado de garantizar la igualdad, en el ámbito de las relaciones privadas, dada su responsabilidad en la protección de los derechos humanos, también en las empresas.
Apresentação – possibilidades de travessias (Ed. 77 – Dossiê Migração, sexualidade e identidade de gênero)
Vivendo em liberdade? Homossexualidade, diferenças e desigualdades entre brasileiros na Espanha
Migrações internas e internacionais motivadas por orientação sexual e identidade de gênero
Refugiados LGBTI no Brasil
Apresentação – A importância da categoria "gênero" nos novos estudos migratórios
"Refugiados LGBTI": gênero e sexualidade na articulação com refúgio no contexto internacional de direitos
This book addresses how sexual practices and identities are imagined and regulated through development discourses and within institutions of global governance. The underlying premise of this volume is that the global development industry plays a central role in constructing people's sexual lives, access to citizenship, and struggles for livelihood. Despite the industry's persistent insistence on viewing sexuality as basically outside the realm of economic modernization and anti-poverty programs, this volume brings to the fore heterosexual bias within macroeconomic and human rights development frameworks. The work fills an important gap in understanding how people's intimate lives are governed through heteronormative policies which typically assume that the family is based on blood or property ties rather than on alternative forms of kinship. By placing heteronormativity at the center of analysis, this anthology thus provides a much-needed discussion about the development industry's role in pathologizing sexual deviance yet also, more recently, in helping make visible a sexual rights agenda. Providing insights valuable to a range of disciplines, this book will be of particular interest to students and scholars of Development Studies, Gender Studies, and International Relations. It will also be highly relevant to development practitioners and international human rights advocates.
Despite legal and social advances in the past two decades, sexual orientation and gender minorities continue to face widespread discrimination and violence in many countries. This discrimination and violence lead to exclusion, which adversely impacts their lives, as well as the communities and economies in which they live. A major barrier to addressing this stigma and sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI)-based exclusion is the lack of SOGI-specific data. Robust, quantitative data on differential development experiences and outcomes of sexual and gender minorities—especially those in developing countries—is extremely thin. is paucity of data jeopardizes the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals and countries' commitment to the principle of 'leaving no one behind' in the effort to end poverty and inequality. Equality of Opportunity for Sexual and Gender Minorities assesses the unique challenges that sexual and gender minorities face in six important areas: Criminalization and SOGI, Access to education, Access to the labor market, Access to public services and social protection, Civil and political inclusion, Protection from hate crimes. This report offers numerous policy recommendations to prevent and eliminate discriminatory practices in all of the areas covered. It also seeks to influence legislative changes and support research on institutions and regulations that can ultimately lead to poverty reduction and shared prosperity. At the same time, it acknowledges that the mere existence of inclusive laws and regulations does not ensure that sexual and gender minorities are free from discrimination—the enforcement of those laws is crucial. This publication, the first in a series of studies, will be expanded from the 16 countries included to a wider set of countries for more in-depth quantitative analysis and to identify possible correlations with socioeconomic outcomes. It will seek to deepen knowledge, facilitate peer learning of good practices, and encourage reforms to increase the inclusion of sexual and gender minorities.
Sexual and Gender based violence against women including refugees in Uganda is a cause for serious concern. The Second World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna in 1993 and the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1994 gave priority to this issue, which jeopardizes women's lives, bodies, psychological integrity and freedom. This paper is a critical analysis of the forms, causes, effect and prevention strategies of sexual and gender- based violence against women in Uganda. The doctrinal research method was utilized. The findings were that certain aspect of Ugandan culture subject women to unequal treatment and make them prone to sexual abuse and gender violence. The research confirmed there is sexual violence among refugees which is contrary to the Standard Operating Manuals by the United Nations Humanitarian Commission on Refugees (UNHCR) for caregivers. The government should work at removing negative cultural, social, and traditional practices that encourage the perpetuation of sexual violence and makes victims suffer in silence rather than speak out. There should also be a review of policy processes that are obstacles to victim confidence in law enforcement and successful prosecution of perpetrators.
ABSTRACTThis article examines organized opposition to feminist and LGBTI political projects in Colombia. Although there is a large body of literature on feminist movements and a growing literature on LGBTI movements, there is little research on resistance to them. Through an intersectional feminist lens, this study analyzes the "anti-gender" campaign organized against the gender perspective in Colombia's 2016 peace agreement to demonstrate the limitations of backlash theory and certain normative understandings of human rights. In contrast to assumptions that backlash is predetermined, the study demonstrates that the anti-gender mobilization against the peace agreement was circumstantial rather than inevitable. To highlight the productive nature of backlash, it traces how opponents employed human rights rhetoric to establish an alternative present and promote an imagined future rooted in exclusion and repression. In addition, it shows that mobilized backlash against feminist and LGBTI movements does not necessarily decelerate or reverse the respective movements' agendas.
Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP), launched in June 2017, marks the first time that sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) have been mentioned in an overarching Canadian aid policy. The inclusion of SOGI in the policy document sent an important signal to domestic and international development partners on the need to consider these sources of discrimination and marginalization. This article asks two basic research questions. First, what is the place of SOGI in Canada's "feminist" international assistance? Second, what additional steps does Canada's development program need to take to protect the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global South? Based on an analysis of official documents and secondary sources, we argue that FIAP itself sends only a weak signal about the importance of SOGI-related concerns, but Canadian foreign aid has expanded its understanding of LGBTI issues and has begun to commit dedicated resources to addressing them. Nonetheless, the initial programming (2017–2019) was channelled in an ad hoc manner and through one, major stand-alone commitment, rather than through a broader framework that would guide SOGI's integration into Canadian programs over the long term. If serious about addressing LGBTI rights more systematically, the Canadian government needs to expand its definition of what SOGI entails and move beyond niche programming to recognize the cross-cutting dimension of LGBTI rights in foreign aid, especially in the area of sexual and reproductive health and rights.
Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP), launched in June 2017, marks the first time that sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) have been mentioned in an overarching Canadian aid policy. The inclusion of SOGI in the policy document sent an important signal to domestic and international development partners on the need to consider these sources of discrimination and marginalization. This article asks two basic research questions. First, what is the place of SOGI in Canada's "feminist" international assistance? Second, what additional steps does Canada's development program need to take to protect the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global South? Based on an analysis of official documents and secondary sources, we argue that FIAP itself sends only a weak signal about the importance of SOGI-related concerns, but Canadian foreign aid has expanded its understanding of LGBTI issues and has begun to commit dedicated resources to addressing them. Nonetheless, the initial programming (2017–2019) was channelled in an ad hoc manner and through one, major stand-alone commitment, rather than through a broader framework that would guide SOGI's integration into Canadian programs over the long term. If serious about addressing LGBTI rights more systematically, the Canadian government needs to expand its definition of what SOGI entails and move beyond niche programming to recognize the cross-cutting dimension of LGBTI rights in foreign aid, especially in the area of sexual and reproductive health and rights.
Sex, gender and sexual orientation are diverse, as are the ways of living associated with them. The extent to which people can live a free and self-determined life according to their own body, gender, sexuality and way of life influences their social resources, opportunities for participation and discrimination and has an influence on their life situation and health. A narrative review of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) health was conducted including international and German reviews, meta-analyses and population-based studies. The focus of this article is the legal, social and medical recognition as well as health status of LGBTI people in Germany. While the legal framework in Germany for homosexual and bisexual people has gradually improved, many civil society stakeholders have pointed to major deficits in the medical and legal recognition of transgender and intersex people. In addition, scientific findings frequently have not yet found its way into medical practice to an adequate extent. Available data on LGBTI health indicate a need for action in the areas of mental health and health care provision. However, due to a lack of comprehensive data, conclusions cannot be drawn on the general health situation and health resources of LGBTI people. For the concrete planning and implementation of measures as well as the differentiated portrayal of the situation in Germany, the databases must be expanded, not least via population-representative surveys.
