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Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- 1. Nationalisms in International Politics -- 2. Varieties of Nationalism and Attitudes about Conflict and Cooperation -- 3. Nationalisms, Support for Conflict Escalation, and Militarism -- 4. American Nationalisms and Support for Conflict -- 5. Supranationalisms and Support for Security Cooperation in Europe -- 6. Conclusions -- Appendix -- Bibliography -- Index -- A NOTE ON THE TYPE

The first globalisation coincided with the establishment of the nation as a legitimate basis for political sovereignty. Globalisation and the expansion of the nation state are the result of the same ideological, technological and economic developments. The nation is a new universalism, resulting in the formation of distinct but relatively equivalent political and cultural units. The formation of nation states takes place within a strictly transnational framework and quickly opens up the issue of international affairs. The term refers not only to the organisation of relations between nation states but also to the union of social groups across national borders. Nineteenth century Europe reinforces its hegemonic position in the first globalisation by establishing itself as the central place of modern universalism, as the place where its political and cultural norms are established, and as the home for their challenge. ; International audience The first globalisation coincided with the consecration of the nation as the legitimate foundation for political sovereignty. Globalisation and the expansion of the Nation-State in fact emerge out of the same ideological, technological and economic developments. The nation is a new form of universalism, which translates into the formation of distinct but relatively similar cultural and political units. The formation of Nation-States took place against a transnational background, but rapidly raised the issue of its international dimension. This involves the organisation of relations between Nation-States, but also the unity of social categories beyond national frontiers. 19th century Europe comforted its hegemonic position in the first globalisation by instituting itself as the major pole of modern universalism, as the locus for the institutionalisation of its political and cultural norms, and as the heart of any contestation against them. ; The first globalisation coincided with the establishment of the nation as a legitimate basis for political sovereignty. Globalisation and ...

Gezi protests which began as a reaction against the AKP's authoritarian intervention into urban space in May 2013, in a short time, turned into a country-wide social movement that brought the various components of the society that have different political/ ideological tendencies together around a demand for democratic and pluralistic governance. In this social picture, Turkish nationalist discourse with its hybrid and complex content, and its eclectic, flexible and nonhomogeneous structure inevitably attained its own place. Unlike the primordialist approaches to nationalism which considers nations as preexisting structures, modernist theoreticians embrace it as an invented and imagined product of social engineering. This understanding which focuses on political institutions and actors overlooks the role of everyday life and individuals, as the real carriers of nationalism and national identity, in the story of nationalism. However, everyday nationalism conception on which this study will be based focuses on how nationalist discourses and symbols are internalized and reproduced by ordinary people in everyday life experiences with a micro sociological perspective. Hence, this study, benefiting from the concepts of "everyday nationalism", aims to investigate how people who participated in the Gezi protests in the summer of 2013 subjectively construct or reconstruct their nationhood in their own discourses and narratives about their Gezi experiences. Is the perception of nationalism of these Gezi supporters compatible with the official nationalist rhetoric? The study will be based on qualitative data obtained from deep interviews with approximately 10 respondents who participated in the Gezi protests in the summer of 2013. The research findings will be analyzed by using discourse and narrative analysis. Participants' perception of nationalism and their discursive construction of national identity in their everyday life will be traced through their experiences of Gezi protests.

Recent attempts to distinguish a normatively acceptable civic nationalism from an irrationally tainted ethnic nationalism have failed to take seriously the implications of the transition from the city as the immediate spatial unit of the patria to the more abstract national state that replaced it. The nation-state has required a mythologizing naturalism to legitimate it, thus blurring the civic-ethnic distinction. The urban political experience of the patria is lost; cosmopolitan intellectuals should resist the temptation to recover it in the nation, recognizing civic nationalism for the oxymoron it is. Adapted from the source document.