Suchergebnisse

Jerami adalah limbah sisa pemanenan padi yang belum termanfaatkan secara optimal. Volume limbah jerami yang luar biasa dan nilai manfaatnya yang rendah oleh karena itu pemanfaatan limbah jerami penting untuk dilakukan. Pemanfaatan merujuk pada karakteristik jerami atau batang padi, memungkinkan untuk dimanfaatakn dalam bentuk serat. Tujuan dari penelitain ini adalah untuk mengolah jerami menjadi bahan produk kerajinan dan mebel; desain dan perwujudan produk kerajinan dan mebel berbasis serat jerami; perlindungan inovasi produk dan uji pasar. Proses kegiatan pengabdian kepada masyarakat ini menggunakan pendekatan daan pertimbangan aspek desain dan manufaktur. Sumber data terdiri dari sumber utama, literatur dan informan sedangkan analisis data yakni dengan model analisis interaktif, meliputi reduksi data, data display dan verifikasi data. Luaran atau target penelitian meliputi penemuan hasil hutan non-kayu sebagai bahan produk kerajinan, dan pencatatan kekayaan intelektual. Pemanfaatan jerami sebagai limbah sisa pemanenan menjadi produk jadi maupun produk setengah jadi merupakan upaya untuk memberdayakan petani dan kelompok-kelompok industri kreatif.

The existence of Covid-19 in Indonesia has caused a bad impact on psychology and human behavior and education, especially in education, namely PAUD education. But now Covid-19 has subsided, so what used to be full of online or online learning has now started with face-to-face learning. With this, learning is now starting to implement limited face-to-face learning so that learning can still run optimally, so teachers must be able to design RPP (Learning Implementation Plans) that are different from the previous RPP. The type of research used is descriptive qualitative which is used to obtain information on the design of face-to-face learning implementation plans during the Covid-19 pandemic. The research subjects or respondents for this study were the principal of the PKK 93 Kindergarten Karangtengah. Data collection techniques in the form of interviews and documentation. The design made by the teacher to carry out limited face-to-face learning is carried out twice a week at school, the rest will be done online through WhatsApp social media. Lesson plan lesson plans adapted to pandemic conditions, implementation of learning with an emphasis on material delivery; assessment/evaluation carried out in accordance with existing conditions and complying with health protocols. Face-to-face learning activities continue normally despite the limited time available in accordance with government regulations. The results of this study will be useful as a reference for PAUD teachers who have designed a limited face-to-face Learning Implementation Plan during the COVID-19 pandemic

The ideological reorientation and political reorganisation of the PKK has been a subject of debate. While some authors recognise that significant changes occurred within the PKK, others have dismissed the PKK's transformation as a communication strategy and window-dressing. Based on interviews with key informants, this article reconstructs debates and developments within the party at the beginning of the 2000s. A main conclusion is that the transformation of the PKK was more than a reorientation involving organisational adjustment; it was no less than the development of a new mindset, one that involved the questioning of historically entrenched gender hierarchies and deeply held political axioms. In the process of this major change, the PKK lost a substantial number of long-time activists and cadres. Although at times it looked as if the movement might fall apart, the result was a transformation that gave the PKK a new impetus.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIFêrbûna ji têkçûnê: Pêşketin û dijberiya "paradîgmaya nû" di nava Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê ya Tirkiyeyê (PKK) deGuherîna îdeolojîk û jinûve rêkxistina siyasî ya PKKyê gelek bûye babeta nîqaşan. Hindek lêkoler qebûl dikin ku guherînên girîng çêbûn di nava PKKyê de, lê hindek lêkolerên din girîngiyeke wisa nedane veguherîna PKKyê û ew bêtir wek stratejiyeke ragihandinê û rûberekê dîtine. Li ser bingeha hevpeyvînên bi agahîderên xwedan rol û girîngî re, ev gotar nîqaş û geşedanên di nava partiyê de yên li serê salên 2000an digihîne hev û vesaz dike. Encameke serekî ku gotar digihê ew e ku veguherîna PKKyê gelek zêdetir bûye ji guherîneke arasteyê û lêanînên rêxistinî; berevajî vê yekê, pêşketina zihniyeteke nû bû, zihniyetek ku hiyerarşiyên dîrokî yên cinsiyetan û bingehên siyasî yên kûr dixistine jêr pirsyaran. Di pêvajoya vê guherîna bingehîn de, PKKyê hejmareke girîng a çalakvan û berpirsên xwe yên kevn ji dest dan. Herçend carinan wisa xuya bûbe ku tevger dibe ku ji hev bikeve, encam bû veguherînek ku lez û dînamîzmeke nû da PKKyê.ABSTRACT IN SORANIFêrbûn le şikist: Geşekirdin û rikaberîkirdinî "paradaymî nwê" lenaw Partî Krêkaranî Kurdistanî Turkiya (PKK)Arastekirdinewey aydiyolojî û rêkxistinewey siyasîy PKK buwete babetî miştumirr. Lekatêkda hendêk nûser dan beweda denên ke gorrankarîy gewre lenaw PKKda rûydawe, hendêkî tir werçerxanî PKK ret dekenewe û be corêk le stratîjîy rageyandin û perdepoşî dadenên. Le ser binemay çawpêkewtin legell hewallgire serekîyekanda, em babete miştumirr û allugorrîyekanî naw PKK le sallanî 2000ekanda daderrêjêtewe. Encamgîrîy serekî eweye werçerxanî PKK le arayîşdanewey peywest be hemwarkirdinî rêkxiraweyî ziyatire, le geşekirdinî cîhanbînîyekî tazeş kemtir nebû, wek ewey ke peyweste be xistine jêr pirsyarî heremeyî cênderî ke cêkewteyekî mêjuyîy heye legell bellge newîste siyasîye rîşe dakutawekan. Le prosey em allugorre serekîyeda, PKK jimareyekî berçawî çalakwan û kadîre dêrînekanî ledest da. Herçende hendêk kat wa derdekewt ke ew cullaneweye renge heres bênêt, derencam werçerxanêk bû ke gurr u tînî tazey daye PKK.ABSTRACT IN ZAZAKIMexlûbîyet ra dersegirewtiş: averşîyayîş û werenayîşê "paradîgmaya newîye" ya zereyê Partîya Karkeran a Kurdîstanî ya Tirkîya (PKK) deNewe ra oryantasyono îdeolojîk û rêxistinbîyayîşê PKK bîyî babetê munaqeşeyan. Herçiqas ke tayê nuştoxî qebul kenê ke zereyê PKK de vurîyayîşê girîngî qewimîyayî, tayê bînî nê vurîyayîşî sey stratejîya komunîkasyonî û xoxemilnayîşêkê zurayinî nîşan danê. Pê roportajanê ke bi melumatdaranê sermîyanan ameyê kerdene, na meqale munaqeşe û averşîyayîşê ke sereyê serranê 2000an de ca girewtê, înan reyna ana ra çiman ver. Yew netîceyo bingeyên o yo ke vurîyayîşê PKK tena qandê başêrkerdişê rêxistine oryantasyono newe ney, la bi xo averşîyayîşê hişmendîyêka newîye bî. Na hişmendî hîyerarşîyê cinsîyetan ê tradîsyonelî û rastîyê sîyasîyê xorînî fîştî ra gumanî ver. Prosesê nê vurîyayîşê girsî de PKK hûmarêka girînge ya çalakîker û kadroyanê kanan kerde vîndî. Herçiqas wextêk ge-gane wina asayêne ke tevger do parçe bibo, netîce de no vurîyayîş seba PKK bîbî teşwîqêko teze.

When founded in 1978, the PKK defined itself as a socialist movement aiming to create a classless society through the formation of a new state-power. In the 1990s, the ideology of the PKK began to change and this transformation became apparent in the 2000s. The PKK has since completely abandoned its statist Marxist-Leninist national liberationist ideology, and has instead proposed to build "democratic modernity" through the creation of an anti-capitalist, anti-industrialist, women emancipatory and ecologist "democratic confederalism" framework. This project defines the ecologist-rural communes grounded on food sovereignty as its basic economic units. This article argues that the transformation of the PKK's goals on the political economy of the Kurdish region is shaped by, on the one hand, the world systemic and internal restraints acting upon the PKK, and on the other hand, the ideological responses of the PKK to those restraints.Keywords: The PKK; Abdullah Öcalan; democratic modernity; democratic confederalism; anti-capitalist movements.Guherîna îdeolojîk di PKKyê de û aboriya siyasî ya herêma kurdî li TirkiyeyêGava di sala 1978an de hate damezrandin, PKKyê xwe wek hereketeke sosyalîst pênase kiribû û armanca xwe wisa danîbû ku civakeke bêçîn durist bike bi rêya avakirina desthilata dewleteke nû. Di salên 1990an de îdeolojiya PKKyê dest bi guherînê kir û di salên 2000an de ev guherîn pir aşkera bû. Ji hingê ve, PKKyê bi temamî dest ji îdeolojiya xwe ya Marksî-Lenînî ya azadiya neteweyî kêşaye, li batî wê, ragihandiye ku dixwaze "modernîteya demokratîk" ava bike bi rêya duristkirina çarçoveyeke "konfederaliya demokratîk" a dij-sermayedarî, dij-endûstrîgerî, jin-rizgarkerane û ekolojîk. Di vê projeyê de yekeyên aborî yên esasî ew komûnên ekolojîst-gundî ne ku li ser serbixweyiya xwe ya xurekî pêk hatine (anku ji bo bidestxistina xureka xwe ne muhtacê derve ne). Ev gotar diyar dike ku guherînên di armancên PKKyê yên li ser aboriya siyasî ya herêma kurdî, ji aliyekê ve, ji ber wan zext û berbest û mehdûdiyetên sîstemî yên global û navxweyî pêk hatine ku kar di PKKyê dikin, ji aliyê dî ve, ji ber bersivên îdeolojîk ên PKKyê ne bo wan berbest û mehdûdiyetan.

Terrorism is basically defined as a kind of "political violence" however its very contentious concept so that there is still no single definition that is accepted by all around the world. The PKK (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê/ Kurdish Workers Party), which was established at the end of 1970s and carried out its first action in 1984, has undergone many changes since its inception, is defined as a terrorist organization by many international organisation and states. The organization had affected by the changes in the world conjuncture, is now regarded as both a Marxist- Leninist and an ethnic-separatist terrorist activity. During that transition process of world, the tactics and strategies of the PKK have also changed. The PKK, which had set out for the aim of an independent Kurdish state, has been talking about an autonomous federal Kurdish region today. At the same time, the PKK, which originally fought with security forces with tactics of rural-guerrilla warfare, has now turned its tactics to the city wars and has attacked the security forces that have no defence capabilities (unarmed) or civilians especially by using its proxy organisation TAK.

AbstractAnalyzing the role of Indonesian women's politics in political structures in Indonesia is one part of a long history that cannot be denied that women also contribute to the distribution of power. The position and political role of women in Indonesia's political structure today is certainly closely related to gender ideas that are built in a conceptual framework that is understood by society in general. Conceptually gender ideas that are understood by Indonesian society in general and the whole are in fact built in uniform arguments and reflected in several women's movements which are influenced in the political structure and the power of the ruling political regime. The presence of the PKK organization during the New Order was a manifestation of the regime's work on the control of the repressed women's movement and on political rules and interests that were adjusted to the New Order's political policies which were co-opted through its role only in the domestic domain as good wives and mothers by adopting five central role, namely: first, women as wives with husbands, second, women as mothers seekers, third, women as household economic regulators, fourth, women as breadwinners, fifth, women as members of society.Keywords: Political Role, Women's Movement, PKK HistoryAbstrakMenganaliasa peran politik perempuan Indonesia dalam struktur politik di Indonesia merupakan salah satu bagian sejarah panjang yang tidak bisa dipungkiri bahwa kaum perempuan juga berkontribusi pada distribusi kekuasaan. Posisi dan peran politik perempuan dalam struktur politik Indonesia dewasa ini tentu sangat terkait dengan gagasan-gagasan gender yang dibangun dalam kerangka konseptual yang di pahami masyarakat secara umum. Secara konseptual gagasan-gagasan gender yang dipahami masyarakat Indonesia secara umum dan keseluruhan nyatanya dibangun dalam argumentasi yang seragam dan tercermin dalam beberapa gerakan perempuan yang terpengaruh dalam struktur politik serta kekuasaan rezim politik yang berkuasa. Hadirnya organisasi PKK pada masa Orde Baru merupakan manifestasi dari bekerjanya rezim terhadap penguasaan gerakan perempuan yang direpresi dan pada aturan dan kepentingan politik yang disesuaikan dengan kebijakan politis Orde Baru yang dikooptasi memalui perannya hanya dibatasi pada wilayah domestik sebagai istri dan ibu yang baik dengan mengadopsi pada lima peran sentral, yaitu : pertama, perempuan sebagai istri pedamping suami, kedua, perempuan sebagai pencari ibu, ketiga, wanita sebagai pengatur ekonomi rumah tangga, keempat, wanita sebagai pencari nafkah, kelima, wanita sebagai anggota masyarakat.Kata kunci : Peranan Politik, Gerakan Perempuan, Sejarah PKK