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Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to take a close look at factors that influence the choice and quality of healthcare received by ailing and elderly people in rural north India. The author is primarily interested in seeing what role is played by the presence of sons in the family, particularly co-residence with sons. In the absence of some broad-based social security arrangement in countries like India, older adults traditionally turn to living arrangement where the older adults are supported by their children or extended family. In a patriarchal society as India, such responsibility lies with the sons if one has son/s. Such dependence on sons explains preferential treatment towards younger sons as a justification for the care parents receive from sons in their advanced years. This culture of son preference behavior provides the context for this paper.Design/methodology/approach– The empirical model is based on testing three inter-related research questions. First, the author asks whether having grown sons or living with son/s leads to up-front better quality of healthcare for parents. If the empirical analysis does not show support for this research question, the author broadens the research question to ask whether those with grown son/s or those that live with their son/s have a higher probability of seeing a trained medical professional as compared to some traditional healer. If the empirical analysis does not support the second question, the author further broadens the research question and asks whether those elderly who are sick are more likely to receive any healthcare (medical or traditional) if they have grown son/s or live with their son/s.Findings– The results show that co-residence with a son does not have a statistically significant impact on the quality of healthcare received by the elderly individual. Additionally, not having a son also does not have a statistically significant impact on quality of healthcare received.Research limitations/implications– For the purpose of the empirical analysis, the author utilizes World Bank's Living Standard Measurement Survey (LSMS) data collected from rural villages in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar in India in 1997-1998. The dataset may be somewhat dated, but it provides relevant information which transcends time. Additionally, with economic growth and modernization, more and more young people in India have migrated away from rural areas in the recent decade. Thus, surveys carried out in the last decade by the National Family Health Surveys in India show very little evidence of elderly parent in rural areas living with their adult children. This practice seemed to be much more prevalent at the time of the LSMS survey of 1997-1998.Practical implications– Contrary to popular expectation, the results show that co-residing with a son has no statistically significant impact on healthcare received by parents. Additionally, not having sons does not matter either.Originality/value– The author finds relatively fewer studies done on factors that determine the choice of healthcare for the elderly, particularly relating to those that are ailing (for reasons other than simply aging) and with reference to their living arrangement. The present paper addresses this void in the literature and is expected to make a meaningful contribution in bridging this gap in the literature.

Background  Self‐restraint often appears to be associated with self‐injurious behaviour (SIB), and has been described as an attempt to prevent or escape from SIB. Research into the determinants of self‐restraint is limited, and the present single case study assesses the environmental determinants of self‐restraint and SIB, as well as describing the relationship between the two behaviours.Methods  Observations in the natural environment were conducted for 16.5 h and data were collected on SIB, self‐restraint and environmental events.Results  Sequential analysis showed that SIB and self‐restraint were unrelated to environmental events and that the behaviours co‐varied inversely. Self‐injurious behaviour occurred at higher than chance levels immediately following self‐restraint and also at high levels immediately prior to self‐restraint.Conclusions  Whilst these results would appear to support the hypothesis that self‐restraint was negatively reinforced by escape from SIB, the data cannot be explained solely by this theory. The implications of these findings for the behavioural theory of SIB and the conceptualization of self‐restraint are discussed.

Yugoslav self-management is a complex system of industrial relations & social organization that began some twenty-five years ago in a society that was initially still of the Soviet type. It endeavors to eliminate any domination of nonproducers in the economy & society (the liberation of labor) through a decision-making structure that is neither a compromise nor a mixture of Western-type & Soviet-type industrial relations. The system has been steadily extended to encompass the individual worker, who in the process has ostensibly been acquiring ever more rights. However, in reality the power position of the individual worker has not changed much. The political party structures are still of paramount importance. Self-management has alleviated the ills usually inherent to industrialization, facilitated the transformation of a predominantly agrarian to an industrial society, & encouraged a certain measure of political democratization. However, it has not resolved basic economic differences between the several republics of Yugoslavia, nor has it diminished large-scale unemployment. It is difficult to conclude whether the achievements & shortcomings are attributable to general human failings or whether they are due to specific Yugoslav conditions. Modified HA.

Cover -- Contents -- List of Tables and Maps -- List of Abbreviations -- Chapter 1 Introduction: Britain's Place in a Changing World -- From 'superpower' to 'global hub' -- Trying (and failing) to adjust to harsh realities? -- 'Traditionalist' versus 'transformationalist' perspectives -- Chapter 2 British Power and the Burden of History -- The rise of British imperial power -- New threats and challengers: the British Empire and the 'resource gap' before 1914 -- The First World War and its legacy -- Foreign and defence policy challenges of the 1930s -- The Second World War and the consequences of relative economic decline -- Continuity and consensus in post- ar foreign and defence policy -- Ernest Bevin and the foundations of the post-war foreign policy consensus -- Chapter 3 From Empire to Commonwealth -- The imperial legacy and the test of war -- The withdrawal from Empire, phase 1: India and Palestine -- Retrenchment and resistance, 1945-57 -- The Suez crisis, 1956: the last blast of imperialism? -- Withdrawal from Empire, phase 2: Harold Macmillan and the 'Wind of Change' -- Forces driving the process of decolonisation -- Constraints upon Britain's imperial retreat -- Britain and the transition to black majority rule in southern Africa -- Fighting for the Falklands -- Britain and the Commonwealth of Nations -- Britain and European decolonisation: a comparative perspective -- Chapter 4 Britain, the Atlantic Alliance and the 'Special Relationship' -- Wartime cooperation and conflict -- Ernest Bevin and the policy of containment -- Fluctuating fortunes: Churchill, Eden and Macmillan, 1951-63 -- The Atlantic alliance in decline, 1964-79 -- 'Special' once more? Thatcher, Major, Reagan and Bush, 1979-97 -- New Labour, Clinton and George W. Bush -- Gordon Brown and 'our most important bilateral relationship'.

Multiplicity of selves / Seymour Rosenberg -- The case for unity in the (post)modern self : a modest proposal / Dan P. McAdams -- The personal self in social context : barriers to authenticity / Susan Harter -- Me's and we's : forms and functions of social indentities / Peggy A. Thoits and Lauren K. Virshup -- The historical formation of selves / Kurt Danziger -- Selves as cultured : as told by an anthropologist who lacks a soul / Dorothy Holland -- The self and society : changes, problems, and opportunities / Roy F. Baumeister -- Conclusion : fundamental issues in the study of self and indentity : contrasts, contexts, and conflicts / Lee Jussim and Richard D. Ashmore

Das Konzept der Preemptive self-defense wurde erstmals im Rahmen der National Security Strategy der Bush-Administration im Jahr 2002 postuliert. Nach diesem sind militärische Maßnahmen bei einer Bedrohung durch internationale Terrororganisationen oder einem sogenannten Schurkenstaat mit Massenvernichtungswaffen, selbst wenn noch Unsicherheiten hinsichtlich Ort und Zeit des anzunehmenden Angriffs bestehen, vom völkerrechtlichen Selbstverteidigungsrecht gedeckt. Im Rahmen der Debatte um den Irakkrieg im Jahr 2003 wurde das Konzept der Preemptive self-defense fälschlicherweise als Rechtfertigungsgrundlage für die Invasion des Iraks diskutiert und weitgehend als mit dem Völkerrecht unvereinbar abgelehnt. Christian Richter weist in seiner Untersuchung nach, dass das Konzept der Preemptive self-defense an sich durchaus mit dem Völkerrecht vereinbar ist. Dies geschieht anhand einer grundlegenden Prüfung des Art. 51 UN-Charta, des Völkergewohnheitsrechts und der Staatenpraxis. Vor dem Hintergrund des massiven Erstarkens des internationalen Terrorismus und der jüngsten Atomwaffentests Nordkoreas im September 2016 gewinnt das Konzept der Preemptive self-defense wieder an Bedeutung. / »Preemptive Self-Defense – The Compatibility of the Concept of Preemptive Self-Defense with Public International Law« -- For the first time the concept of preemptive self-defense was promulgated in the National Security Strategy 2002. According to this concept the use of force against so-called rogue states or international terror organizations is consistent with the law of self-defense when there are uncertainties concerning the place and time of the assumed attack, especially in the case of an actual threat involving weapons of mass destruction. -- Within the debate concerning the legality of Operation Iraqi Freedom, the concept of preemptive self-defense was mistakenly discussed as a justification, and widely assessed as incompatible with public international law. Given the growing intensity of international terror organizations in the Middle East, as well as the latest North Korean nuclear weapon tests in September 2016, the concept of preemptive self-defense is of increasing importance. By analyzing Article 51 UN-Charta, the customary international law, as well as state practice, Christian Richter demonstrates that the concept of preemptive self-defense is in fact compatible with public international law

AbstractThe world of Westphalia, in which the subjects of self‐government were well defined, is over. We are in a new constellation in which we seem to be governed by others, especially in Europe. This other‐determination is not a temporary situation but a democratic requirement when our decisions determine the future for other people. Is there any way to make just that which appears to be inevitable? Democratizing the side‐effects of our decisions requires the institutionalization of reciprocity. Democracy is not more possible in a single country – today less so than ever.