Suchergebnisse

Celem artykułu jest próba przybliżenia zjawiska społecznej radykalizacji w Niemczech w obliczu pandemii COVID-19 oraz rekonstrukcja sposobów analitycznego rozpoznania nowego fenomenu socjopolitycznego przez wewnątrzkrajowe cywilne służby wywiadowcze (Federalny Urząd Ochrony Konstytucji oraz landowe urzędy ochrony konstytucji). Powstanie spontanicznego ruchu społecznego przeciwników obostrzeń sanitarnych, antyszczepionkowców i negacjonistów pandemii koronawirusa doprowadziło do radykalizacji coraz szerszych grup społecznych. Zjawisko to stało się przedmiotem ustawowego zainteresowania wewnątrzkrajowych służb wywiadowczych, w tym kontroli operacyjnej dotyczącej najbardziej radykalnych członków i grup tego ruchu.

Querdenker. New social movement under observation by German constitutional protection authorities in context of COVID-19 pandemic

The objective of this article is to bring a closer look into the processes of social radicalisation which are the concomitant of COVID-19 pandemics in Federal Republic of Germany. Furthermore, the author is trying to reconstruct the procedures of recon analytics taken by internal civil counterintelligence services in federal states of Germany. Nascent of grassroots movements united against COVID-19 restrictions, obligatory vaccination and general questioning of COVID-19 pandemic, has led to inscribe mentioned groups onto the official agenda of internal civil intelligence services ditto provide measures of operational reconnaissance related to these groups.

Intro -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Preface -- 1 Introduction: Organizing for Transgender Rights in the United States -- The Rise of Transgender Rights Advocacy -- Overview of Major Findings -- A Few Words about the Data and My Approach -- How Transgender Rights Interest Groups Mobilized -- Definitions and Terms -- Transgender -- Transgender Rights Interest Group -- Transgender Rights Social Movement -- Interest-Group Formation -- Outline of the Book -- 2 A Brief History of Transgender Rights Organizing in the United States -- The Early Days of Transgender Organizing -- The Stirrings of a Movement -- Stonewall -- Organizing Immediately after Stonewall: Real but Limited -- The Rift -- The Stonewall Legacy: A Dream Deferred -- The 1970s and 1980s: "The Contemporary Nadir" -- The 1990s: Transgender Organizing Comes of Age -- The Early and Mid-1990s -- The Late 1990s and early 2000s -- 2000 and Beyond -- Nationally Active Transgender Interest Groups Today -- State and Local Transgender Rights Advocacy Today -- Summary and Conclusion -- 3 The Crucial Role of Grievances and Interactions -- Pluralism: Threats, Grievances, Disturbances, and Group Formation -- Reasons and Motives: Pluralism and Grievances and Connections -- There Are Always Grievances and Threats -- The Role of Disturbances -- Pluralism and Threats: The Role of Interaction -- When Grievances and Threats Meet Interaction -- Other Organizations -- Conferences -- The Internet -- Conclusion: Do Threats, Disturbances, and Grievances Matter? -- 4 Interactions, Learning, and Connections -- Theory: Interactions, Cross-Movement Effects, and Spillover Effects -- What Interactions Do -- Interactions Raise Awareness -- Interactions within Existing Lgb and Lgbt Groups -- Interactions in other Transgender Groups -- Interactions in Women's Rights and Feminist Groups.

Con la extensión de los denominados valores postmaterialistas en las sociedades occidentales a finales de los años sesenta, irrumpieron con fuerza nuevos movimientos sociales que no surgían tanto de los conflictos capital-trabajo sino que propugnaban una repolitización de la vida cotidiana y unos valores diferentes que trascendían la esfera económica del trabajo. En estos movimientos fue decisiva la reconfiguración de las clases medias con el ascenso de nuevas clases urbanas y encuadradas en el sector servicios, cuyo alto capital cultural las distinguía de antiguas clases medias de cara a la politización de diferentes esferas y conflictos del mundo social. En este artículo se hace una revisión actualizada de la influencia y el papel del radicalismo de estas clases medias en el desarrollo de los nuevos movimientos sociales. ; At the end of the sixties in the western societies the values denominated post-materialist extended and with them the new social movements, that burst with force. These movements arose from the repolitization of daily life and from different values, which transcendend the economic shpere of work, and not from capital-labor conflicts. In these movements was decisive the reconfiguration of the middle classes, due to the rise of new urban classes framed in the services sector. These classes were distinguished from the old middle classes in the politicization of different spheres and conflicts of the social world. In this article an updated revision of the influence and the role of the radicalism of these middle classes in the development of the new social movements is made.

This paper presents a New Social Movement approach to the studies of local food system development. It aims to identify whether local food initiatives coalesce into a movement in Lithuania, drawing on the characteristics derived from the New Social Movement theory. Discourse analysis and semi-structured interviews with representatives of local food organizations and initiatives are applied as main methods of the study. Results reveal that social processes around local food are characterized by much unified commitment of participants to a cause, moderately expressed opposition to the adversary of movement, and fainting networking among them. The evidence of all applied characteristics suggests that local food movement is present in Lithuania yet in the incoherent and insubstantial form. ; Straipsnyje pateikiamas vietos maisto sistemos raidos vertinimas iš naujųjų socialinių judėjimų teorinės prieigos. Remiantis šios prieigos išskiriamais socialinių judėjimų bruožais, siekiama nustatyti, ar vietos maisto iniciatyvos Lietuvoje priklauso socialiniam judėjimui. Pagrindiniai tyrimo metu taikomi metodai – diskurso analizė ir pusiau struktūruoti interviu su vietos maisto organizacijų ir iniciatyvų atstovais. Atliktas tyrimas parodė, kad socialiniai procesai, susiję su vietos maistu Lietuvoje, pasižymi labai vieninga dalyvių pozicija dėl bendro siekiamo tikslo, vidutiniškai išreikšta konfliktine sąveika su judėjimo oponentu ir silpnėjančia tarpusavio tinklaveika. Socialinio judėjimo bruožų vertinimas leidžia daryti išvadą, kad vietos maisto judėjimas Lietuvoje egzistuoja, tačiau kol kas nėra nei nuoseklus, nei įsitvirtinęs.

Black supplementary schools, as organic grassroots organisations, are not simply a response to mainstream educational exclusion and poor provision, as they are so often described. They are far more radical and subversive than their quiet conformist exterior, indicating the presence of a covert social movement for educational change. In our small-scale, exploratory study of four black supplementary schools, we attempt to uncover their subjugated knowledges and hidden histories in order to illustrate the ways in which they generate Mueller's `oppositional meanings'. The narratives of the black women educators consistently decentre assumptions of mainstream schooling, as well as providing evidence of thriving black communities, social capital and complex, contradictory pedagogies within which childcentredness remains an important component. Supplementary schools provide a context in which whiteness is displaced as central and blackness is seen as normative. We conclude by arguing that, through their strategies of reworking notions of both community and blackness, their creation of new `types' of professional intellectuals and their commitment to social transformation, black supplementary schools represent the genesis of a new gendered social movement.

Compares public support for the environmental movement, anti-nuclear power movement, women's movement, human rights movement, and the animal rights movement; data from a 1990 Gallup poll.

Otpor is discussed in the text as a complex and contradictory new type of social movement, whose members attempted to contribute to the tradition of enlightened reform of social and political life in Serbia, simultaneously in a highly pragmatic and in a creative, possibly even irresponsible manner. After the introduction, analyzed are popular and media narratives on the characteristics of the movement, dilemmas concerning the founding of the movement and meaning of its key symbols, and the Faustian question of goals and consequences of foreign, in particular American influences. Following is a discussion of strategic (non-violent revolution, calculated victimization) and tactical (black campaigns, get-out-the-vote campaign) roles of Otpor in the coordinated project of ousting Milosevic. Otpor?s role is then re-interpreted in the frame of the ?electoral revolution?, developed by Valerie Bunce, Sharon Wolchik and Michael McFoul. An assessment of the transformation of Otpor from an active social movement into an exportable blueprint for non-violent political revolutions is offered in lieu of a conclusion.

Examines public approval of environmental protection relative to approval of the goals of other major new social movements -- antinuclear power, nuclear disarmament, women's, human rights, & animal rights movements -- in Western Europe & the US. The data come from a 1990 lifestyles & attitudes survey conducted by Gallup for Reader's Digest, based on nationally representative samples in the US & 17 European nations (total N = 12,230). Results show higher public approval for environmental protection than for the goals of other new social movements. 4 Tables, 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article is an attempt to analyse the emerging relationship between the political Left and new social movements and NGOs in the contemporary time. The relationship between Kerala Shastra Sahitya Parishad and CPI (M) is a case in point. The example shows that the cooperation between the political left and NGOs changes the policies of the former, which makes it more capable for fruitful intervention in civil society based on a 'discursive strategy'. Historical explanation of the relationship between the Left and Parishad proves that both have been benefited from this. It is widely acknowledged that the KSSP has been recognized by the CPM as a stake holder in the implementation of public policies since the Total Literacy Campaign in the late 1980s. However, the cooperation invited criticism from the orthodox Marxists and the political opponents of CPI M) recently. The sensitive debate on the cooperation between the two organisations in the People's Plan Campaign, a programme for decentralised development and planning at the local level during the Left Democratic Front in 1997-2001 became an issue in the group-war within the party recently. The debate gives reflections on the challenges and prospects of the political left to establish tie-up with civil society organisations. Adapted from the source document.