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Abstract
This article examines Muslim interpretations in the mass media public discourses in German-speaking Switzerland. It focuses on the period from the moment of the adoption of the initiative against the construction of minarets untill mid-2017. On the basis of a discourse analysis four fields of positions are presented. It can be shown that there is a considerable variety of inter-Muslim interpretations. Those positions with the highest reception are characterized by an intolerance of ambiguity and an incorporation of hegemonial interpretative patterns.

Emotions dominating normative frameworks is not new in the making of migration-related policies or in public discourses on migration. However, this matter has entered a different dimension in the age of populism and post-factualism reshuffling the parameters of this issue to a large extent. I will argue in this article that we can find a mixture of developments that consecutively reveals a state of public discourses that is highly precarious and that needs change and counteraction. Instead of retreating into welltrodden policy issues and overtly neglecting the potentiality for a constructive discourse that includes the deliberation on migration realties and migratory processes and its complexities, a vision is needed for new evidencebased, well-informed, yet not technocratic, forms of discourse and a future of reflexive knowledge production. Öffentliche Diskurse und Migrationspolitik: Eine prekäre Situation und ein düsterer Ausblick? Die Prägung politischer und öffentlicher Migrationsdiskurse durch Emotionen und Normativität ist nicht neu. Im Zeitalter von Populismus und Post- Faktizität hat diese Prägung jedoch Dimensionen angenommen, die die Parameter dieses Sachverhalts deutlich verschieben. Ich werde in diesem Beitrag verschiedene Entwicklungen diskutieren, die einen öffentlichen Diskurs kenntlich machen, der als hochgradig prekär bezeichnet werden kann und der Änderungen sowie Gegenmaßnahmen benötigt. Anstatt bekannte und veraltete Politiken zu rekurrieren und einen potenziell konstruktiven Diskurs zu vernachlässigen, braucht es Ideen und Visionen einer evidenzbasierten, jedoch nicht technokratischen, Form eines Migrationsdiskurses und einer zukünftigen reflexiven Wissensproduktion.

Speaking the Unspeakable in Postwar Germany is an interdisciplinary study of a diverse set of public speeches given by major literary and cultural figures in the 1950s and 1960s. Through close readings of canonical speeches by Hannah Arendt, Theodor W. Adorno, Ingeborg Bachmann, Martin Buber, Paul Celan, Uwe Johnson, Peter Szondi, and Peter Weiss, Sonja Boos demonstrates that these speakers both facilitated and subverted the construction of a public discourse about the Holocaust in postwar West Germany. The author's analysis of original audio recordings of the speech events (several of which will be available on a companion website) improves our understanding of the spoken, performative dimension of public speeches. Speaking the Unspeakable in Postwar Germany emphasizes the social constructedness of discourse, experience, and identity, but does not neglect the pragmatic conditions of aesthetic and intellectual production—most notably, the felt need to respond to the breach in tradition caused by the Holocaust. The book thereby illuminates the process by which a set of writers and intellectuals, instead of trying to mend what they perceived as a radical break in historical continuity or corroborating the myth of a "new beginning," searched for ways to make this historical rupture rhetorically and semantically discernible and literally audible. ; Speaking the Unspeakable in Postwar Germany is an interdisciplinary study of a diverse set of public speeches given by major literary and cultural figures in the 1950s and 1960s. Through close readings of canonical speeches by Hannah Arendt, Theodor W. Adorno, Ingeborg Bachmann, Martin Buber, Paul Celan, Uwe Johnson, Peter Szondi, and Peter Weiss, Sonja Boos demonstrates that these speakers both facilitated and subverted the construction of a public discourse about the Holocaust in postwar West Germany. The author's analysis of original audio recordings of the speech events (several of which will be available on a companion website) improves our understanding of the spoken, performative dimension of public speeches.While emphasizing the social constructedness of discourse, experience, and identity, Boos does not neglect the pragmatic conditions of aesthetic and intellectual production—most notably, the felt need to respond to the breach in tradition caused by the Holocaust. The book thereby illuminates the process by which a set of writers and intellectuals, instead of trying to mend what they perceived as a radical break in historical continuity or corroborating the myth of a "new beginning," searched for ways to make this historical rupture rhetorically and semantically discernible and literally audible.

This study offers new insights into interactivity by examining its association with empowerment in public discourse. Using data from 20 years of newspaper coverage, a mixed methods analysis reveals different 'modes' of interactivity in discourse. Empowerment is the dominant mode of interactivity despite substantial changes in technologies and uses over this time. A content analysis shows that older discourses associate interactivity with specific technologies, while recent discourses use more universal terms. The discourse analysis illustrates the range of empowerment found in different interactive experiences, from basic data access to collaboration across communities, even reaching beyond communication events. The study offers a new model for understanding interactivity and empowerment based on the potential in communications for action, context, strategies and outcomes. This layered and flexible approach has appeal for digital media research and production.

The research paper "Public Discourse on Lithuanian Higher Education" discloses that despite the achievements and international recognition, society is critical of the higher education system and university activities. The discrepancy between the assessment results by the Lithuanian society and international, might be possible due to the biased information provided by the media. The public discourse on higher education concentrates on the higher education image building process and aims to provide the answers to the questions: what, how and why the media builds that type of image and what the consequences are. The purpose of the research was to analyze the data from the articles on higher education in the traditional and internet media during the period September 2005 to March 2006. The findings prove that the majority of the articles on higher education are critical. The number and the content of the articles disclosed a tendency to build a negative image of the higher education institutions in the media. Opinion leaders put forward a message that the following stakeholders are not satisfied with the quality of higher education: students, young scientists and employers. Critique of the higher education management ranked as the most frequent among other topics on higher education. This closely relates to other internal problems of higher education institution which provoke critical reaction from the public. The author states that corruption, protectionism, stagnation in the higher education, are the topics that are easily understood by the general public and escalate negative image building. The research on the frequency of mentioning higher education topic by months, show that even in the context of other important higher education related events, the topics mentioned above prevail. Comparing the attitudes on education topics created by the media to public statistical data, we have noticed that the media manipulates statistical data and other discourse facts and statements to promote a negative higher education image. Since the majority of the Lithuanian society are not familiar with the Lithuanian laws on higher education and EU documents, they do not distinqiush between college and university education which makes it easy to charnel a biased and distorted information through the media. The lack of information on the international tendencies in higher education can also help to view the local problems as unique. Comparison of the ways the problems are presented in Great Britain and Lithuanian media show different attitudes and aims. Only a close cooperation between the stakeholders (students, higher education institution, government, businesses) can guarantee quality higher education. Likewise, these stakeholders are responsible for the state and the quality of the higher education. However, only the businesses avoid the critique in the media. Moreover, the statements made by the businesses on higher education, protection of the areas directly related to business and ignoring and treating other areas as inferior, show their attempt to re- organize universities to serve their purposes only and to equally participate in the allocation of the EU structural funds. Thus, we make a preposition that certain business groups are responsible for the negative image building of the higher education in Lithuania. This divides the academic society, as well as Lithuanian society and involves into fruitless debates, postpones decision making, reform implementation and development of the higher education. Abundance of the critical articles diminishes the value of the higher education in the eyes of the Lithuanian society.

The research paper "Public Discourse on Lithuanian Higher Education" discloses that despite the achievements and international recognition, society is critical of the higher education system and university activities. The discrepancy between the assessment results by the Lithuanian society and international, might be possible due to the biased information provided by the media. The public discourse on higher education concentrates on the higher education image building process and aims to provide the answers to the questions: what, how and why the media builds that type of image and what the consequences are. The purpose of the research was to analyze the data from the articles on higher education in the traditional and internet media during the period September 2005 to March 2006. The findings prove that the majority of the articles on higher education are critical. The number and the content of the articles disclosed a tendency to build a negative image of the higher education institutions in the media. Opinion leaders put forward a message that the following stakeholders are not satisfied with the quality of higher education: students, young scientists and employers. Critique of the higher education management ranked as the most frequent among other topics on higher education. This closely relates to other internal problems of higher education institution which provoke critical reaction from the public. The author states that corruption, protectionism, stagnation in the higher education, are the topics that are easily understood by the general public and escalate negative image building. The research on the frequency of mentioning higher education topic by months, show that even in the context of other important higher education related events, the topics mentioned above prevail. Comparing the attitudes on education topics created by the media to public statistical data, we have noticed that the media manipulates statistical data and other discourse facts and statements to promote a negative higher education image. Since the majority of the Lithuanian society are not familiar with the Lithuanian laws on higher education and EU documents, they do not distinqiush between college and university education which makes it easy to charnel a biased and distorted information through the media. The lack of information on the international tendencies in higher education can also help to view the local problems as unique. Comparison of the ways the problems are presented in Great Britain and Lithuanian media show different attitudes and aims. Only a close cooperation between the stakeholders (students, higher education institution, government, businesses) can guarantee quality higher education. Likewise, these stakeholders are responsible for the state and the quality of the higher education. However, only the businesses avoid the critique in the media. Moreover, the statements made by the businesses on higher education, protection of the areas directly related to business and ignoring and treating other areas as inferior, show their attempt to re- organize universities to serve their purposes only and to equally participate in the allocation of the EU structural funds. Thus, we make a preposition that certain business groups are responsible for the negative image building of the higher education in Lithuania. This divides the academic society, as well as Lithuanian society and involves into fruitless debates, postpones decision making, reform implementation and development of the higher education. Abundance of the critical articles diminishes the value of the higher education in the eyes of the Lithuanian society.

"This study investigates the overlaps between political discourse and literary and cinematic fiction, arguing that both are informed by, and contribute to, the cultural imaginary of terrorism. It explores the ways in which clandestine political violence stimulates the collective imagination, a fact that has received little attention despite its cultural prominence. Whenever mass-mediated acts of terrorism occur, they tend to trigger a proliferation of threat scenarios not only in the realm of literature and film, but also in the statements of policymakers, security experts, and journalists. In the process, the discursive boundary between the factual and the hypothetical can become difficult to discern. To illuminate this phenomenon, this book proposes that terror is a halfway house between the real and the imaginary. For what characterizes terrorism is less the single act of violence than it is the fact that this act is perceived to be the beginning, or part, of a potential series, and that further acts are expected to occur. This gives terror a fantastical dimension, a fact reinforced by the clandestine nature of both terrorist and counter-terrorist operations as well as by the general reluctance to engage with the actual causes and circumstances of political violence. Supported by contextual readings of selected texts and films from The Dynamiter and The Secret Agent through late-Victorian science fiction to post-9/11 novels and films, this study argues that literary scholarship can make a genuine contribution to the interdisciplinary field of terrorism studies. Employing a discourse-analytical approach, it introduces the concept of the "cultural imaginary of terrorism" to explain the complex interplay between terrorist acts, public discourse, and literary and cinematic fiction. It will be a valuable resource for those with interests in the areas of Literature and Film, Terrorism Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Trauma Studies, and Cultural Studies. "--Provided by publisher.

This text is about manipulation with words, the use and misuse of the public speaking, numerous eristic challenges for the media which imply that the world of political and media simulation is commonly understood as a form of verbal violence. Communication is determined with that kind of verbal (mis)use. Therefore it is reasonable to question political speech as it is and its' position on the media scenery. Eristic system is obviously established by means of manipulation, and not creativity. Ethics is far behind. Different ways of political propaganda promote wanted, and not needed public values. . ; U tekstu se govori o sve češćoj manipulaciji rečima, upotrebi i zloupotrebi javnoga govora, brojnim erističkim medijskim izazovima koji upućuju na to da se život u svetu političkih i medijskih simulacija neophodno doživljava i kao svojevrsno verbalno nasilje. Komunikativni odnosi pretežno su određeni tim predstavama. Neminovno se, otuda, postavlja pitanje političkoga govora i njegovog položaja na medijskoj sceni. Vidljivo se uspostavlja svojevrsni eristički sistem kome je bliža manipulacija od kreativnosti. Etika se, često, ostavlja po strani. Različitim vidovima političke propagande promovišu se ciljane, a ne poželjne vrednosti. .

This article investigates the public discourses on reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD+) across seven countries, to assess whether they support policy reforms. We argue that transformational discourses have at least one of these characteristics: they advocate specific policy reforms that address the drivers of deforestation and forest degradation; take into account the potential risks of a REDD+ mechanism; go beyond technocratic solutions to reduce emissions; and explicitly challenge existing power relations that support drivers of deforestation. The evidence indicates the predominance of win-win storylines, a lack of engagement by state actors with debates on the potential negative socioeconomic outcomes of REDD+, and little attention to the drivers of deforestation. The article concludes that to achieve a shift toward transformational public discourse, reformist policy actors and the media need to engage dominant policy actors in debates about how to reduce pressure on the forest.

Social media websites, such as Facebook and Twitter, are starting to become places, where people present and evaluate various events in the world: terrorist attacks in London, Barcelona, Berlin, Brussels. What is more, these websites influence values of their users and readers. Technologies allow people to exchange views at the very moment of the event. The time zone, area, or other physical aspects of the platform participants do not matter. However, this ability might cause negative impact on the discussed social groups. The aim of this article – to analyse the discourse formation in media regarding refugees' integration and humanitarian crisis in Europe. The goals of this study are: to figure out how the practices of public participation evidences in the context of communication through social media; to form a methodology according to up-to-date communicational concepts and analyse how the images of refugees are formed in social media; to reveal the main actors, involved in the formation of the discourse on refugees in Lithuania, by analysing the content in Facebook pages "Priimsiu pabėgėlį" (eng. "Refugees Welcome") and "Visuomeninis komitetas prieš priverstinę imigraciją" (eng. "Public Committee against Forced Immigration") ; Viešosios komunikacijos katedra ; Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas

AbstractThis note examines the Canadian federal government's attempts to use communication programmes to influence public opinion toward the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Using internal government documents and polling data, the authors describe the scope and objectives of the GST campaign, and assess its effectiveness in shaping public opinion. They then describe some of the weaknesses in popular discourse about the propriety of communication programmes of this kind.

Introduction -- Chapter 1. Ideology: Definitions, Approaches, and Critique -- Chapter 2. Analyzing the Language Game: Conceptual Framework, Data, and Methods -- Chapter 3. SOE Reform Discourse under Jiang Zemin -- Chapter 4. SOE Reform Discourse under Xi Jinping -- Chapter 5. Two Faces of Ideology: Double-Edged Sword for Rulers -- Chapter 6. Ideology, Language, and Political Power: Implications for Xi Rule -- Conclusion.