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The article touches upon peculiarities of interaction of the Republic of Azerbaijan with new NATO members in military sphere by the example of Bulgaria and the Czech Republic. The objective of the work is to show that post-Soviet states, having chosen a successful pattern of cooperation with European countries, are able to gain their place on the international arena even not being a member of a European block. To reach the goal the author of the article gives a review of literature covering different aspects of military policy of Azerbaijan and studies the factors that provoked Baku to advance collaboration with Prague and Sofia in military sphere. Historical and genetical scientific method, decision-making system analysis, case study, institutional, and elements of germenevtic method are applied. The results of the research are the following: after the defeat in the First Karabakh war Azerbaijan focused on modernization of economy and military forces while it continued to conduct negotiations on the conflict settlement under the authority of the OSCE Minsk Group. To achieve this goal Azerbaijan started to collaborate with Ukraine, Belarus, Israel, Russia, Turkey, Pakistan, South Africa and other states in military sphere. The improving of mutually beneficial collaboration with new NATO members was an essential focus area. Nevertheless, Azerbaijan tended to solve both military problems including strengthening the potential of armed forces and political problems aimed at receiving support in the Karabakh settlement. The latter played more important role for Baku than purchasing different arms systems, because by the time Azerbaijan had already had access to weapons markets of Israel, Russia, Ukraine, South Africa, Jordan and Turkey. Thus, two patterns of interaction were constructed – the first case concerns the Czech Republic and full-scale military and political cooperation, the second deals with Bulgaria where the military aspect was an approach to the political integrant. The analysis shows that expertly combining military and diplomatic interaction and military and technical cooperation with new NATO members Baku managed to win the support, even if unofficial, and it became obvious in the Second Karabakh war.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- CONTENTS -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- SERIES PREFACE -- CHAPTER I Introduction -- CHAPTER II U.S.-Peruvian Relations Prior to 1990 -- From Independence to World War I: The United States as a Secondary International Power in Peru -- From 1919 to the Onset of the Cold War: The Establishment of U.S. Preponderance -- The Cold War: An Escalation of Tensions -- CHAPTER III Bilateral Policy Making During the 1990s: Trends and Actors -- The Clinton Administration's Policy Making Toward Peru -- The Fujimori Government's Policy Making Toward the United States -- CHAPTER IV The Bilateral Agenda From the 1980s to 2000: National Security -- The Resolution of Internal Conflict: U.S.-Peruvian Cooperation Against Peru's Insurgencies -- The Resolution of External Conflict: The U.S. and the Peru-Ecuador Boundary Accord -- The United States, Plan Colombia, and Vladimiro Montesinos -- Conclusion -- CHAPTER V The Bilateral Agenda From the 1980s to 2000: Free-Market Reform -- The Garcia Government's Challenge to Economic "Orthodoxy" -- The Initiation of Peru's Free-Market Reforms, 1990-1992 -- The Consolidation of Peru's Free-Market Reforms, 1993-1997 -- Economic Recession, 1998-2000: Origins and Outcomes -- Conclusion -- CHAPTER VI The Bilateral Agenda From the 1980s to 2000: Narcotics Control -- Peru and the Reagan Administration: Cooperative Efforts, Scant Results -- Peru and the Bush Administration: Bilateral Conflict -- The Clinton and Fujimori Administrations, 1993-1994: Cooperation and Conflict Amid Bureaucratic Disarray -- The Clinton and Fujimori Administrations, 1995-2000: Bilateral Cooperation -- Conclusion -- CHAPTER VII The Bilateral Agenda From the 1980s to 2000: Democracy and Human Rights -- 1980-April 1992: Agreement on Electoral Standards, Tensions on Human Rights

The article reviews the current and future directions of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) member states' cooperation. The author emphasizes the need of the comprehensive, multi-faceted approach to the de-velopment and expansion of contacts of the countries participants of the organization. Analysis of the key areas of cooperation showed that the greatest prospect projects are in the areas of interaction such as infrastructure construction, transport, energy, technology, agriculture, humanitarian, cultural, and military cooperation. However, the article implies that the economic cooperation within the SCO is the weakest area of activity of the organization, the multilateral economic projects successfully implemented, in fact, are not yet available, as the bilateral cooperation is often implemented without the SCO (despite the fact that the SCO will promote its activation). The author believes that the connection to the SCO such national economies as India and Pakistan can greatly stimulate the development of economic cooperation, to give impetus to the beginning of a number of important multilateral projects. In addition, one of the main causes of economic cooperation deceleration in the SCO, he said the lack of dedicated funding mechanism for multilateral projects.The paper identified the medium-term prospects for international cooperation within the SCO, which have become more apparent in June 2012, at the regular meeting of the SCO Council of State' Heads, held in Beijing, a brief review of the approved there important documents defining trends of the organization over the next decade.

AbstractWe develop a theory of state formation shedding light on the rise of the first stable state institutions in Bronze Age Mesopotamia. Our analysis suggests that the mix of adverse production conditions and unforeseen innovations pushed groups favored by old technologies to establish the state by granting political and property rights to powerless individuals endowed with new and complementary skills. Through these reforms, the elite convinced the nonelite that a sufficient part of the returns on joint investments would be shared via public spending and, thus, to cooperate and accumulate a culture of cooperation. Different from the main alternative theories, we stress that: (1) group formation is heavily shaped by unforeseen shocks to the returns on both risk-sharing and innovation; (2) complementarity in group-specific skills, and not violence, is key determinant of state formation; (3) military, merchant and, especially, religious ranks favored state formation and culture accumulation.

Argues that a third wave of research on the EU is needed to adequately understand the increased interconnectedness between the European and national political levels. Addressing the question: how has Europeanization affected current modes of integration and cooperation in the EU? this book finds a variation in modes of cooperation in the EU

This article is devoted to trade, investment and institutional aspects of Russion-Chinese economic cooperation. The perspective of this cooperation, problems of growth and structural changes of China's economy are also analyzed. This research based on analyzes of key indicators: GDP growth and structure, import and export volume and structure, foreign trade's amount and structure, indicators of investment activity. Institutional aspects of bilateral relationships are analyzed. This work also contains evaluation of Russian-Chinese relationship's perspectives and analyzes of growth problems and structure changes in Chinese economy, which is connected to service sector development and quality of life's growth. Development of Chinese market creates opportunities for the growth of Russian export, but on the condition that our country could form the supply of quality and interesting products. The authors come to a conclusion that significant growth of Russia and People's Republic of China economic interactions is a fundamental base for political partnership and strategical interactions.