Suchergebnisse

"As part of its larger reform effort to modernize and transform its military into a technologically sophisticated force, the PLA has implemented a number of measures aimed at training up a "new-type" officer for its modernized forces--one capable of operating effectively in a technologically advanced 'informationalized' environment"--Foreword. ; "September 2008." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Cross-sectional data on the role of education show that low-educated Italian women have one of the lowest rates of participation in Europe, and that their gap vis à vis the highly educated is very wide. Also wide is the gap in the shares, between high and low educated working women, of those employed in the public sector. By adopting a life-course perspective and using retrospective longitudinal data from the last wave of ILFI (2005), this study analyses how in Italy education and public employment differentiate women's entries into and exits from paid work, observing three cohorts of women born between 1945 and 1974 from the time they leave fulltime education to their forties. The findings confirm for Italy what has been shown for many other countries, namely that highly educated women have more continuous careers around motherhood than do low educated women, regardless of their occupational position, their contract, and their employment position in family-friendly sectors such as the public sector. However, we also find that in Italy highly educated women tend to be over-concentrated in the public sector and that, when they work in that sector, they tend to have more children and to bear them earlier compared with equally highly educated women in the private sector. In the Italian context where protection in the public sector has also been used as a surrogate measure for universal work-family reconciliation policies, and where traditional gender norms still persist, these results are consistent with the possibility that education is so important for women's labour market continuity because it represents an investment in 'reconciliation' and 'work legitimacy' over and above investment in human capital.

This study found that veterans' benefits which subsidize education make up the largest federal program for student aid, and that veterans' benefits are estimated to increase future schooling by 1.4 years, meaning annual earnings for these veterans will be 6% higher than they would have been otherwise. In practice, that implies annual earnings approximately 6% higher than would have been expected in the absence of the benefits. In policy, policymakers should note that this study found smaller effects on earnings and education than previous studies have found. Suggestions for future study include comparing the annual earnings premium for veterans' benefit users with the earnings loss associated with serving in the armed forces, as well as exploring the effects of veterans' benefits on later cohorts of veterans' educational attainment and annual earnings.

This article argues for the continued importance of adult education in communities, an approach to adult education which has been maligned and ignored in policy that has, instead, incessantly prioritised employability skills training. The significance of adult education in communities is that it seeks to build the curriculum from the interests, aspirations, and problems that people experience in their everyday lives by providing opportunities for individual and collective change (more below). We draw on data taken from a study by one of the authors, which used a life history approach to explore the outcomes for 14 people from the deindustrialised North East England of participation in either employability skills training or community adult education. We document several themes through these stories: churning, surveillance, precarity, demoralisation, ontological insecurity, and personal renewal.

En ligne sur http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.1086/670729?uid=16804784&uid=3738016&uid=2129&uid=2134&uid=2&uid=70&uid=3&uid=67&uid=16735408&uid=62&uid=5909928&sid=21102655856551 ; International audience ; In France, the proportion of second-generation immigrants enrolling in tertiary education has increased as education has undergone a process of "democratization." This article analyzes their postsecondary choices, access to tertiary programs, dropout, and transition to the labor market, compared to those of students of French origin. Youths of Portuguese origin are more likely to enter vocational higher programs concordant with their preferences and have better chances of completing a tertiary degree and finding a job. Despite their preference for selective vocational higher programs, some students of North African origin are diverted toward academic university courses, leading to higher dropout rates. This unequal access to higher education affects both degree completion and entry into the French labor market.

En ligne sur http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.1086/670729?uid=16804784&uid=3738016&uid=2129&uid=2134&uid=2&uid=70&uid=3&uid=67&uid=16735408&uid=62&uid=5909928&sid=21102655856551 ; International audience ; In France, the proportion of second-generation immigrants enrolling in tertiary education has increased as education has undergone a process of "democratization." This article analyzes their postsecondary choices, access to tertiary programs, dropout, and transition to the labor market, compared to those of students of French origin. Youths of Portuguese origin are more likely to enter vocational higher programs concordant with their preferences and have better chances of completing a tertiary degree and finding a job. Despite their preference for selective vocational higher programs, some students of North African origin are diverted toward academic university courses, leading to higher dropout rates. This unequal access to higher education affects both degree completion and entry into the French labor market.

Social science research has denoted the role that exclusionary and divisive ideologies play in fortifying group boundaries and shaping inequality, including what is arguably its most extreme form—genocide. We know little, however, about where and why such ideologies emerge. This article analyzes 159 countries between 1955 and 2009 to assess the factors that influence the emergence and presence of exclusionary ideologies. Doing so informs broader social science conceptions of the role of culture and politics in the production of inequality and violence. I find that certain critical junctures, including independence and irregular regime change, are associated with the onset of exclusionary ideologies. Colonial histories and threats to political elites are also consequential. I conclude by discussing exclusionary ideologies relative to genocide as well as the general importance of cultural and political dynamics for future analyses of inequality.