Suchergebnisse

Improvement in livelihood capitals of vulnerable women farmers has been a concern in the developing countries. Governments around the world particularly in the developing countries try various policies and models to enhance the productivity of these vulnerable women farmers, they do this to protect them against shocks and loses considering that rural food production contribute significantly to national food security. Such is the case in Nigeria, where Adopted Village Model (AVM) was initiated in 2009. The objective of the study includes but not limited to protect, improve and sustain food production in Nigeria through capacitating the rural women rice farmers. AVM was initiated and women farmers where provided information, farm equipment, training, seedlings and subsidized fertilizers. Structured questionnaires and interviews were the basic instruments applied in the data collection. The methodology was guided by sustainable livelihood framework theories. Structured questionnaire was used to extract desired information from the women farmers. The data was analysed with spss version 25, interpreted and presented for public consumption. The study found that AVM was introduced to the women farmers at the right time when yield and livelihood capitals of the rice women farmers where very low.Keywords: Livelihood; Rice; Women farmers; Model; Agriculture ; La mejora en los capitales de subsistencia de las mujeres campesinas vulnerables ha sido una preocupación en los países en desarrollo. Los gobiernos de todo el mundo, particularmente en los países en desarrollo, prueban diversas políticas y modelos para mejorar la productividad de estas mujeres agricultoras vulnerables, lo hacen para protegerlas de los golpes y las pérdidas, teniendo en cuenta que la producción de alimentos en el medio rural contribuye significativamente a la seguridad alimentaria nacional. Tal es el caso de Nigeria, donde el Modelo de aldea adoptada (AVM) se inició en 2009. El objetivo del estudio incluye, entre otros, proteger, mejorar y mantener la producción de alimentos en Nigeria mediante la capacitación de las mujeres campesinas de arroz. Se inició AVM y las mujeres agricultoras proporcionaron información, equipo agrícola, capacitación, plántulas y fertilizantes subsidiados. Cuestionarios estructurados y entrevistas fueron los instrumentos básicos aplicados en la recopilación de datos. La metodología se guió por las teorías del marco de medios de vida sostenibles. Se utilizó un cuestionario estructurado para extraer la información deseada de las mujeres agricultoras. Los datos fueron analizados con spss versión 25, interpretados y presentados para consumo público. El estudio descubrió que AVM se presentó a las mujeres agricultoras en el momento adecuado cuando el rendimiento y las capitales de sustento de las mujeres productoras de arroz eran muy bajas. ; A melhoria nas capitais de subsistência de mulheres vulneráveis agricultoras tem sido uma preocupação nos países em desenvolvimento. Governos de todo o mundo, particularmente nos países em desenvolvimento, tentam várias políticas e modelos para aumentar a produtividade dessas mulheres vulneráveis, elas fazem isso para protegê-las contra choques e perdas, considerando que a produção de alimentos rurais contribui significativamente para a segurança alimentar nacional. É o caso da Nigéria, onde o Modelo de Aldeia Adotada (AVM) foi iniciado em 2009. O objetivo do estudo inclui, entre outros, proteger, melhorar e sustentar a produção de alimentos na Nigéria, capacitando as mulheres rurais que cultivam arroz. A AVM foi iniciada e as mulheres agricultoras forneceram informações, equipamentos agrícolas, treinamento, mudas e fertilizantes subsidiados. Questionários estruturados e entrevistas foram os instrumentos básicos aplicados na coleta de dados. A metodologia foi guiada por teorias da estrutura de meios de vida sustentáveis. Questionário estruturado foi usado para extrair as informações desejadas das mulheres agricultoras. Os dados foram analisados com o spss versão 25, interpretados e apresentados para consumo público. O estudo constatou que a AVM foi apresentada às mulheres agricultoras no momento certo, quando as capitais de rendimento e subsistência das mulheres agricultoras de arroz eram muito baixas.

This article proposes to share the history of the Movement Every Life Matters: The University in Preventing and Coping with Violence in Ceará (Movimento Cada Vida Importa: A Universidade na Prevenção e no Enfrentamento da Violência no Ceará – MCVI) in its first year of activities. Initially, the emergence conditions and the primary principles of the MCVI are addressed. Next, the scenario of violence in the State of Ceará is contextualized in 2018, with critical data and questions about its new manifestations – such as the vertiginous increase in the number of girl homicides. The auscultation of contexts and the listening to various social players have been constantly considered in the actions of this group and they are exposed through axial dimensions: a) awareness-raising; b) mobilization; c) education; d) articulation; and e) incidence. In the end, this study presents some challenges for the MCVI in 2019, by considering the political scenario changes and the state's public security crisis in January. It is noticed that the MCVI recognizes the need to obtain greater capillarity in Higher Education institutions (HEIs), both in terms of its expansion to a greater number of teaching units and fields of knowledge and the inclusion of other social players from HEIs – like technical-administrative civil servants and support workers. This is the MCVI on the move. ; Este artículo se propone socializar la historia del Movimiento Cada Vida Importa: La Universidad en la Prevención y en el Enfrentamiento de la Violencia en Ceará (Movimento Cada Vida Importa: A Universidade na Prevenção e no Enfrentamento da Violência no Ceará – MCVI) en su primer año de actividades. Inicialmente, se abordan las condiciones de surgimiento y los principios básicos del MCVI. En seguida, se contextualiza el escenario de violencia en el Estado de Ceará en 2018, con datos críticos e interrogaciones sobre sus nuevas manifestaciones – como el aumento vertiginoso de homicidios de niñas. La auscultación de contextos y la escucha de diversificados actores sociales vienen siendo consideradas constantemente en las acciones de este colectivo y se exponen a partir de dimensiones axiales: a) sensibilización; b) movilización; c) formación; d) articulación; y e) incidencia. Al final, este estudio presenta algunos desafíos planteados para el MCVI en 2019, considerando los cambios del escenario político y la crisis de la seguridad pública del estado en el mes de enero. Se constata que el MCVI reconoce la necesidad de obtener mayor capilaridad en las instituciones de Enseñanza Superior (IES), tanto en términos de su ampliación a un número mayor de unidades de enseñanza y de campos del saber cómo de la inclusión de otros actores sociales de las IES – como los servidores técnico-administrativos y los trabajadores de apoyo. Esto es el MCVI en movimiento. ; Este artigo se propõe a socializar a história do Movimento Cada Vida Importa: A Universidade na Prevenção e no Enfrentamento da Violência no Ceará (MCVI) em seu primeiro ano de atividades. Inicialmente, abordam-se as condições de surgimento e os princípios básicos do MCVI. Em seguida, contextualiza-se o cenário de violência no Estado do Ceará em 2018, com dados críticos e interrogações sobre suas novas manifestações – como o aumento vertiginoso de homicídios de meninas. A ausculta de contextos e a escuta de diversificados atores sociais vêm sendo consideradas constantemente nas ações desse coletivo e são expostas a partir de dimensões axiais: a) sensibilização; b) mobilização; c) formação; d) articulação; e e) incidência. Ao final, este estudo apresenta alguns desafios postos para o MCVI em 2019, considerando as mudanças do cenário político e a crise da segurança pública do estado no mês de janeiro. Constata-se que o MCVI reconhece a necessidade de obter maior capilaridade nas instituições de Ensino Superior (IES), tanto em termos de sua ampliação para um número maior de unidades de ensino e campos do saber quanto da inclusão de outros atores sociais das IES – como os servidores técnico-administrativos e os trabalhadores de apoio. É o MCVI em movimento.

City Brand is an identity, symbol, logo, or merk of a particular city which has aimed to look for the specialty of certain city. The specialty of city is used as a society product to attract tourists, investors, residents, and talented people. Thus, the objectives of this study is try to determine the positioning and making the city branding in Bangkalan, East Java, Indonesia. The expected target is the improvement of society awareness toward tourism object and the renovation of tourism object in Bangkalan. Furthermore, this study is conducted for 3 years started with the collection of primary data. This primary data will be the material of analysis in the second year. The results of the previous analysis will be the basis for the implementation of the third-year study. In addition, this study is also used survey, field research, interview with some elements of society, investigate the real condition of tourist destination and tourism stakeholders in Bangkalan. Afterwards, the result of this study shows the lack of readiness from the government in mapping the area and the concept of tourism in Bangkalan. Moreover, the society awareness to maintain the security and comfort of tourism place are also an obstacle to create city branding in Bangkalan. But religious tourism can be developed as proper as the jargon of Bangkalan itself. ; City Brand es una identidad, símbolo, logotipo o imagen de una ciudad en particular cuyo objetivo es buscar la especialidad de cierta ciudad. La especialidad de la ciudad se utiliza como producto de la sociedad para atraer turistas, inversores, residentes y personas con talento. Por lo tanto, los objetivos de este estudio son tratar de determinar el posicionamiento y hacer la marca de la ciudad en Bangkalan, Java Oriental, Indonesia. El objetivo esperado es la mejora de la conciencia de la sociedad hacia el objeto turístico y la renovación del objeto turístico en Bangkalan. Además, este estudio se lleva a cabo durante 3 años comenzando con la recopilación de datos primarios. Estos datos primarios serán el material de análisis en el segundo año. Los resultados del análisis anterior serán la base para la implementación del estudio de tercer año. Además, este estudio también se utiliza encuesta, investigación de campo, entrevista con algunos elementos de la sociedad, investigar la condición real de los destinos turísticos y las partes interesadas del turismo en Bangkalan. Posteriormente, el resultado de este estudio muestra la falta de preparación del gobierno para mapear el área y el concepto de turismo en Bangkalan. Además, la conciencia de la sociedad para mantener la seguridad y la comodidad del lugar turístico también es un obstáculo para crear la marca de la ciudad en Bangkalan. Pero el turismo religioso puede desarrollarse tan propiamente como la jerga de Bangkalan. ; City Brand é uma identidade, símbolo, logotipo ou merk de uma determinada cidade que tem como objetivo procurar a especialidade de determinada cidade. A especialidade da cidade é usada como um produto da sociedade para atrair turistas, investidores, moradores e pessoas talentosas. Assim, os objetivos deste estudo são tentar determinar o posicionamento e fazer a marca da cidade em Bangkalan, East Java, Indonésia. A meta esperada é a melhoria da conscientização da sociedade em relação ao objeto turístico e a renovação do objeto turístico em Bangkalan. Além disso, este estudo é realizado por 3 anos começou com a coleta de dados primários. Estes dados primários serão o material de análise no segundo ano. Os resultados da análise anterior serão a base para a implementação do estudo do terceiro ano. Além disso, este estudo também é usado pesquisa, pesquisa de campo, entrevista com alguns elementos da sociedade, investigar a condição real do destino turístico e as partes interessadas do turismo em Bangkalan. Posteriormente, o resultado deste estudo mostra a falta de prontidão do governo em mapear a área e o conceito de turismo em Bangkalan. Além disso, a conscientização da sociedade para manter a segurança e o conforto do turismo é também um obstáculo para a criação de marcas urbanas em Bangkalan. Mas o turismo religioso pode ser desenvolvido como o jargão da própria Bangkalan.

The purpose of the article is to analyse the development trends of the global culture of cybersecurity in contemporary international discourse devoted to outlining and framing the institutional and legal modalities for responsible behaviour of states and other actors in cyberspace. Methodology. The research methodology integrates dialectic, analytical and comparative methods. The scientific novelty lies in the revealing of the differences in political priorities, despite the formal consistency of the values, at the current stage of international discourse around the rules of responsible behaviour of a State in cyberspace emerged from the analysis of the results of the discussions of the First Committee of the UN General Assembly at its 73rd session (October 2018) entitled 'Developments in the field of information and telecommunications in the context of international security'. Conclusions. The international discourse around the values and principles of the global cybersecurity culture is at an early stage and is essential for the formation of a coordinated position of international political actors regarding norms of responsible behaviour in cyberspace. In such way, by identifying the influencing factors and the ruling forces on behalf of the political actors, it is possible to understand the trends and predict its perspectives both from the point of view of institutionalization in the contemporary international order and legal framework that embody and protect human values as a core component of global culture in cyberspace. ; Цель статьи заключается в анализе тенденций развития концепции глобальной культуры кибербезопасности в современном международном дискурсе, что проявляется в поиске организационно-правовых моделей для разработки и принятия правил ответственного поведения государств и других актеров в киберпространстве. Методология исследования заключается в применении комплексного подхода с использованием диалектического, аналитического и сравнительного методов. Научная новизна полученных результатов заключается в выявлении расхождений вполитических приоритетах несмотря на формальную согласованность в отношении ценностных факторов на современном этапе международного дискурса вокруг правил поведения в киберпространстве, чтоследует из анализа результатов работы Первого комитета Генеральной Ассамблеи ООН на 73-й сессии(октябрь 2018 г.) по рассмотрению вопроса о достижениях в сфере информационно-коммуникационныхтехнологий в контексте международной безопасности. Выводы. Международный дискурс вокруг ценностей и принципов развития глобальной культуры кибербезопасности находится на начальной стадии и является важным для формирования согласованной позиции международных политических актеров относительно норм ответственного поведения в киберпространстве. Выявление факторов влияния и двигателей развития этого направления в международном сотрудничестве позволяет осознать тенденции и спрогнозировать дальнейшие его перспективы как с точки зрения институционализации в современной системе международного правопорядка, так и наполнения нормативными предписаниями, воплощающими и защищающими общечеловеческие ценности как составляющую глобальной культуры в киберпространстве. Создание глобальной культуры кибербезопасности возможно при условии достижения консенсуса в отношении основополагающийценностей и приоритетов, а также их утверждения путем закрепления в универсальном международно-правовом договоре. ; Мета статті полягає в аналізі тенденцій розвитку концепції глобальної культури кібербезпеки в сучасному міжнародному дискурсі, що проявляється у пошуку організаційно-правових моделей для розробки і прийняття правил відповідальної поведінки держав та інших акторів в кібер-просторі. Методологія дослідження полягає у застосуванні комплексного підходу з використанням діалектичного, аналітичного і порівняльного методів. Наукова новизна отриманих результатів полягає у виявленні розбіжностей у політичних пріоритетах попри формальну узгодженість щодо ціннісних чинників на сучасному етапі міжнародного дискурсу навколо правил поведінки в кіберпросторі, що випливає з аналізу результатів роботи Першого Комітету Генеральної Асамблеї ООН на 73-й сесії (жовтень 2018 р.) щодо розгляду питання про досягнення в сфері інформаційно-комунікаційних технологій в контексті міжнародної безпеки. Висновки. Міжнародний дискурс навколо цінностей і принципів розбудови глобальної культури кібербезпеки знаходиться на початковій стадії і є важливим для формування узгодженої позиції міжнародних політичних акторів щодо норм відповідальної поведінки в кібер-просторі. Виявлення чинників впливу і рушіїв розвитку цього напрямку в міжнародному співробітництві дозволяє усвідомити тенденції і спрогнозувати подальші його перспективи як з точки зору інституціоналізації в сучасній системі міжнародного правопорядку, так і наповнення нормативними приписами, що втілюють і захищають загальнолюдські цінності як складову глобальної культури в кіберпросторі. Створення глобальної культури кібербезпеки є можливим за умови досягнення консенсусу щодо основоположних цінностей і пріоритетів, а також їх ствердження шляхом закріплення в універсальному міжнародно-правовому договорі.

Automatic target recognition has become a flourishing research topic in remote sensing. This problematic is of paramount importance in several military and civilian applications (security, surveillance, automobile, environment, medicine, .). In this work, we focus on the development of new methodology dedicated to the target recognition from synthetic aperture radar images (inverse or direct). In this context, the different methods proposed in the literature have several drawbacks according to the type of used data (heterogeneous, multimodal, …), the accuracy, the robustness to noise and the computation time. In this work, we aim to propose new methods for targets recognition from radar images. Thus, two different databases are considered. On the one hand, we use the ISAR (Inverse Synthetic Aperture Radar) images acquired from the anechoic chamber of ENSTA Bretagne. On the other hand, we exploit the SAR (Synthetic Aperture Radar) images of MSTAR database. To achieve the goal of the amelioration of the recognition process studied and developed, we give a special interest to the SRC (Sparse Representation-based Classification) method to recognize the radar images. This method includes also the processing and feature extraction steps to build the dictionary. In this optic, the first contribution consists on constructing a new dictionary composed by the SIFT (Scale Invariant Feature Transform) descriptors filtered by the saliency attention method. After that, this dictionary is exploited by a multitask sparse classifier to achieve the recognition step. In the second contribution, we statistically model the radar images in the complex wavelet domain. The resulting statistical parameters (univariate or multivariate) are stacked together to construct the statistical dictionary. Afterwards, this dictionary is weighted by using a similarity measure that includes the KLD (Kullbak-Leibler Divergence) between the statistical parameters. The performances of the two proposed methods have been evaluated empirically on two different databases of radar images (ISAR and SAR). ; La reconnaissance automatique de cibles est toujours une problématique d'intérêt dans différents domaines d'application (sécurité, surveillance, automobile, environnement, médecine, …). Dans le cadre du travail réalisé, nous nous sommes intéressés au développement d'une méthodologie dédiée à la reconnaissance de cibles à partir des images radar à synthèse d'ouverture (directe ou inverse). Dans ce contexte, différentes techniques développées dans la littérature souffrent de certaines lacunes selon la nature des données traitées (hétérogènes, multimodales, …), la précision, la robustesse vis-à-vis du bruit et le temps de calcul. Dans ce travail, l'objectif principal porte sur le développement d'outils pour l'aide à la reconnaissance de cibles à partir des images radar. Ainsi, deux bases de données d'images ont été considérées. D'une part des images ISAR (Inverse Synthetic Aperture Radar), récoltées dans la chambre anéchoïque de l'ENSTA Bretagne. Et d'autre part des images SAR (Synthetic Aperture Radar) de la base de données MSTAR. Pour atteindre l'objectif d'amélioration du processus de reconnaissance étudié et développé, et en dehors des méthodes proposées au niveau du traitement et d'extraction de caractéristiques, nous nous sommes intéressés tout au long de la phase de reconnaissance à l'apport de la classification parcimonieuse des images radar. Dans ce sens, la première contribution porte sur la proposition d'un dictionnaire formé par les descripteurs SIFT (Scale Invariant Feature Transform) filtrés par la méthode de la saillance visuelle. Ensuite, en utilisant ce dictionnaire, une classification parcimonieuse multitâche est appliquée dans la phase de reconnaissance. Quant à la seconde contribution, elle intègre la modélisation statistique des images radar considérées dans le domaine des ondelettes complexe. Les paramètres statistiques résultants (univariés ou multivariés) ont été mis à profit pour construire un dictionnaire statistique. Ce dictionnaire est pondéré par la suite en utilisant une mesure de similarité qui intègre la KLD (Kullbak-Leibler Divergence) entre les paramètres statistiques. Les performances des deux contributions ont été évaluées empiriquement sur les deux bases de données distinctes d'images radar (ISAR et SAR).

The Colombian government promoted the "Mission for the design of a strategy to reduce poverty and inequality"; [MERPD] due to the increase in the levels of poverty in the country (deterioration of the social indicators and reversal of the progress in poverty inequality of the 70's and 80's). This mission was oriented to define a long-term social policy based on the evaluation studies needed to formulate the required reforms. In the scope of housing, the main research was the one which has served as the base for the development of this paper: The housing conditions of households and their relation to poverty. Within the content of the research, it is presented a conceptual development related to the following topics: Functioning of the institutional framework of the housing sector and Proposal of the strategy that the country should follow to achieve progresses in the housing policy. The first encompasses aspects about the sector's institutions, housing finance, land market, national and local policies and security of tenure. Secondly, the presented proposals include institutional consolidation, decentralization deepening in the formulation and implementation of the housing policy, the sectoral model of management, the expansion of programs and instruments of policy, the development of housing markets and the increase in public expenditure. ; Frente al incremento de los índices de pobreza en Colombia (deterioro de los indicadores sociales y reversión en los avances en desigualdad de pobreza de los años setenta y ochenta), el gobierno colombiano impulsó la ejecución de una Misión para el Diseño de una Estrategia para la Reducción de la Pobreza y la Desigualdad (MERPD) orientada a definir el diseño de una política social de largo plazo, fundamentada en los estudios de evaluación necesarios para formular reformas necesarias. En materia de vivienda, la investigación principal fue la que ha servido de base para la elaboración de este artículo: Las condiciones habitacionales de los hogares y su relación con la pobreza. Del contenido de la investigación, se presenta un desarrollo conceptual relacionado con los temas "funcionamiento del marco institucional del sector vivienda" y "propuesta de la estrategia que el país debe seguir para lograr avances en la política de vivienda". En el primer caso, se tratan aspectos sobre la institucionalidad del sector, la financiación, el mercado de suelo, las políticas nacionales y locales y la seguridad en la tenencia. Se presentan propuestas sobre consolidación de la institucionalidad, profundización de la descentralización en la formulación e implementación de la política de vivienda, el modelo sectorial de gestión, la ampliación de los programas e instrumentos de la política, el desarrollo de los mercados habitacionales y el incremento del gasto público. ; incremento dos índices de pobreza na Colômbia (deterioração dos indicadores sociais e reversão nos avanços na diminuição da desigualdade e da pobreza dos anos setenta e oitenta), o governo colombiano impulsionou a execução de uma Missão para o Desenho de Estratégia para a Redução da Pobreza e a Desigualdade (MERPD) orientada a definir o desenho de uma política social de largo prazo, fundamentada nos estudos de avaliação necessários para formular reformas. Em matéria de moradia, a pesquisa principal foi que tem servido de base para a elaboração deste artigo, As condiciones habitacionais dos lares e sua relação com a pobreza. Do conteúdo da pesquisa, apresenta-se um desenvolvimento conceitual relacionado com os temas: qual o funcionamento do marco institucional do sector habitacional e proposta de estratégia a seguir pelo país para lograr avanços na política de moradia. No primeiro caso, se tratam aspectos sobre a tendência a institucionalizar do sector, financiamento, mercado do solo, políticas nacionais e locais e a segurança na posse. Apresentam-se propostas sobre consolidação da tendência a institucionalizar, para aprofundar a descentralização na formulação e implementação da política de moradia, modelo setorial de gestão, ampliação dos programas e instrumentos da política, desenvolvimento dos mercados habitacionais e o incremento do gasto público

How the Newspapers El País, Le Monde, Le Soir and The New York Times Treated Information on the Genocide in Rwanda in 1994O tratamento informativo do genocídio de Ruanda de 1994 nos jornais El País, Le Monde, Le Soir e The New York TimesThe genocide in Rwanda in 1994 claimed the lives of 800 000 people. This occurred in the face of inactivity on the part of Western governments, which only acted at the beginning of the massacres to evacuate western citizens and failed to create a security zone until more than two months later. The article analyzes how the newspapers El País, Le Monde, Le Soir and The New York Times covered the genocide, so as to assess the relevance each newspaper afforded to the situation and to provide a rough idea of how they contributed to what people knew about it. The research is based on an analysis of quantitative content in which the coverage providing information on the genocide is compared to the press coverage of other international conflicts that were ongoing at the time, such as the situations in Bosnia, South Africa and the Middle East. The results show the Rwandan conflict occupied more space than all the other conflicts on the international scene at the time, and a correlation was found between the volume of information and the degree to which the respective countries were implicated in the conflict. ; How the Newspapers El País, Le Monde, Le Soir and The New York Times Treated Information on the Genocide in Rwanda in 1994O tratamento informativo do genocídio de Ruanda de 1994 nos jornais El País, Le Monde, Le Soir e The New York TimesDOI: 10.5294/pacla.2018.21.4.11El genocidio de Ruanda ocurrido en 1994 se cobró la vida de 800 000 personas ante la inactividad de los Gobiernos occidentales, que solo actuaron al inicio de las masacres para evacuar a los ciudadanos occidentales y más de dos meses después para crear una zona de seguridad. Este artículo analiza el tratamiento informativo que los diarios El País, Le Monde, Le Soir y The New York Times concedieron al genocidio, para valorar qué relevancia se le otorgó en cada periódico y esbozar de qué manera contribuyeron al conocimiento informativo de la ciudadanía. La investigación se apoya en un análisis de contenido cuantitativo, en el que se compara el seguimiento de las informaciones sobre el genocidio con la cobertura periodística establecida en otros conflictos internacionales en las mismas fechas, como la situación en Bosnia, Sudáfrica y Oriente Medio. Los resultados indican que el conflicto de Ruanda ocupó más espacio que el resto de la actualidad internacional y se comprueba una correlación entre el volumen informativo y el grado de implicación de los países respectivos. ; O tratamento informativo do genocídio de Ruanda de 1994 nos jornais El País, Le Monde, Le Soir e The New York TimesHow the Newspapers El País, Le Monde, Le Soir and The New York Times Treated Information on the Genocide in Rwanda in 1994O genocídio de Ruanda em 1994 causou a morte de 800 mil pessoas ante a inatividade dos governos ocidentais, que somente atuaram no início dos massacres para evacuar os cidadãos ocidentais e mais de dois meses depois para criar uma zona de segurança. Este artigo analisa o tratamento informativo que os jornais El País, Le Monde, Le Soir e The New York Times deram ao genocídio para avaliar que relevância cada jornal outorgou a ele e esboçar de que maneira contribuíram para o conhecimento informativo da cidadania. A pesquisa está apoiada numa análise de conteúdo quantitativo, na qual se compara o seguimento das informações sobre o genocídio com a cobertura jornalística estabelecida em outros conflitos internacionais nas mesmas datas, como a situação na Bósnia, na África do Sul e no Oriente Médio. Os resultados indicam que o conflito de Ruanda ocupou mais espaço que o restante da atualidade internacional e comprovou-se uma correlação entre o volume informativo e o grau de implicação dos respectivos países no conflito.

Araştırma makalesi ; Cumhuriyetin ilan edildiği 1923 yılından sonra takip eden 40 yıl boyunca, Türkiye'nin Ortadoğu ülkeleriyle olan gerek siyasî gerek ekonomik ilişkileri tamamen Batı bloğunda yer alan bir ülke profilinde şekillendi. Zira Türkiye, yükselen Batı eksenine alternatif ya da muhalif değil, bu eksenin bir parçası olma şeklinde özetleyebileceğimiz bir dış politikayı benimsemişti. Bu politika doğrultusunda hareket eden Türkiye ile Batı dünyası arasındaki ilişkiler kuvvetlendikçe Ortadoğu ülkeleriyle arasındaki bağlar giderek zayıfladı. Bölge ülkeleriyle yakınlaşma adına atılan olumlu adımların da yine Batılılaşma amacına yönelik olması, bu ülkeler için var olan tabloyu daha da kötüleştirmişti. II. Dünya Savaşından sonra değişen dünya dengeleri Türkiye ile yakın komşuları olan Arap ülkeleri ve diğer Müslüman toplumların yollarını iyiden iyiye ayırdı. Zira Türkiye 1945 yılından itibaren, bu sefer daha kesin bir şekilde Batıya ve öncelikle de ABD'ye yanaşma çabasını göstermişti. Çünkü bu dönemde Türkiye, Sovyet tehdidiyle karşı karşıya kalmış ve güvenlik endişesiyle Batı'nın desteğine ihtiyaç duymuştu. Buna karşılık Ortadoğu ülkelerinde güçlenen milliyetçilik akımlarıyla birlikte yükselen bir Batı karşıtlığı vardı. Üstelik Sovyetlerden gelecek bir tehdit algıları da yoktu. Türkiye ile Ortadoğu ülkeleri arasındaki uçurum 1960'lı yılların ortalarına kadar giderek derinleşti. 1960 yılından itibaren bu uçurumun kapanmasına, bölge ülkeleriyle önce siyasi, sonra ekonomik ilişkilerin gelişmesine sebep olan gelişmeler peşpeşe yaşandı. 1964'te Kıbrıs'a yapılması planlanan askerî bir müdahaleyi önleyen Johnson Mektubu ve BM'de Kıbrıs konusunda yapılan oylamada olumsuz karar çıkmasıyla Türkiye'nin yaşadığı büyük hayal kırıklığı Batı güdümündeki dış politikanın terk edilerek çok yönlü ve alternatifli bir dış politikanın hayata geçirilmesine imkan sağladı. Bu köklü değişikliğin en önemli uygulama alanı ise, kaçınılmaz olarak Ortadoğu ülkeleri olmuştu. Bu makalede, 1964'te başlayan, 1973 Petrol Krizi ve 1974 Kıbrıs Barış Harekatı ile iyiden iyiye belirginleşen Ortadoğu politikamızdaki değişiklik ele alınacak, bu politika değişikliğinin ekonomik ilişkilerimizdeki yansımaları üzerinde durulacaktır. ; Throughout the following 40 years after the year 1923 when the republic was proclaimed, Turkey's political and economic relations with Middle Eastern countries were shaped in the profile of a country that was entirely within the Western bloc. That was because Turkey had adopted a foreign policy that we can summarize as being neither an alternative nor a dissident to the emerging Western axis, but becoming a part of it. As the relations between Turkey acting in accordance with this policy and the Western world grew stronger, the ties between Turkey and the Middle Eastern countries gradually weakened. The fact that the positive steps taken in the name of convergence with the countries in the region were again aimed at the purpose of Westernization had made the existing picture for these countries worse. The changing world dynamics after the World War II completely severed the ties between Turkey and the Arab countries, which are its close neighbors, and other Muslim societies as Turkey had made an effort from 1945 onward, this time more firmly, to converge towards the West and primarily the United States. Because during this period, Turkey had faced the Soviet threat and needed the West's support with security concerns. On the other hand, there was an emerging Anti-Westernism in the Middle East countries with the strengthening nationalist movements. Moreover, they had no perception of a threat from the Soviets. The gap between Turkey and the Middle Eastern countries deepened gradually until the mid-1960s. From 1960 onwards, consecutive developments resulting in the closing of this gap and advancement in political, then economic relations with the countries in the region emerged. Turkey's big disappointment resulting from the Johnson letter, which prevented a planned military intervention to Cyprus in 1964 and the negative result from the voting on Cyprus at the UN enabled it to abandon the Western guided foreign policy and implement a versatile foreign policy with alternatives. The most important application area of this fundamental change was inevitably the Middle Eastern countries. In this article, the change in our Middle East policy that started in 1964 and became increasingly evident with the 1973 Oil Crisis and the 1974 Cyprus Peace Operation will be discussed and the reflections of this policy change on our economic relations will be emphasized.

Dank einer starken Zunahme der sozialversicherungspflichtigen Beschäftigung und einer sinkenden Anzahl von Empfängern von Arbeitslosengeld steht die Arbeitslosenversicherung finanziell gut da. Vor diesem Hintergrund sind mehrere Vorschläge vorgelegt worden, den Leistungskatalog der Bundesagentur für Arbeit auszuweiten. So wurde angeregt, die Voraussetzungen für den Bezug von Arbeitslosengeld zu erleichtern, bestehende Regelungen zur Verhinderung versicherungsschädlichen Verhaltens zu entschärfen sowie die Bundesagentur mit einem weit gefassten Auftrag zur Weiterbildungsförderung von Erwerbstätigen zu versehen. Überwiegend liegen diesen Forderungen keine empirischen Analysen zugrunde. Vielmehr handelt es sich um normative und qualitative Argumentationsstränge. Somit fehlt den avisierten Reformen nicht nur eine tragfähige Begründung. Darüber hinaus kann gezeigt werden, dass von ihnen negative Effekte auf die Arbeitsmarktentwicklung ausgehen können. So ist in der arbeitsmarktökonomischen Forschung theoretisch und empirisch gut belegt, dass eine Verlängerung der Bezugsdauer von Arbeitslosengeld zu einer Verlängerung der individuellen Dauer der Arbeitslosigkeit führt. Dennoch wird genau dies im Kontext der Erweiterung des Arbeitslosengeldanspruchs bei Weiterbildung vorgeschlagen. Auch die Erleichterung der Anspruchsvoraussetzungen für den Erhalt von Arbeitslosengeld wird zu höherer Inanspruchnahme von Leistungen und erschwerter Eingliederung in den Arbeitsmarkt führen. Für keine der Reformvorschläge kann gezeigt werden, dass sie die ökonomischen Funktionen der Arbeitslosenversicherung stärken oder effizienter gestalten. Somit wäre die Schlussfolgerung zu ziehen, dass die finanziellen Gestaltungsspielräume für eine Senkung des Beitragssatzes genutzt werden sollten, sobald eine Reserve angesammelt ist, die den Erfordernissen einer konjunkturellen Krise gerecht wird. Wenn die Arbeitsmarktpolitik im Allgemeinen und die berufliche Weiterbildung im Besonderen gestärkt werden sollen, wäre eine bessere finanzielle Ausstattung der Job-Center im Segment der Grundsicherung für Arbeitsuchende ein besserer und ertrag-reicherer Ansatz. ; The comfortable financial situation for unemployment insurance due to the ongoing good performance of the labour market has recently caused an increase in the number of proposals submitted to expand the range of benefits. Firstly, these proposals aim to ease access to the passive benefits of unemployment insurance by, for example, extending the basic period for receiving benefits and reducing the length of previous employment. Secondly, an elimination of penalties should increase the moral hazard explicitly, while an extension of the period for drawing on benefits should do the same implicitly. Thirdly, "Unemployment benefits Q" and an increase in the range of tasks to include qualification programmes for employed persons should strengthen professional development. The proposals have one thing in common: they do not have a convincing, underlying justification. A declining usage of unemployment benefits does not correlate with an increase in the usage of basic insurance benefits. It cannot be simply assumed that unemployment insurance will save benefits at the expense of basic insurance. In this regard, there is also no reason to ease access requirements for unemployment benefits. Nor can a problematic situation, which could be used as justification, be cited as a reason for extending the entitlement period. For example, we are not seeing among older people who would benefit from such a reform either an increased dependency on wage replacement benefits or a greater dependency on transfer payments. Rather, the employment rate of older workers is rising at a disproportionately high rate. In the case of professional development, too, it should be hard to ascribe deficient action to unemployment insurance. The demand for more professional development is based on purely normative considerations and cannot be justified empirically. In addition to the lack of justification for the proposed reforms, it is clear that the proposed measures will have negative consequences. This is most evident in the deliberate increase in the moral hazard, for example through the elimination of penal-ties. More people will use unemployment insurance benefits for a longer period of time. This also encourages the loss of human capital at an individual level and makes it more difficult to enter the labour market. On a macroeconomic level, there is an increase in the costs to be borne by the community of insured persons. The higher contributions required for this will result in a lower level of employment and higher unemployment. On the basis of these considerations, it seems necessary to use the financial leeway that unemployment insurance has to reduce contribution rates as soon as the reserve likely to be necessary for handling an economic crisis has been built up. Moreover, if professional development is to be strengthened, the regulations of SGB II [Social Security Code Book II] offer a much more productive field of activity than un-employment insurance. The budget that the job centres have for labour market policy measures is not only significantly lower than that of the employment agencies, it is also falling further in terms of a per capita analysis. At the same time, this segment is likely to have significantly more unemployed persons who have qualification deficits and whose chances of integration can be substantially improved by professional development.

La cuestión del enemigo interno, aliado de la conspiración comunista internacional en la órbita de América Latina, se aborda en este artículo como la aplicación sistemática de un paquete de medidas desprendidas de la Doctrina Truman y, en su trasfondo, de la inevitable paradoja del drama universal del bien contra el mal, comunismo o capitalismo, civilización o barbarie, en los lenguajes de la posguerra (Guerra Fría). En ese escenario de polaridades de las naciones del Cono Sur y Mesoamérica, consideradas por Estados Unidos de América como «necesitadas» y dependientes de la protección y salvaguarda de la Nación del Águila Imperial, se analiza cómo fueron implementadas las agencias de inteligencia, como el Departamento Administrativo de Seguridad (DAS) y la Dirección de Inteligencia de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (DIPBA), en Colombia y Argentina. Se expone cómo devino en persecución política, violación de los derechos humanos y agudización de condiciones de vida de los pobladores, quienes, al ser considerados como opositores de los Gobiernos de la época, fueron agredidos, perseguidos y asesinados. De igual forma, se establece una crítica a la Escuela de las Américas y su implementación de tácticas y estrategias contraguerrilleras que, en vez de atenuar «daños» o socializar a la población civil, ha arrojado a lo largo de décadas una estela de sistemáticas violaciones a los derechos humanos. ; The concept of the internal enemy as "the ally of the international communist conspiracy" in Latin America is addressed in this article as the systematic application of a series of measures drawn from the Truman Doctrine and, at its core, the inevitable paradox of the universal war of good vs. evil, communism vs. capitalism, civilization vs. barbarism, in the language of the post-Cold War and the polarity of the nations of the Southern Cone and Mesoamerica, considered by the United States to be in need of the protection and safeguarding of the imperial eagle nation. Within this context, we analyze how intelligence agencies such as the Administrative Department of Security (DAS) and the Secretariat of Intelligence of the Province of Buenos Aires (DIPBA) were implemented in Colombia and Argentina, respectively, giving rise to political persecution, human rights violations, and the deterioration of the living conditions of the people, who were assaulted, persecuted and assassinated for opposing the governments of the time. Likewise, the article harshly criticizes the School of the Americas for its systematic implementation of counter-guerrilla tactics and strategies, which, far from alleviating damages or socializing the civil population, has left a trail of systematic human rights violations throughout the decades. ; Este artigo aborda a questão do inimigo interno -o aliado da conspiração comunista internacional na órbita da América Latina- como uma aplicação sistemática de um conjunto de medidas resultantes da Doutrina Truman. Em seu fundo, é o resultado do paradoxo inevitável do drama universal do bem contra o mal, o comunismo ou capitalismo, civilização ou barbárie, na linguagem da Guerra Fria. A partir dessas polaridades, as nações do Cone Sul e Mesoamérica foram considerados pelos Estados Unidos como "carente" e dependente da protecção e salvaguarda. O artigo analisa como foram implementadas as agências de inteligência, tais como o Departamento Administrativo de Segurança (DAS) e a Diretoria de Inteligência da Província de Buenos Aires (DIPBA) na Colômbia e Argentina, respectivamente. Ele discute como tornou-se a perseguição, violação dos direitos humanos e ao agravamento das condições de vida das pessoas, que, sendo considerados como adversários dos governos do tempo político foram atacados, perseguidos e mortos. Da mesma forma se critica a Escola das Américas e sua implementação das táticas e estratégias contra-guerrilha; contudo em vez de atenuar os danos ou socializar a população, deixaram um rastro de violações sistemáticas dos direitos humanos ao longo de décadas. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

La presente investigación se encamina a la valoración del parágrafo 2º del Acto Legislativo 001 de 2005, norma de rango constitucional que vulnera los derechos de libertad de asociación y negociación colectiva, pues limita estos derechos cuando se pretenda negociar temas pensionales en pactos o convenciones colectivas, y estos reconozcan beneficios superiores a los reglados en el Sistema de Seguridad Social en Pensiones. Para ello se hizo necesario el estudio de los antecedentes que acompañaron el desarrollo y protección de los derechos colectivos tras las diferentes revoluciones obreras, que permitieron el surgimiento y posterior regulación de los derechos de las masas trabajadoras. Reconocimientos que permearon nuestro derecho interno, y originaron la protección constitucional de las libertades sindicales. Los antecedentes normativos de dicho Acto modificatorio del artículo 48 de la Constitución Nacional, y la justificación que tuvo el Legislador al pronunciarlo a pesar de la vulneración de los derechos de libertad de asociación y negociación colectiva, cuando el parágrafo 2º del Acto Legislativo 001 de 2005 dispuso su limitación sin un análisis ponderado de los derechos constitucionales en juego. Ante dicho panorama, la finalidad y solución al problema jurídico de esta investigación se determinará a partir del estudio del Control de Convencionalidad, figura creada por la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos en decisiones proferidas por ésta, mediante las cuales determinó que todos los jueces, tribunales y autoridades administrativas de los Estados miembros, están obligados a ejercer su actividad judicial conforme a lo establecido en la Convención Americana sobre Derechos humanos, esto es, que las garantías contenidas en dicha Convención no pueden ser disminuidas por disposiciones legales como el Acto Legislativo 01 de 2005, norma que adicionó el artículo 48 de nuestra Constitución Política, y que en su parágrafo 2º limitó el derecho de libertad de asociación sindical al restringir la oportunidad de discutir asuntos pensionales en la negociación colectiva. (texto tomado de la fuente) ; This research is aimed at the assessment of paragraph 2 of Legislative Act 001 of 2005, rule of constitutional status violates the rights of freedom of association and collective bargaining by limiting the agreements or conventions on pension issues, when they recognize superior benefits to regulated in the Social Security System Pension Colombiano. To do the study of history that accompanied the development and protection of collective rights following the various workers' revolutions, which allowed the emergence and subsequent regulation of the rights of the working masses became necessary. Recognition that permeated our domestic law, and originated the constitutional protection of trade union freedoms. This right of humanity, expressed in the union demands through collective bargaining was limited in Colombia with the issue of paragréfo 2nd Legislative Act 001 of 2005, to restrict its framework and eliminate de facto the possibility of including pension issues . Due to the foregoing a study of the regulatory background of the Act amending Article 48 of the Constitution and the justification that had the Legislator to pronounce it was performed. For, from there determine their kindness and violation to the rights of freedom of association and collective bargaining, and how to have their limitation without a careful analysis of constitutional rights at stake. Given this background, the purpose and solution to the legal problem of this research is determined from the study of conventionality control, figure created by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in decisions issued since 2006, by which it determined that all judges , courts and administrative authorities of the Member States are obliged to exercise their judicial activity under the provisions of the American Convention on human Rights, it ie that the guarantees contained in the Convention can not be diminished by laws as the Legislative Act 01 2005 rule added to Article 48 of our Constitution, and in its 2nd paragraph limited the right of freedom of association by restricting the opportunity to discuss pension issues in collective bargaining. ; Maestría

Of all the risks covered by Social Security defects consistent income, the most important is old age. And this is, because it is a situation characterized by the frequency of their crystallization, constituting the predictable and normal term of the working life of an individual. We can say, therefore, that retirement is receiving, in general terms, the total number of citizens who join the workforce, hence the significant dependence of the demographic structures of each country and phenomena that affect those. Said property is aggravated by the progressive increase in life expectancy of the population which results in the increasing temporal enjoyment of pensions and the added need for periodic revaluation, so that pensions maintain at least their purchasing power. We can say that retirement is the backbone of any system of social protection. Equally so, that legal ordination revolves around the establishment of a fixed variable age that articulates the transition from an active status to the status of retired pensioner. Age thus becomes the master key to entrance into the system and thus acquires connotations of particular relevance. Precisely for this reason, we must be especially careful when redefining retirement age, not only because of the complexity of the task in itself, but because of the multiple factors, present and future, affecting a difficult and necessary balance. The uniqueness of the present time is that multiple pieces of the global fabric are dislocated affecting the delicate balance of the system and thus its viability. I will refer to all of these issues throughout the reflections that follows, focusing on reforms in Spain, which share multiple characteristics with those of other EU states. [Keywords: pension policies, retirement, retirement age, employment policies, older workers, sustainability factor, early retirement, reforms in Spain, age discrimination]. Resumen: De todos los riesgos cubiertos por la Seguridad Social consistentes en defectos de rentas, el más importante, por mucho, es el de vejez. Y ello, porque se trata de una situación caracterizada por la frecuencia de su cristalización, al constituir el término previsible y normal de la vida profesional del individuo. Podemos decir, por tanto, que la jubilación es receptora, en términos generales, del conjunto de ciudadanos que se incorporan a la población activa. De ahí la importante dependencia de las estructuras demográficas de cada país y de los fenómenos que inciden sobre aquellas. La característica referida viene agravada por el progresivo aumento de la esperanza de vida de la población, lo que deriva en el creciente disfrute temporal de la pensión y su añadida necesidad de revalorización periódica, de forma que las pensiones mantengan, al menos, su poder adquisitivo. Podemos afirmar que la jubilación constituye la médula espinal de cualquier sistema de protección social. Igualmente lo es, que su ordenación jurídica gira en torno al establecimiento de una edad, fija o variable, que articula el tránsito de la situación de empleado activo a la situación de pensionado por jubilación. La edad se convierte así, en la llave maestra del sistema y adquiere por tanto connotaciones de especial relevancia. Precisamente por ello, hay que ser especialmente cuidadoso a la hora de redefinir la edad de jubilación, no sólo por la complejidad de la tarea en sí misma, sino por el entramado de condicionantes propios y ajenos o colaterales, presentes y futuros que actúan en un espacio múltiple de difícil y necesario equilibrio. La singularidad de los tiempos actuales está en que múltiples piezas del entramado global se han desencajado afectando al equilibrio del sistema y, por tanto, a su viabilidad. A todos estos temas me referiré a lo largo de las reflexiones que siguen, centrándome en las reformas efectuadas en España, que comparten múltiples características con las efectuadas en otros Estados de la Unión Europea (UE). [Palabras clave: políticas de pensiones, jubilación, edad de jubilación, políticas de empleo, trabajadores de mayor edad, factor de sostenibilidad, jubilaciones anticipadas, las reformas en España, discriminación por edad].

The article analyses dentistry development in the underground of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. It is proved that personal hygiene maintenance had a significant role for them. In particular, the teeth care as one of its parts. It is established that the underground organizations strived by all means to provide themselves with toothbrushes and toothpowder. The above mentioned measures and also the youth of insurgents to some extend alleviated their dental problems. Nevertheless, in case the dental diseases or mouth cavity infections appeared the problem rose particularly acute. They attempted to cure the inflammation by herbal decoctions and to grow the toothache calm by dental drops. The underground got most part of medicine legally owing to their sympathisers. The other part they tried to produce by themselves at the insurgent workshops. Despite that, there was constant lack of medicine. It was even more difficult issue for insurgents to see a doctor. Considering the necessity of strict conspiracy they had to stomach excruciating pain for a long time and expect for golden opportunity of the medical cure. Therefore, starting from the summer of 1943 the military dentists began to function at 'The Medical Service' of the UIA underground. They constantly moved from one UIA cell to the other. Their task was to conduct a medical check-up of riflemen and also dental care of the underground cells in an accountable territory. The bad teeth were not filled but only extracted at those times. The insurgent dentists were assumed as very valuable specialists for the underground. There was a sorely deficiency of such specialists even with taking into consideration the fact that they were diligently calculated and mobilized. That was a reason why the dentists were recruited from Jewish doctors, who tried to save themselves from Nazis. The dental prosthesis was an exclusive possibility of the underground leaders of the OUN and UIA and their closest companions – assistants, typists, security guards etc. The most frequent material for making tooth crowns and dental prostheses they used Russian golden coins in value of 5 karbovanets. In most cases dental mechanics had any idea that they worked for the underground organization. The mentioned above clients introduced themselves by fictional names in order not to arise any suspects. Only in special cases the dentists, who worked confidentially in their specialty, were involved into the underground activity. At the same time, the underground dentists were used not only for dental cure but also for solving many other tasks. They took part into the maintaining of the connection lines, leading propaganda, medical courses, making some sabotage acts and terrorist attacks. Many of the underground dentists died in the clashes with the enemy or were captured and get considerable terms of imprisonments. ; L'article analyse le développement de l'organisation underground de la dentisterie des nationalistes ukrainiens et l'Armée insurrectionnelle ukrainienne. Il est prouvé qu'un rôle important dans leur a été attribué pour assurer l'hygiène personnelle. Dans l'organisation du travail des dentistes militaires lorsque des unités rebelles. On a constaté qu'ils se déplaçaient d'un territoire responsables des « points de santé » à un autre. Removed rebelles patients dents et les examens médicaux. Portés Était la prérogative Prosthesis des manuels de métro nationaliste ukrainien et son entourage. Ces opérations ont tenté de procéder à une manière légale. ; В статье проанализировано развитие стоматологии в подполье Организации Украинских Националистов и Украинской Повстанческой Армии. Доказано, что значительную роль в них отводилась обеспечению личной гигиены. Была налажена работа военных дантистов при повстанческих подразделениях. Выяснено, что они двигались подотчетной территории от одного «санитарного пункта» к другому. Удаляли повстанцам больные зубы и проводили медицинские осмотры. Протезирование зубов было прерогативой руководства украинского националистического подполья и его окружения. Указанные операции пытались проводить легальным путем. ; У статті проаналізовано розвиток стоматології в підпіллі Організації Українських Націоналістів і Української Повстанської Армії. Доведено, що значну роль в них відводилася забезпечення особистої гігієни. Була налагоджена робота військових дантистів при повстанських підрозділах. З'ясовано, що вони рухалися підзвітній території від одного «санітарного пункту» до іншого. Видаляли повстанцям хворі зуби і проводили медичні огляди. Протезування зубів було прерогативою керівництва українського націоналістичного підпілля та його оточення. Зазначені операції намагалися проводити легальним шляхом.

В России решение проблем сиротства является одним из приоритетных направлений социальной политики государства. В статье рассматривается ряд положений российского законодательства, закрепляющих направления современной государственной социальной политики. Правовая база социальной защиты детей-сирот строится на международном, общефедеральном и региональном уровнях. Международный уровень включает документі международных организаций (ООН, ЮНИСЕФ, ВОЗ), межгосударственные соглашения и программы по охране материнства и детства. Общефедеральный уровень социальной защиты детства опирается на Конституцию РФ, Семейный кодекс РФ, Закон РФ «Об образовании в Российской Федерации», федеральные законы, определяющие направления и принципы социальной защиты населения в России. Специальное законодательство о защите детей-сирот складывается на основе федеральных программ и указов Президента РФ. Региональный уровень опирается на общефедеральную правовую базу и включает документы органов власти субъектов Федерации и местных властей, общественных организаций, региональные программы. Описываются механизмы реализации современной государственной социальной политики в отношении детей-сирот. Автором рассмотрены основные институциональные характеристики системы социальной защиты детей-сирот, содержание государственной политики в сфере социальной защиты детей-сирот и детей, оставшихся без попечения родителей, в России на современном этапе. Основным субъектом социальной защиты детей-сирот выступают органы государственной власти и создаваемые ими институты, в функции которых входит формирование социальной политики и законодательства в отношении детей, обеспечение ее реализации, гарантии их социальной безопасности. Также к субъектам относятся политические партии, общественные организации, благотворительные организации, средства массовой информации, церковь. Представлен сравнительный анализ программ политических партий, затрагивающих вопросы социальной защиты детей. Дан анализ состояния системы социальной защиты детей-сирот на региональном уровне. Обосновано положение о необходимости взаимодействия государственных институтов, органов местного самоуправления, политических партий, представителей бизнес-структур, общественных организаций, занимающихся проблемами социальной защиты детей-сирот. Автор приводит результаты проведенного исследования в г. Елец Липецкой области ; In modern Russia solving of orphan hood problems is one of the priorities of the national social policy. The article discusses a number of provisions of the Russian legislation formalizing the course of contemporary social policy. The legal framework of social protection of orphans is based on international, federal and regional levels. The international level includes documents of international organizations (UN, UNICEF, WHO), intergovernmental agreements and program of maternity and child welfare service. The federal level of social protection of childhood is based on the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Domestic Relations Code, the law "Education in the Russian Federation», federal laws, which define the direction and principles of social protection of the population in Russia. Special legislation on the protection of orphans is formed on the basis of federal programs and decrees of the President. The regional level is based at the federal framework and includes documents of authorities of the Federation and local authorities, public organizations and regional programs. The mechanisms of the contemporary social policy implementation are described regarding orphans in the current circumstances. The author considers the main institutional characteristics of the system of social protection of orphans, the content of state policy in the sphere of social protection of orphans and children without parental care in Russia at the present stage. The main subject of social protection of orphans are the public authorities and institutions created by them, whose functions include the formation of social policy and legislation in relation to children, support with their implementation, guarantees of social security. The political parties, public organizations, charitable organizations, media, church also refer to the subjects. In the framework of the article the author presents comparative analysis of the programs of political parties, which deals with matters of social protection of children. The article provides insight into the analysis of the system of social protection of orphans at the regional level. Also it is grounded the position on the need for interaction between state institutions, local governments, political parties, representatives of business structures, non-governmental organizations deals with social protection of orphans. In the article the author presents the results of the conducted research in the Yelets of the Lipetsk region

У статті проаналізовано розвиток стоматології в підпіллі Організації Українських Націоналістів і Української Повстанської Армії. Доведено, що значну роль в них відводилася забезпечення особистої гігієни. Була налагоджена робота військових дантистів при повстанських підрозділах. З'ясовано, що вони рухалися підзвітній території від одного «санітарного пункту» до іншого. Видаляли повстанцям хворі зуби і проводили медичні огляди. Протезування зубів було прерогативою керівництва українського націоналістичного підпілля та його оточення. Зазначені операції намагалися проводити легальним шляхом. ; The article analyses dentistry development in the underground of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. It is proved that personal hygiene maintenance had a significant role for them. In particular, the teeth care as one of its parts. It is established that the underground organizations strived by all means to provide themselves with toothbrushes and toothpowder. The above mentioned measures and also the youth of insurgents to some extend alleviated their dental problems. Nevertheless, in case the dental diseases or mouth cavity infections appeared the problem rose particularly acute. They attempted to cure the inflammation by herbal decoctions and to grow the toothache calm by dental drops. The underground got most part of medicine legally owing to their sympathisers. The other part they tried to produce by themselves at the insurgent workshops. Despite that, there was constant lack of medicine. It was even more difficult issue for insurgents to see a doctor. Considering the necessity of strict conspiracy they had to stomach excruciating pain for a long time and expect for golden opportunity of the medical cure. Therefore, starting from the summer of 1943 the military dentists began to function at 'The Medical Service' of the UIA underground. They constantly moved from one UIA cell to the other. Their task was to conduct a medical check-up of riflemen and also dental care of the underground cells in an accountable territory. The bad teeth were not filled but only extracted at those times. The insurgent dentists were assumed as very valuable specialists for the underground. There was a sorely deficiency of such specialists even with taking into consideration the fact that they were diligently calculated and mobilized. That was a reason why the dentists were recruited from Jewish doctors, who tried to save themselves from Nazis. The dental prosthesis was an exclusive possibility of the underground leaders of the OUN and UIA and their closest companions – assistants, typists, security guards etc. The most frequent material for making tooth crowns and dental prostheses they used Russian golden coins in value of 5 karbovanets. In most cases dental mechanics had any idea that they worked for the underground organization. The mentioned above clients introduced themselves by fictional names in order not to arise any suspects. Only in special cases the dentists, who worked confidentially in their specialty, were involved into the underground activity. At the same time, the underground dentists were used not only for dental cure but also for solving many other tasks. They took part into the maintaining of the connection lines, leading propaganda, medical courses, making some sabotage acts and terrorist attacks. Many of the underground dentists died in the clashes with the enemy or were captured and get considerable terms of imprisonments. ; L'article analyse le développement de l'organisation underground de la dentisterie des nationalistes ukrainiens et l'Armée insurrectionnelle ukrainienne. Il est prouvé qu'un rôle important dans leur a été attribué pour assurer l'hygiène personnelle. Dans l'organisation du travail des dentistes militaires lorsque des unités rebelles. On a constaté qu'ils se déplaçaient d'un territoire responsables des « points de santé » à un autre. Removed rebelles patients dents et les examens médicaux. Portés Était la prérogative Prosthesis des manuels de métro nationaliste ukrainien et son entourage. Ces opérations ont tenté de procéder à une manière légale. ; В статье проанализировано развитие стоматологии в подполье Организации Украинских Националистов и Украинской Повстанческой Армии. Доказано, что значительную роль в них отводилась обеспечению личной гигиены. Была налажена работа военных дантистов при повстанческих подразделениях. Выяснено, что они двигались подотчетной территории от одного «санитарного пункта» к другому. Удаляли повстанцам больные зубы и проводили медицинские осмотры. Протезирование зубов было прерогативой руководства украинского националистического подполья и его окружения. Указанные операции пытались проводить легальным путем.