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It was March 29th 1975 when Brendan Boland was summoned to give evidence to a secret canonical inquiry. The altar boy had just celebrated his 14th birthday. He had been abused for almost three years by a priest who would become Irelands' most notorious paedophile. Now the church wanted to know exactly what happened. Brendan told them everything ... Sworn to Silence is the story of one boy's quiet determination to stop wrongdoing. It is a story which the Irish Catholic church kept secret for almost four decades: the story of Brendan Boland. This compelling and important book will present a c

Popular culture can no longer be exclusively seen as a source of escapism. It can amuse, entertain, instruct, and relax people, but what if it provides inspiration for religion? The Church of All Worlds, the Church of Satan and Jediism from the Star Wars series are but three examples of new religious groups that have been greatly inspired by popular culture to (re)create a religious message. These are hyper-real religions, that is a simulacrum of a religion partly created out of popular culture which provides inspiration for believers/consumers. These postmodern expressions of religion are li

The United States remains a deeply religious country and religion plays an inextricably critical role in American politics. Controversy over issues such as abortion is fueled by opposition in the Catholic Church and among conservative Protestants, candidates for the presidency are questioned about their religious beliefs, and the separation of church and state remains hotly contested. While the examination of religion's influence in politics has long been neglected, in the last decade the subject has finally garnered the attention it deserves. In Religion and Democracy in the United States, prominent scholars consider the ways Americans understand the relationship between their religious beliefs and the political arena. --From publisher's description

Shows how the "prosperity" gospel has led us astray from true Christianity and helped create people and churches focused on greed. Zacharias unpacks story after story of families and individuals using the name of God as a means to living their own "good life." Discover churches that have modeled themselves on Wall Street and unbridled materialism, and see what is happening to them now. You'll also meet some unlikely folks who live with genuine biblical integrity. People who know that God is more than some cosmic genie who gives them an easy life, a fat bank account, and a second home in an exotic location

The United States remains a deeply religious country and religion plays an inextricably critical role in American politics. Controversy over issues such as abortion is fueled by opposition in the Catholic Church and among conservative Protestants, candidates for the presidency are questioned about their religious beliefs, and the separation of church and state remains hotly contested. While the examination of religion's influence in politics has long been neglected, in the last decade the subject has finally garnered the attention it deserves. In Religion and Democracy in the United States, prominent scholars consider the ways Americans understand the relationship between their religious beliefs and the political arena. --From publisher's description.

"This book explores Weimar and Nazi policy to highlight the fundamental, far-reaching change wrought by the Nazis and the disparity between national family policy design and its implementation at the local level. Relying on a broad range of sources - including court records, sterilization files, church accounts, and women's oral histories - it demonstrates how local officials balanced the benefits of marriage, divorce, and adoption against budgetary concerns, church influence, and their own personal beliefs. Throughout both eras, individual Germans collaborated with, rebelled against, and evaded state mandates, in the process fundamentally altering the impact of national policy."--Jacket

This article is retrospective in nature. trough an appeal to early Christian thought, the ideas about power, both state and church, are explicated. In this research the influence of Christianity on the socio-political evolution of European civilization is analyzed, attention is focused on the gradual integration of the church as it is oligarchized into the existing political system, the main political ideas of Augustine Aurelius are analyzed. It is emphasized that the ideal of the coexistence of spiritual and secular power in a Christian state is symbiosis, i.e. the separation of objects of power, on the one hand, and subjective dominance in each division.

The article discusses the relationship between the understanding of such categories as "freedom of religion" and "freedom of religious propaganda" by Orthodox theologians and jurists at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. The Russian legislation of this period of time, protecting the position of the Orthodox Church as "primary and dominant" in the state, limited the possibility of religious propaganda, giving this right only to the Russian Orthodox Church. However, the proclaimed freedom of religion caused a number of discussions regarding the completeness of religious tolerance in Russia and the place of freedom of religious propaganda within the framework of freedom of religion.

To strengthen Swedish patriotism during World War II, representatives of the Swedish Parliament and the Church of Sweden gathered at Stockholm's City Hall and issued the motto "The Swedish principle is the Christian principle." This study analyzes the role of Christianity in Swedish patriotism as expressed at that meeting. Using Viroli's theories of nationalism and patriotism, this unifying message is found to contain a variety of understandings regarding the relationships between the Swedish people, Christianity, and the Church of Sweden. Christian faith was presented as part of both nationalism and patriotism and as both an instrument for increasing national loyalty and an objective in itself.

The nuptiality transition in the Don Army Territory 1867–1916 depended on residence, economy, and religion. In rural areas, population growth and the scarcity of good land undermined the Orthodox tradition, though it was defended by the Church; rural Armenian-Gregorians persisted in early marriage, unlike Old Believers, Buddhists, and Lutherans. In cities, Armenian-Gregorians and Jews, unlike Catholics, adopted late marriage. Age at marriage among Orthodox was slightly later in cities and their hinterlands, against the tradition that Church conservatism favored. The different trajectories of nuptiality reveal a struggle between religion, economics, and urban life, making nuptiality a scene of contradictory influences.

We study whether compulsory religious education in schools affects students' religiosity as adults. We exploit the staggered termination of compulsory religious education across German states in models with state and cohort fixed effects. Using three different datasets, we find that abolishing compulsory religious education significantly reduced religiosity of affected students in adulthood. It also reduced the religious actions of personal prayer, church-going, and church membership. Beyond religious attitudes, the reform led to more equalized gender roles, fewer marriages and children, and higher labor-market participation and earnings. The reform did not affect ethical and political values or non-religious school outcomes.

The article explores the document For the Life of the World: Toward a Social Ethos of the Orthodox Church (FLW) in the contexts that had instigated its promulgation. It maps this document in the coordinates of the Orthodox political theology during the long twentieth century. FLW corresponds to a line in "the theology of the 1960s," which advocated for liberal democracy and against anti-Westernism. The article argues that FLW fulfills the unaccomplished mission of the Panorthodox council in producing a comprehensive Orthodox social doctrine. It compares FLW with the social corpus adopted by the Russian Orthodox Church during the 2000s.

We study whether compulsory religious education in schools affects students' religiosity as adults. We exploit the staggered termination of compulsory religious education across German states in models with state and cohort fixed effects. Using three different datasets, we find that abolishing compulsory religious education significantly reduced religiosity of affected students in adulthood. It also reduced the religious actions of personal prayer, church-going, and church membership. Beyond religious attitudes, the reform led to more equalized gender roles, fewer marriages and children, and higher labor-market participation and earnings. The reform did not affect ethical and political values or non-religious school outcomes.

We study whether compulsory religious education in schools affects students' religiosity as adults. We exploit the staggered termination of compulsory religious education across German states in models with state and cohort fixed effects. Using three different datasets, we find that abolishing compulsory religious education significantly reduced religiosity of affected students in adulthood. It also reduced the religious actions of personal prayer, church-going, and church membership. Beyond religious attitudes, the reform led to more equalized gender roles, fewer marriages and children, and higher labor-market participation and earnings. The reform did not affect ethical and political values or non-religious school outcomes.

There is a strong Calvinist spirit in the professional work of all our Reformed Church criminal lawyers. Educating offenders, involving them in work, helping prisoners, helping and protecting those at risk played a primary role in their response to crime. Finkey's approach was in harmony with this tradition. He was convinced that without the involvement of the society, without the active help of the churches, there would be no effective crime prevention. He emphasized the importance of education, arguing that education is necessary not only for juvenile offenders but also for the adults. Following the North American "reformatory school", he called for establishing correctional institutions in Hungary, as many as possible.