Suchergebnisse

En este artículo consideramos la pobreza extrema como un caso de violación de los derechos humanos en tanto que la situación de las personas que la padecen vulnera el mínimo de dignidad o justicia que permitiría reconocerlos como seres valiosos. La respuesta internacional en esos casos no puede entenderse como una cuestión de beneficencia sino que debe ir orientada prioritariamente con medidas de justicia que busquen el reconocimiento de la dignidad y las libertades de esas personas. En este sentido consideramos la posibilidad de defender una propuesta de justicia global distributiva como la de Thomas Pogge y, por otra parte, reconocemos el valor de los derechos humanos como imperativos éticos globales para la fundamentación y la defensa de una justicia global desde el enfoque de la capacidad de Amartya Sen.In this article we consider extreme poverty as a case of violation of human rights as the situation of people who suffer it do not have the minimum of dignity or justice that would recognize them as valuable beings. The international response in such cases cannot be understood as a matter of charity but should be oriented primarily with justice measures seeking the recognition of the dignity and freedoms of those people. In this regard we consider the possibility of presenting a proposal for distributive global justice as Thomas Pogge does and, on the other hand, we recognize the value of human rights as global ethical imperatives for foundation and defense of a proposal of global justice from the perspective of the capability approach by Amartya Sen.

This contribution is an analysis of how the rights of the Sámi to engage in reindeer husbandry are guaranteed in the green transition to renewable energy in Sweden. Consideration of the increasing number of court decisions addressing the impacts of wind energy on reindeer husbandry in Sweden raises significant questions about the fairness of the transition to sustainable development. The purpose of this analysis is to examine the impacts of wind energy on reindeer husbandry and uncover the justice issues raised by this development. Drawing on the discourse of just transition that includes distributional, procedural and recognition considerations, this analysis more specifically examines the distributive effects of the development of wind energy on reindeer husbandry and identifies how Sámi reindeer herders are included and their status and human rights as an Indigenous people recognised within this process. On this basis, the conclusion from this study is that systemic reforms of the Swedish system that take due consideration of the human rights of the Sámi as an Indigenous people must be implemented in order to ensure a transition to sustainable development that equally benefits Sámi reindeer herders and can therefore provide justice for all.

AbstractThe World Trade Organisation (WTO), and the international trade regime within which it operates, is regularly evaluated in terms of distributive outcomes or opportunities. A less-established concern is the extent to which the institutional structure of the trade regime enables agents to exert control over the economic forces to which they're subject. This oversight is surprising, as trade negotiations amongst states have profound impacts upon what options remain open to those states and their citizens in regulating their economies. This article contributes to filling this lacuna in the literature. Following on from recent neo-republican work on global and international justice, it argues that a major problem with the WTO is that it fails to effectively mitigate the domination of some states by others within its negotiations. Such domination prevails despite the employment of negative consensus as a decision-making procedure.

Legitimacy is widely regarded as a founding principle of 'good' and effective governance, yet despite intense academic debate and policy discourse, the concept remains conceptually confusing and poorly articulated in practice. To bridge this gap, this research performed an interpretive thematic analysis of academic scholarship across public administration, public policy, law, political science and geography. Three core themes were identified in relation to representative deliberation, procedural and distributive equity and justice, and socio-political acceptability, with numerous sub-themes therein. In an attempt to clarify conceptual confusion, this paper grounds these theoretical debates in the context of flood risk governance where numerous legitimacy dilemmas exist. A number of questions are presented as conceptual 'sign posts' to encourage reflexive governance in the future. Thus, more broadly, we assert the importance of bringing legitimacy to the forefront of contemporary flood risk governance discourse and practice, moving beyond the realm of academic reflection.

Legitimacy is widely regarded as a founding principle of 'good' and effective governance, yet despite intense academic debate and policy discourse, the concept remains conceptually confusing and poorly articulated in practice. To bridge this gap, this research performed an interpretive thematic analysis of academic scholarship across public administration, public policy, law, political science and geography. Three core themes were identified in relation to representative deliberation, procedural and distributive equity and justice, and socio-political acceptability, with numerous sub-themes therein. In an attempt to clarify conceptual confusion, this paper grounds these theoretical debates in the context of flood risk governance where numerous legitimacy dilemmas exist. A number of questions are presented as conceptual 'sign posts' to encourage reflexive governance in the future. Thus, more broadly, we assert the importance of bringing legitimacy to the forefront of contemporary flood risk governance discourse and practice, moving beyond the realm of academic reflection.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to develop a cross-level conceptual model of organizational- and individual-level outcomes of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT)-supportive policies for all workers regardless of their sexual orientation.Design/methodology/approachThis is a conceptual paper based on an integration of propositions from perceived organizational support and organizational justice theories.FindingsThe model suggests that LGBT-supportive policies should be related to perceptions of organizational support directly and indirectly through diversity climate and perceptions of distributive, procedural, and interactional justice.Practical implicationsThe model implies that employees should feel more supported and more fairly treated among firms with LGBT-supportive policies and practices, and that these feelings will be reciprocated.Originality/valueThis is the first paper to develop propositions about the outcomes of LGBT-supportive policies for all workers, and advances the literature by developing a multi-level model of outcomes of these policies.

Social contract theories are based on the idea of the "consent of the governed," according to which norms, rules and institutions, constitutions in particular, must be based on the general consensus (or unanimous consent) of the individuals who are subject to the regulation. The article reports the results of an experiment aimed at identifying the conditions for the emergence of a self-enforcing social contract in the laboratory. Our main result is that spontaneous compliance with a non-self-interested norm of distribution is likely to occur if individuals have been part of the same process of ex ante agreement on the distributive norm under a 'veil of ignorance,' to which the emergence of reciprocal expectations of conformity is also related. This is in line with Rawls's idea of an endogenous 'sense of justice' stabilizing ex post institutions that would have been ex ante chosen in the original position.

Résumé La plupart des études, analyses et critiques portant sur l'évaluation s'attachent à la gouvernance des affaires humaines, autrement dit la part managériale et technocratique de la politique. En revanche, on s'est peu efforcé de comprendre le gouvernement des êtres humains, et singulièrement les dispositifs et procédures d'évaluation des vies. C'est à cette anthropologie biopolitique qu'est consacré le présent article. La distinction entre les dimensions morale et éthique de l'évaluation permet d'aborder successivement deux questions générales : comment on juge les vies ; ce que valent des vies. L'évaluation morale concerne les formes de jugement sur le bien et le vrai à l'œuvre dans les justices distributive, rétributive et attributive au-delà des principes dont elles se réclament. L'évaluation éthique met à l'épreuve l'égalité des êtres humains et le consensus autour de la vie comme bien suprême en révélant les profondes disparités de fait dans l'appréciation des existences.

On Conditions of Participation: The Deficits of Public Reason
The paper analyzes the conditions of civic participation that are elucidated by criticism of the deficits of public reason. The interpretation proceeds in three steps. First, the idea of public reason and discourse is analyzed, followed by an explanation of democratic deficit and of the social deficit in the second and third steps, respectively. These deficits are analyzed as an essential limit to political and social conditions of the participation of citizens. The analysis focuses thereby on the theory of public reason by one of the most influential political philosophers of the last decades, John Rawls. The paper identifies two main pitfalls in his theory: first, the deficit following from an inadequate integration of an individual into society, which, in this case, represents democratic deficit, second, the deficit linked with underrating the socio-distributive dimension of justice, which means a social deficit.

Les études présentées sous le présent thème, à l'exception des contributions de Kai Nielsen et de Katia Boustany, sont l'oeuvre de membres de l'Équipe de Recherche en Éthique Sociale (ERES), rattachée au département de philosophie de l'UQAM. L'ERES est une équipe multidisciplinaire (philosophie, droit, sociologie…) qui aborde les aspects éthiques des problèmes contemporains dans une approche où l'éthique est perçue comme issue des pratiques sociales et où le savoir des sciences sociales est mis à contribution.En cette période de remise en question de l'État Providence, les travaux de l'ERES ont d'abord porté sur les théories contemporaines de justice distributive et ce, particulièrement en regard des oeuvres de John Rawls et de Robert Nozick. Cette incursion dans la philosophie politique et morale contemporaine, qui a déjà fait l'objet de publications, nous a conduit à l'élaboration d'un programme de recherche dont l'objectif était d'évaluer la pertinence du discours sur les droits.

This thesis explores the integrative effect of social psychological factors among themselves as well as with economic deterrent factors in stimulating voluntary tax compliance, contributing to the tax compliance literature a theoretically relevant integrative approach that bridges between social psychological and economic deterrence approaches. It also contributes to the ecological validity of research on tax compliance behavior by comparing samples of two tax environments that are extremely unlike—one from a developing country (i.e. Ethiopia) and another from a developed country (i.e. the US). Chapter 1 is an introductory chapter that seeks to introduce the thesis and summarize research on voluntary tax compliance, highlighting the need to integrate antecedents of voluntary tax compliance. Each of the three empirical chapters contributes to theoretical and empirical developments of the tax compliance literature. Chapter 2 explores the moderating roles of two (i.e. coercive and legitimate) types of power wielded by the tax authority in the relationship between procedural justice and voluntary tax compliance as mediated by (cognition-based) trust in the authority. This study finds support for the prediction that high (but not low) coercive and low (but not high) legitimate power of the tax authority moderate the positive relationship between procedural justice and voluntary tax compliance. Only procedural justice by legitimate power interaction has been mediated by (cognition-based) trust. Chapter 3 examines identification with the nation as a boundary condition to the interactive effect of procedural justice of and trust in the tax authority on voluntary tax compliance and finds support in two distinct samples for the prediction that the interactive effect (of procedural justice and trust) is significant among citizens who weakly (rather than strongly) identify with the nation. Chapter 4 explores legitimacy of the tax authority as a boundary condition to the interactive effect of procedural and distributive ...

Transitional Justice has been understood as a field of studies that analyzes the mechanisms that societies in transition use in order to deal with the past. The first analyses of Transitional Justice addressed the way in which societies transitioning from dictatorship to democracy faced a past of human rights violations committed by state agents. Within this vision of Transitional Justice, mechanisms of criminal justice, truth and reparation constituted the bases of studies on transitions and the means of doing justice. However, this type of analysis began to receive important critiques. Among the main criticisms were the lack of a distributive vision, or the little attention that was offered to historical and structural problems. It was also pointed out that local actors were given little weight and protagonism in the design and implementation of the different measures. Exaggerated emphasis was made in the judicial question while other means to face the past were given little attention. Finally, the pervasive liberal approach drove transitions to end up with superficial changes in the legal or institutional frameworks. This article analyzes many of the critiques made, as well as the different proposals put forward, such as the need to focus on the transforming nature of justice; on the use of justice to deal with the post-conflict phase; or on the need to promote initiatives based on the principle of local ownership. A brief state of the art is outlined in the first part of the article. The second part of the article will try to analyze the cases of Sierra Leone and Morocco as imperfect models that might advance some of the limits that Colombia might phase in the implementation of the Peace Agreement. ; La Justicia Transicional ha sido entendida como un campo de estudios que se encarga de analizar los mecanismos utilizados por las sociedades en transición para enfrentar el pasado. Los primeros análisis de Justicia Transicional abordaban la forma en la que las sociedades que transitaban de la dictadura a la democracia hacían frente a un pasado de violaciones de derechos humanos cometidas por agentes estatales. Dentro de esta visión de la Justicia Transicional, mecanismos de justicia penal, de verdad y de reparación constituían las bases de los estudios sobre las transiciones y los medios de hacer justicia. Sin embargo, este tipo de análisis fueron objeto de importantes críticas, tales como carecer de una visión distributiva, la poca atención que se ofrecía a problemas históricos y estructurales, el poco peso y protagonismo de los actores locales en el diseño e implementación de las diferentes medidas, el énfasis exagerado en la cuestión judicial y la poca atención a otros medios de hacer frente al pasado o bien la preeminencia de un enfoque liberal que daba por terminada la transición con superficiales cambios en el marco legal o institucional. El presente artículo analiza algunas de las críticas realizadas, así como las diferentes propuestas planteadas, tales como la necesidad de centrarse en el carácter transformador de la justicia o en el uso de la justicia para hacer frente a la fase postconflicto, o bien en la necesidad de impulsar iniciativas basadas en el principio de apropiación local. Si en la primera parte se esboza un somero estado de la cuestión, la segunda parte del artículo tratará de analizar las experiencias de Sierra Leona y de Marruecos con el objetivo de avanzar algunos de los límites a los que se puede enfrentar Colombia en la implementación del Acuerdo de Paz.

Background: The distribution of healthcare resources across local and global communities has triggered alarms throughout the COVID-19 pandemic. Injustice and inefficiency in the transfer of lifesaving medical supplies are magnified by the urgency of the public health crisis, ramified through pre-existing socioeconomic tensions, and further aggravated by frictions that plague international cooperation and global governance. Aim: This article explores the ethical and economic dimensions of medical supplies, from the microcosm of distributive algorithms to the macroscope of medical trade. Methods: It first analyses the performance, strategy, and social responsibility of ventilator-suppliers through a series of case studies. Then, the authors seek to redress the need-insensitivity of existing distributive models with a new price-based and need-conscious algorithm. Next, the paper empirically traces the exchange of medical supplies across borders, examines the effect of trade disputes on medical reliance and pandemic preparedness, and makes a game-theoretical case for sharing critical resources with foreign communities. Conclusion: The authors argue that the equitable allocation of medical supplies must consider the contexts and conditions of need; that political barriers to medical transfers undermine a government's capacity to contain the contagion by reducing channels of access to medical goods; and that self-interested public policies often turn out to be counterproductive geopolitical strategies. In the post-pandemic world, the prospect of medical justice demands a balanced ethical and economic approach that cuts across the borders of nation-states and the bounds of the private sector and the public sphere.

After decades of preparation, the final disposal of spent nuclear fuel has reached the construction stage in Finland, and the neighboring Sweden is likely to soon follow in the footsteps. These Nordic countries rely on a similar technical concept based on passive safety, advocated as a means of minimizing the burden to future generations. The scholarly literature on the ethics of nuclear waste management has thus far paid little attention to the views of the broader publics on the associated ethical challenges. This article helps to fill the gap through a longitudinal and comparative analysis of ethical discussion of the final disposal of SNF in news articles and letters to the editor in four leading Finnish and Swedish daily newspapers in 2008–2015. The study period included major milestones in the licensing processes of the respective two repository projects. The article examines the attention paid to intra- and intergenerational distributive and procedural justice, the changes in the ethical agenda over time, and the societal actor groups that receive attention in the media. The analysis reveals two distinct ethical media agendas: (1) the news article agenda that is dominated by framings of the main players (industry, politicians, authorities, and experts) and largely excludes future generations from the scope of justice, and (2) the agenda represented by the letters to the editor, which focuses on intergenerational justice concerns. Particularly, in the Finnish letters to the editor the value of the lives of distant future generations was discounted implicitly. ; publishedVersion ; Peer reviewed

Climate change has been socially constructed crisscrossed by public and private interests, asymmetries and world-view conflicts. When it comes to the legitimacy of norms to address the complexities of social conditions of vulnerability and effective actions to fulfil distributive and climate justice principles, climate change still faces a discrepancy between political announcements and incongruous practices of international actors. While analysing the cases of China and the European Union, we point out contradictions stemming from their policy goals guided by strategic interests. From a global climate justice perspective, we analyze recent power dynamics that operate at two levels: first, economic relations and negotiations between Brazil and the two poles of power, considering the scenario of socio-environmental injustice and climate insecurity; second, policy practices of both global players in climate governance, bearing in mind the notions of climate justice and development as conceptual guides to understand when and where contradictions emerge. To do so, this article is structured around three sections: (i) a brief historical account of China's and the EU's roles in international climate policy; (ii) their legacies in climate governance and the inextricable relationship between their normative behaviour and their development objectives; (iii) an overview of the signing of the strategic memorandum of understanding for economic and trade agreement between Mercosur and the EU in 2019, as well as Sino-Brazilian relations facilitating investments and trade in multiple segments vis-à-vis the most recent multifaceted backlash in Brazil's socio-environmental and climate policies.