Suchergebnisse

Z uporabo socialno-konstruktivističnega koncepta preteklosti, kot ga je uvedel Maurice Halbwachs (Assmann, 2008, str. 55) in spojem politične znanosti ter kulturno-spominskih študij, se moje delo osredotoča na interdiscplinarno raziskovanje nostalgije. Disertacija tako konceptualizira nostalgijo kot enega izmed izrazov spornosti, na podlagi ovrednotenja pomena čustev (Nussbaum, 2013 ; Hassner, 2015) v političnem polju in priznavanja vzpona politik spornega (Tilly, 2006 ; McAdam, Tarrow & Tilly, 2001 ; Tilly, 2008) v svetu, kjer uradni spominski diskurzi konstruirajo in rekonstruirajo zgodovino. Zanimanje za zgodovino obdobja socialistične Jugoslavije se je v zadnjem desetletju povečalo. To zanimanje, še posebno vsaka pozitivna refleksija o jugoslovanski izkušnji, je bila nemudoma označena za jugonostalgijo ; to vsezajemajočo frazo za vsakršno nenegativno sklicevanje na Jugoslavijo. Ob razpadu države je tisto, kar je bilo nekdaj hegemona socialistična spominska pripoved Jugoslavije, zamenjana z novo "demokratično", postsocialistično in antijugoslovansko spominsko pripovedjo: revizionističnim mainstream javnim diskurzom. S koncem drugega desetletja 21. stoletja v (post)jugoslovanskem prostoru, znotraj generacije zadnjih pionirjev, postane spominjanje se Jugoslavije subverzivno ter jugonostalgija izvor kognitivne disonance2 postsocialističnih subjektov. Na osnovah razumevanja jugonostalgije kot večsmerne (post)jugoslovanske pripovedi v iskanju prihodnosti skozi preteklost, sem glavno raziskovalno vprašanje oblikovala takole: Kaj pomeni jugonostalgija politično aktivnim zadnjim pionirjem in v kakšnem odnosu je z njihovimi političnimi identitetami? Moj glavni predmet raziskave so pripovedi generacije zadnjih pionirjev (rojenih med letoma 1974 in 1982) v treh (post)jugoslovanskih državah: Sloveniji, Hrvaški in Srbiji. Začenši s temo mojega zanimanja – jugonostalgija politično aktivnih zadnjih pionirjev – sem se poglobila v zbiranje podatkov, skozi politično etnografijo, intervjuje in opazovanja z udeležbo. Z namenskim vzorčenjem sem tekom leta 2017 in leta 2018 intervjuvala 62 političnih akterjev, upoštevajoč naslednje parametre: razumevanje koncepta "političnega aktivizma" čimbolj široko in razumljivo, ob čemer sem ga opredelila kot udejstvovanje pri konkretnih aktivnostih znotraj organizirane skupine za obdobje 6-ih mesecev oz. dlje. Obenem sem se izogibala metodološkemu nacionalizmu (Wimmer & Schiller, 2003), ki trdi, da so nacionalne države edine enote analize in naravne oblike skupnosti. Ne glede na to, sem s podatkovno analizo v okviru pristopa Constructivist Grounded Theory (Charmaz, 2014) upoštevala specifične kontekste držav, ko so rezultati pokazali na divergenco, s tem, da sem omogočila oris konvergenčnih rezultatov, po generacijski in politični črti. Spomini na otroštvo zadnjih pionirjev so bili izhodišče za analizo, na podlagi katerih razkrijemo, kaj zanje pomeni biti otrok socializma. Očitno politično bolj socializirani znotraj 2 Kognitivne disonance je prvič konceptualiziral ameriški psiholog Leon Festinger (1957), ko je opisal situacijo, v kateri se soočamo s protislovnimi stališči, prepričanji in vedenji – v naših poskusih doseganja skladnosti vpeljujemo različne strategije za zmanjšanje mentalnega neugodja, ki se pojavi s spreminjanjem nekaterih od teh stališč, prepričanj in vedenj, njihovih družin kot znotraj šol, zadnji pionirji razumejo koncept jugoslovanske družine veliko bolj širše od "mešanega" zakona, ki ne zajema zgolj etnonacionalne raznolikosti, bodisi znotraj nuklearne ali razširjene družine, temveč tudi religiozne in politične raznolikosti ter družbene mobilnosti. Za desničarske intervjuvance je lastna politična socializacija bolj očitno povezana z dediščino staršev – vključno z zavedanjem o posameznikovi etnonacionalni pripadnosti. Razen teh nekaj primerov, se intervjuvanci ne spominjajo niti lastnega zavedanja etnonacionalnosti, niti medetničnih napetosti med skupnostmi. Zadnji pionirji, poleg tega, da soglasno priklicujejo spomine srečnega otroštva, kot največjo vrednoto izpostavljajo tudi raznolikost in bogastvo izkušenj, skupin in skupnosti, s katerimi simbolizirajo varno okolje možnosti in obilja, ki ni zgolj osredotočeno na potrošništvo. Koncept normalnega življenja je obarvan z idejo invero v napredek in varnost, ki jo zagotavlja funkcionalnost države. Razpad države zadnje pionirje sooči z občutkom nenadne izgube, kar vodi v nepredvidljivo zarezo v njihovih življenjih in vseobsegajoč trop, ki se pojavlja v vseh pričevanjih. Počasi se pojavljajo pripovedi o medetničnih odnosih ; diskriminacija zoper predpisane etnonacionalne skupnosti ali vsled političnim zvezam z JLA (Jugoslovansko ljudsko armado) postane resnična, še posebno v šolah. Skupne spomine v vseh treh državah zaznamuje odhajanje: intervjuvanci v številnih primerih zapuščajo svoje domove in postajajo begunci. Vojna travma je prinesla zmedo in poskuse »ovinkarjenja« intervjuvancev, da bi razumeli identitetne premike, pogosto z družinskimi prepiri, razdeljenimi družinami in načetimi prijateljstvi. Živo se spominjajo nove normalnosti nasilja, ki zaznamuje spomine v devetdesetih letih, pri čemer razlika med konteksti znotraj treh držav pridobiva na pomenu. Spomini na desetletje v Sloveniji se nanašajo na preostale jugoslovanske vojne, na Hrvaškem se poistovetijo z vojno ; v Srbiji se celotno desetletje iz devetdesetih označuje z vojnami ter političnim in ekonomskim propadom obeh držav ; s hkratnim minimaliziranjem travmatičnih izkušenj s trditvami, kot da 'ni bilo tako slabo'. Skozi razpravo o razpadu in vojnah so zadnji pionirji bolj naklonjeni temu, da se držijo revizionističnih hegemonih diskurzov. Ko premišljujejo o ideologijah sprave in rehabilitacije, ki jih vodijo mainstream diskurzi, zadnji pionirji prepoznavajo potrebo po dialogu in debati, a obenem zahtevajo uravnoteženo razpravo, ki ne bi vodila niti k revizionizmu niti k banalni nostalgiji, kot jo razumejo sami. Za generacijo zadnjih pionirjev so bili etnonacionalizmi in vojna vsiljeni od zgoraj navzdol s strani političnih elit, omogočale pa so jih številne vrste faktorjev, vključno s svetovnimi okoliščinami, kot so padec komunizma in interesi zunanjih sil v regiji. S priznavanjem novih politik spomina, ki so bile uvedene z etnonacionalizmi, zadnji pionirji ubirajo dve poti. Prva se nanaša na, razrešitev kognitivnih disonanc in ambivalentnosti skozi pripovedi o singularnosti – njihove izkušnje kot izjemne, posebne in edinstvene. Druga pot pa sledi priznavanju politično strateške in instrumentalizirane uporabe izraza jugonostalgija. Naposled zadnji pionirji (re)konstruirajo jugoslovanski prostor, ki ga še naprej doživljajo kot njihov (edini) dom, z Jadranskim morjem kot najprepoznavnejšim simbolom. Vendar je občutek doma močno vpet v jezikovno bližino, pri čemer se Kosovo večinoma pojavlja zunaj njihovega občutka doma. Brez dvomov o kulturnih ali ekonomskih aspektih (post)jugoslovanskega prostora, si skupno dojemanje negativne sedanjosti in posledic tranzicije delijo vse tri države vzdolž političnega spektra, četudi se med sredinskimi in desničarskimi političnimi akterji nekatere razlage naslanjajo na koncepte balkanizma in antikomunizma. Medtem ko se jugonostalgija dojema hkrati kot tista, ki ustvarja in zavira ustvarjalnost v sedanjih političnih bojih, se jugoslovanstvo razume kot pomemben element pri (ponovnem) zamišljanju političnega prostora današnjega sveta – brez zadržkov pri priznavanju njegovih prostorskih in kulturnih elementov. Jugonostalgija zadnjih pionirjev predvsem služi namenu upora zoper vsiljene diskontinuitete, s tem, ko postaja kolektiven in politični fenomen ; pionirjem generacijsko spreminja lokacijo ter novim levičarskim gibanjem in političnim strankam ustvarja politični potencial. Vzpon levičarskih gibanj širom (post)jugoslovanskega prostora in njihovega okrepljenega sodelovanja je vpeto v raziskovalno refleksijo tega, kar 'je enkrat bilo', z namenom vzpostavljanja nove politične ideje tistemu, kar 'bi enkrat lahko zopet postalo'. Rehabilitacija socialističnega ideološkega pozicioniranja se pogosto znajde vzporedno s skoraj avtomatičnim zanikanjem jugonostalgičnih pogledov, hkratnem repolitiziranju nostalgije, ter obenem tudi z emancipacijo odnosa do ideološke dediščine Zahoda ter s sprejemanjem jugoslovanske. Kljub vsemu nostalgija oblikuje generacijske skupnosti, ki se preoblikujejo v politične generacije ; s preoblikovanjem spomina za jugoslovanski namen v spomin z (post)jugoslovanskim namenom (Rigney, 2016) ter povratkom ideje o napredku in upanju v politično polje (post)Jugoslavije. Ker desničarske in sredinske politične izbire ostajajo vpete v koncepte nacionalnih držav in etnonacionalnistične vizije sveta, se novo levičarsko pozicioniranje obrača v smeri jugoslovanskih internacionalističnih refleksij. Z razumevanjem generacije kot ključne spremenljivke sem ugotovila, da generacija zadnjih pionirjev deli občutek za skupno razumevanje generacije in s tem prikazuje obstoječo skupno zavest v vseh treh državah ter kaže svoj večji vpliv na spominske pripovedi kot na politično pozicioniranje. Pripovedi o izgubljeni generaciji in skupen občutek nemoči, v preteklosti in sedanjosti, se pojavljajo v vseh mojih intervjujih. Intervjuvanci se jasno razmejujejo od generacije svojih staršev, za katere verjamejo, da so jim bila dana najboljša leta jugoslovanske preteklosti, ter od svojih otrok, za katere verjamejo, da ne delijo istih jugoslovanskih vrednot. V prostorskem smislu verjamejo, da njihova generacija vsekakor obstaja onkraj meja novonastalih nacionalnih držav, kar predstavlja še vedno obstoječi (post)jugoslovanski prostor. V danih prelomih med osebnimi spomini in mainstream spominskimi politikami se politično premika v (neslutene) prostore vsakdanjega življenja, kulturne nezavezanosti, intimnih prijateljstev in odnosov. S prikazom moči politične socializacije znotraj družin vsled izkušnjam vojne in vsakodnevnih izkušenj onkraj meja nacionalnih držav in etnonacionalnih skupnosti, pričujoča disertacija pomaga nadalje razumeti pomen vplivov na naše spominske pripovedi in našo politično pozicioniranje znotraj sprtih regij in zgodovin. Disertacija brez dokončne definicije jugonostalgije pokaže, kako instrumentalnost omenjenega termina in njegova uporaba v diskurzivnih strategijah zakriva jugoslovansko preteklost in kakršnokoli jugoslovansko prihodnost, posebno z ozirom na levičarske ideologije. Jugonostalgične spominske pripovedi zadnjih pionirjev zahtevajo identitetno kontinuiteto ter preoblikovanje heterogene skupnosti v zopet zamišljene, pri čemer sočasno iščejo lastno resnico o razpadu Jugoslavije. Politično produktivne kategorije se kažejo skozi različne aktivnosti – prenos osnovnih vrednot na posameznikove otroke predstavlja element aktivnega političnega življenja ; prav tako z vzpostavitvijo mrež sodelovanja med političnimi strankami v Sloveniji, na Hrvaškem in v Srbiji, ki temeljijo na ideološki orientiranosti tozadevnih strank in gibanj in ne na osnovi etnonacionalnih skupnosti. Ti novi solidarnostni kanali predstavljajo pomembno politično intervencijo v (post)jugoslovanskem svetu. Še en pomemben element aktivizma se pojavlja v nasprotovanju hegemonim diskurzom skozi obeleževanja dogodkov ali z javnimi diskurzi političnih akterjev. Pričujoča disertacija pokaže, kako neuspešen je vsak poskus kategorizacije nostalgije ; ne zato, ker se izogne našim zmožnostim, da bi razumeli multitude pomenskih slojev in pomene, ki jih vsebuje, temveč zato, ker se trudimo zanikati njen politični značaj. Ravno skozi politično subjektiviteto nostalgika oz. nostalgičarke, ki s svojimi vsebinami obarva nostalgijo, lahko prepoznamo naravo le-te. Namesto, da zavržemo nostalgijo kot apolitično, jo je potrebno repolitizirati ter s tem razširiti naše lastno razumevanje političnega polja v 21. stoletju. (Post)jugoslovanske spominske pripovedi zadnjih pionirjev nam dajejo vpogled v nove in še neraziskane politične imaginarije (post)jugoslovanskega prostora, ki bi jih lahko povzeli kot »Brez države, brez nacije – en prostor, ena identiteta«. ; Embracing the social-constructivist concept of the past, as introduced by Maurice Halbwachs (Assmann, 2008, p. 55), my research takes an interdisciplinary approach to nostalgia, bringing together political science and cultural memory studies. Valuing the importance of emotions (Nussbaum, 2013 ; Hassner, 2015) in the political field and acknowledging the ascent of contentious politics (Tilly, 2006 ; McAdam, Tarrow & Tilly, 2001 ; Tilly, 2008), in a world where official memory discourses are constructing and reconstructing history, this thesis conceptualizes nostalgia as another contentious expression. The last decade has seen an increase in interest in the history of the socialist period in Yugoslavia. This interest in Yugoslavia and in particular, any positive reflection on the Yugoslav experience, was immediately marked as Yugonostalgia: a catch all phrase for any non negative reference to Yugoslavia. With the dissolution of the country, what was once the hegemonic socialist Yugoslav memory narrative was replaced with a new "democratic" post-socialist anti-Yugoslav memory narrative: the revisionist mainstream public discourse. In the (post)Yugoslav space, within the generation of the last pioneers, reminiscing about Yugoslavia became viewed as subversive, and Yugonostalgia as a refuge for post-socialist subjects' cognitive dissonances.1 Understanding Yugonostalgia as a multidirectional (post)Yugoslav narrative searching for the future through the past the main research question is as follows: What does Yugonostalgia mean for politically active last pioneers and how does it dialogue with their political identities? My primary object of research are the narratives of the generation of the last pioneers (born between 1974 and 1982), in three (post)Yugoslav countries: Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia. Starting with a topic of interest – Yugonostalgia of politically active last pioneers – I dived into the data collection, through political ethnography, interviews and participant observation. Through purposive snowball sampling, over the course of 2017 and 2018, I interviewed 62 political actors within the following parameters: understanding "political activism" as wide and comprehensive as possible, whilst drawing a line at taking part in concrete activities within an organized group for 6 months or longer. Methodological nationalism (Wimmer and Schiller, 2003), which asserts that nation-states are the only units of analysis and a natural form of community, was avoided. Nevertheless, data analysis within the Constructivist Grounded Theory approach (Charmaz, 2014) took into account the specific country context whenever results showed divergences, while allowing us to outline the convergences, along generational and the political lines. Departing from the analysis of the childhood memories of the last pioneers, we unravel what it means for them to be children of socialism. Apparently more politically socialized within their families than within schools, the last pioneers depict a concept of a Yugoslav family, understood in a much larger sense than the "mixed" marriage: encompassing not only the ethno-national diversity, within both nuclear and larger families, but also religious and political diversity, and social mobility. For the right-wing interviewees, their political 1 Cognitive dissonances were first conceptualized by Leon Festinger (1957), an American psychologist, describing a situation when we face contradicting attitudes, beliefs and behaviors – in our attempts to achieve consistency we implement various strategies to lower the mental discomfort that appears through altering some of those attitudes, beliefs and behaviors, socialization is always evidently linked with their paternal heritage, including the awareness of one's ethno-nationality. Other than afew examples, the interviewees have recollection of neither their own awareness of ethno-nationality nor any interethnic tensions between the communities. Their childhood memories, besides being unanimously depicted as happy childhoods, paint the diversity and the richness of various experiences, groups and communities as the biggest value ; symbolizing a secure environment, providing possibilities and abundance, not solely focused on consumption. The concept of 'a normal life' is colored by the idea and the faith in progress and security, provided by the functionality of the state. The dissolution of the country confronts the last pioneers with a sense of a sudden loss, leading into the unforeseen overnight rupture of their lives, an overarching trope appearing in all narratives. The narratives on the interethnic relations slowly appear. Discrimination against assigned ethno-national communities or parents' professional association with JNA (Yugoslav People's Army) becomes a reality, most notably in schools. Shared memories in all three countries are marked by everybody leaving and, in a number of cases, with the interviewees leaving their homes and becoming refugees. The war trauma brought confusion and meandering attempts by the interviewees to understand these identitarian shifts, often within family quarrels, familial divisions and disrupted friendships. A new normality of violence is recalled vividly, marking the memory on the 1990s. The difference in contexts within the three countries gains traction. As memories of the decade in Slovenia refer to the rest of the Yugoslav wars, for Croatia they are identified with the war and, in Serbia, the whole decade of the 1990s is a marker for wars and the political and economic destruction of the country. Still, all the interviewees were minimizing the traumatic experiences through assertions that, 'it was not that bad'. Discussing the dissolution and the wars, the last pioneers become more prone to adhering to the revisionist hegemonic discourses. Reflecting upon the reconciliation and rehabilitation mainstream discourses, the last pioneers recognize the need for dialogue and debate but also demand a balanced discussion, which avoids both revisionism and banal nostalgia, as they understand it. For the generation of the last pioneers, ethno-nationalisms and the war were imposed top-down by the then political elites and made possible by a large number of various factors, including the global circumstances of the fall of communism and foreign powers' interests in the region. Acknowledging the new memory politics that were introduced with ethno-nationalisms, the last pioneers take upon two paths: first, resolution of cognitive dissonances and ambivalences through the narratives of singularity, with understanding their experience as exceptional, particular and unique ; second, recognizing the political strategic and instrumental use of the term Yugonostalgia. Finally, the last pioneers (re)construct the Yugoslav space, which they continue to feel as their (only) home with the Adriatic Sea being its most prominent symbol. Yet, the feeling of home is largely embedded in the linguistic proximity, leaving Kosovo mostly outside. Without questioning the cultural and economic aspects of the (post)Yugoslav space, a shared perception of the negative present and the consequences of transition transpires in the three countries and across the political spectrum, even if among the center and right-wing political actors some of the explanations relay on the concepts of Balkanism and anticommunism. While Yugonostalgia is perceived as equally producing and obstructing creativity in the present political struggles, Yugoslavism is understood as an important element of the re-imagining of the political space in today's world - acknowledging without hesitation its spatial and cultural elements. Yugonostalgia of the last pioneers primarily serves the purpose of resisting the imposed discontinuity, becoming a collective and a political phenomenon. Generationally changing the location, it finds itself engendering the political potential notably for the new left-wing movements and political parties. The rise of the left-wing movements throughout the (post)Yugoslav space, and their enhanced cooperation, is embedded in investigative reflection into how 'it was once' in order to establish the new political ideas for how it 'can be once again'. Rehabilitation of the socialist ideological positioning often finds itself in parallel with the almost automatic denial of Yugonostalgic views, simultaneously repoliticizing nostalgia, whilst also emancipating from the Western ideological heritage through embracing the Yugoslav one. Nostalgia forges generational communities who are transforming into political generations, transforming the memory of the Yugoslav cause into a memory with a (post)Yugoslav cause (Rigney, 2016), bringing back the idea of progress and hope into the political field of (post)Yugoslavia. As the right-wing and center political choices remain embedded in the concepts of nation-states and ethno-national vision of the world, the new left-wing positionalities turn to internationalist Yugoslav reflections. Understanding generation as a key variable, I have established that the generation of the last pioneers shares a sense of a generation, displaying an existing shared consciousness in all three countries and showing stronger influence on memory narratives than political positionality. The narratives of a lost generation, and the shared sentiment of helplessness in the past and in the present appear in all of my interviews. They clearly delineate themselves from the generation of their parents, for whom they believe that they were given the best years of the Yugoslav past, and their children, whom they believe, do not share the same Yugoslav values. In spatial terms, they believe their generation indeed exists beyond the borders of the newly created nation-states, representing the still existing (post)Yugoslav space. Given the fractures between personal memories and mainstream memory politics, the political shifts into (unsuspected) places of everyday life, cultural attachments, intimate friendships and relationships. Showing the strength of political socialization within families over the experience of war and, further on, the strength of the everyday experience across the borders of new nation-states and ethno-national communities through stable emotional networks and connections, within and outside the families – friend or professional networks and traveling. This thesis helps further understand the important influences on our memory narratives and our political positionality within contentious regions and histories ; without providing a final definition of Yugonostalgia, this thesis shows the instrumentality of the term and its use as a discursive strategy for obscuring the Yugoslav past and any Yugoslav future, especially regarding left-wing ideologies. The Yugonostalgic memory narratives of the last pioneers demand an identitarian continuity and make the heterogeneous communities again imaginable, while searching for their own truth about the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Politically productive categories manifest through numerous activities: transmission of basic values to one's children as much asthrough establishment of cooperation networks between political parties in Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia, based on the ideological orientation of the parties and movements in question, rather than on the basis of ethno-national communities. These new solidarity channels represent an important political intervention in the (post)Yugoslav world. Another important element of activism appears as opposition to the hegemonic discourses through commemoration events or the public discourses of the political actors. The thesis shows how any attempt to categorize nostalgia fails ; and not because it evades our capacity to understand the multitude of layers and meanings it comprehends, but because we try to deny its political character. It is precisely through the political subjectivity of the nostalgic, who colors his/her nostalgia by its contents, that we can identify the nature of nostalgia. Instead of discarding nostalgia as apolitical, we need to reinstate it as the political and thus expand our own understanding of the political field in the 21st century. The (post)Yugoslav memory narratives of the last pioneers give us an insight into new and unexplored political imaginaries of the (post)Yugoslav space that could be summarized as "No state, no nation – one space, one identity" and the future possibilities of the left-wing imaginaries.

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Chikkashindhag-1 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 659 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south–west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 94 per cent is covered by soils, 1 per cent by rock outcrops and 5 per cent is by habitation and settlements. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 8 soil series and 19 soil phases (management units) and 4 Land Management Units.  The length of crop growing period is 150 cm).  About 7 per cent area in the microwatershed has loamy soils and 87 per cent clayey soils at the surface.  About 63 per cent area has non-gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity.  About 14 per cent area of the microwatershed has nearly level (0-1% slope) lands and 80 per cent area of the microwatershed has very gently sloping (1-3% slope) lands.  An area of about 36 per cent area is moderately (e2) eroded and about 58 per cent area is slightly (e1) eroded.  An area of about 53 per cent soils are moderately alkaline to strongly alkaline (pH 7.8-9.0) and 41 per cent soil are very strongly alkaline (pH >9.0) in soil reaction.  The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed is dominantly 337 kg/ha) in available potassium.  Available sulphur is low (20 ppm) in 31 per cent area of the microwatershed.  An area of about 46 per cent is low (4.5 ppm) and 89 per cent is deficient (1.0 ppm) in available manganese content.  Entire cultivated area of the microwatershed is sufficient (>0.2 ppm) in available copper content.  An area of about 81 per cent is deficient (0.6 ppm) in available zinc content.  The land suitability for 31 major crops grown in the microwatershed was assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 101(15) 362(55) Sapota - 139(21) Maize - 462(70) Pomegranate - 300(45) Bajra 139(21) 323(49) Guava - 139(21) Groundnut 33(5) 106(16) Jackfruit - 139(21) Sunflower 1(<1) 299(45) Jamun - 288(44) Cotton 1(<1) 463(70) Musambi 1(<1) 299(45) Red gram - 289(44) Lime 1(<1) 299(45) Bengalgram 1(<1) 462(70) Cashew - 139(21) Chilli 106(16) 33(5) Custard apple 140(21) 322(49) Tomato 106(16) 33(5) Amla 139(21) 323(49) Brinjal 139(21) 323(49) Tamarind - 149(23) Onion 33(5) 106(16) Marigold - 462(70) Bhendi 33(5) 429(65) Chrysanthemum - 462(70) Drumstick - 300(45) Jasmine - 302(46) Mulberry - 299(45) Crossandra - 152(23) Mango - 98(15)  Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 4 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserves soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY  The data indicated that there were 109 (54.50%) men and 90 (45%) were women among the sampled households.  The average family size of landless farmers' was 3.5, marginal farmers' was 7.1, small farmers' was 6.1, semi medium farmers' was 6.1, medium farmers' was 9.5 and for large farmers it was 6.  The data indicated that, 42 (21%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 88 (44%) were in 16-35 years of age, 51 (25.50 %) were in 36-60 years of age and 19 (9.50 %) were above 61 years of age.  The results indicated that the Chikkasindhogi-1 had 29.50 per cent illiterates, 12.50 per cent of them had primary school education, 22.50 per cent of them had middle school education, 25.50 per cent of them had high school education, 4 per cent of them had PUC education, 1 per cent of them had diploma, 0.5 per cent of them had ITI and 4.5 per cent of them had degree education.  The results indicate that, 93.55 per cent of households practicing agriculture and 6.45 per cent of the household heads were agricultural labourers.  The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 67 per cent of the household members, 2 per cent were agricultural labourers, 1 per cent had household industry, 27.5 per cent of them were student, 1.5 per cent of them were housewife and 0.5 per cent of them were in government and private services.  The results shows that 8 per cent of the households participated in user groups and 91.50 per cent of them have not participated in any local institutions.  The results indicate that 35.48 per cent of the households possess thatched house, 6.45 per cent of the households possess Katcha house, 54.84 per cent of them possess pucca house and 3.23 per cent of them possess semi pucca house.  The results shows that 93.55 per cent of the households possess TV, 77.42 per cent of the households possess Mixer grinder, 51.61 per cent of the households possess motor cycle, 6.45 per cent of the households possess tempo, 3.23 per cent of the households possess refrigerator and bicycle, and 93.55 per cent of the households possess mobile phones.  The average value of television was Rs.6276, mixer grinder was Rs.1515, motor cycle was Rs.52437, mobile phone was Rs.1710, refrigerator was Rs.8000 and bicycle was Rs.3000.  About 22.58 per cent of the households possess plough, 3.23 per cent of them possess tractor, 12.90 per cent of them posses bullocks cart, 38.17 per cent of them power tiller and 93.55 per cent of them possess weeder.  The results show that the average value of plough was Rs.1,500, the average value of tractor was Rs. 5,00,000 and the average value of sprayer was Rs.3,953, the average value of bullock cart Rs.18,500, and the average value of weeder Rs.95. 2  The results indicate that, 16.13 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 22.58 per cent of the households possess local cow, 3.23 per cent of the households possess crossbred cow, 22.58 per cent of the households possess local cow and buffalo, 3.23 per cent of the households possess crossbred cow, goat and poultry birds.  The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 2.27, average own labour (women) available was 1.90, average hired labour (men) available was 3.47 and average hired labour (women) available was 7.77.  The results indicate that, 90.32 per cent of the household opined that hired labour was adequate and 3.23 per cent of the households opined that hired labour was inadequate.  The results indicate that, 6 (3.0%) persons were migrated from the micro watershed which includes 3 persons from semi medium farmers and 3 persons from medium farmer category.  People have migrated on average of 299.2 Kms and average duration was 8 months. Semi medium farmers have migrated 433.33 kms and on an average 10 months in a year.  Improved quality of the life was the major positive consequence of migration of 16.67 per cent of the households and construction house was the major positive consequence for 33.33 per cent.  Increased workload for other family members was the major negative consequence of migration.  The results indicate that, households of the Chikkasindhogi-1 micro watershed possess 17.89 ha (39.72%) of dry land and 27.14 ha (60.28%) of irrigated land.  The average value of dry land was Rs. 267994.14 and average value of irrigated was Rs.1, 89,272.  The results indicate that, there were 14 functioning bore wells and 1 functioning open well in the micro watershed.  Bore well was the major irrigation source in the micro water shed which was possessed by small farmers, medium farmers, semi medium farmers and large farmers.  The depth of bore well was found to be 47.64 meters and the depth of open well was found to be 0.29 meters.  The results indicate that, marginal farmers had irrigated area of 1.75 hectares, small farmers had 6.67 hectares, semi medium farmers had 8.73 hectares, medium farmers had 7.69 hectares and large farmers had 4.05 hectares of irrigated land.  The results indicate that, farmers have grown Maize (26.34 ha), Tomato (2.4 ha), Cotton (2.05 ha), Groundnut (1.68 ha), Pearlmillet (2.59 ha), Paddy (0.81 ha), Sorghum (0.81 ha), Bengal gram (0.51 ha), Chilly (0.4 ha).  The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Chikkasindhogi-1 micro watershed was found to be 96.83 per cent. In case of marginal farmers it was 87.82 per cent, for small farmers it was 93.99 per cent, in case of semi medium farmers it was 100 per 3 cent, medium farmers had cropping intensity of 100 per cent and large farmers had 100 per cent.  The results indicate that, 90.32 per cent of the households possess bank account and 12.90 per cent of them have savings. Around 50 per cent of landless, 44.44 per cent of marginal, 22.22 per cent of small, 50 per cent semi medium, 50 per cent of medium farmers and 100 per cent of large farmers have borrowed credit from different sources.  About 10 per cent have availed loan in cooperative bank, 40 per cent have availed loan from friends and relatives and 100 per cent have availed loan from grameena bank.  The results indicate that, 90.91 per cent of the households have borrowed loan for agriculture, 4.55 per cent have borrowed for buying irrigation related equipments and 4.55 per cent have borrowed for social functions like marriage, from institutional and non institutional sources.  Results indicated that 100 per cent of the households did not repay their loan borrowed from institutional sources.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 234356.79. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 167960. The net income from Maize cultivation was Rs. -66396.80, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.72.  The total cost of cultivation for tomato was Rs. 46729.38. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 67925.00. The net income from tomato cultivation was Rs. 21195.62. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.45.  The total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 72133.49. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 62490.23. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. -9643.26. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.87.  The total cost of cultivation for cotton was Rs. 44743.83. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 75381.17. The net income from cotton cultivation was Rs. 30637.34. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.68.  The total cost of cultivation for bengal gram was Rs. 251848.19. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 111150. The net income from bengal gram cultivation was Rs. -140698.19, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.44.  The total cost of cultivation for sorghum was Rs. 25747.08. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 24700. The net income from sorghum cultivation was Rs. - 1047.08. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.96.  The total cost of cultivation for chilly was Rs. 76456.11. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 98800. The net income from chilly cultivation was Rs. 22343.89. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.29.  The total cost of cultivation for paddy was Rs. 50384.32. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 38902.50. The net income from paddy cultivation was Rs. - 11481.82. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.77. 4  The results indicate that, 35.48 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate. Only 19.35 per cent of the households have opined that the green fodder is adequate. The data also revealed that 19.35 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder and green fodder were inadequate.  The results indicate that the average annual gross income was Rs. 22500 for landless farmers, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 61655.56, for small farmers it was Rs.56222, for semi medium farmers it was Rs.94688, for medium farmers it was Rs.191500 and for large farmers it was Rs.73000.  The results indicate that the average annual expenditure is Rs. 13296.47. For landless farmers it was 6250, for marginal farmers it was Rs 8969, for small farmers it was Rs. 4464.51, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 10348.48 and for medium farmers it was Rs. 70500 and for large farmers it was Rs. 55000.  The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 22 coconut, 19 mango and 3 sapota trees in their field. Farmers have also grown 5 coconut trees in their backyard.  The results indicate that, 93.55 per cent of the households are interested in growing horticultural crops which include 100 per cent of marginal, small, semi medium, medium and large farmers.  Households have planted 31 neem trees, 1 banyan tree in field and 9 neem trees in backyard.  The results indicate that, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 6193 for land development, Rs. 2241 for irrigation facility, Rs.4113 for improved crop production and Rs.1774 for improved livestock management.  Loan from bank is the major source of investment for 78.13 per cent of households for land development. For irrigation facility 25 per cent of the households depend on loan from bank, 12.5 per cent depend on own funds and 9.38 per cent of the households depend on soft loans. For improved crop production 59.38 per cent of the households depend on bank loan and for improved livestock management 21.88 per cent of the households depend on bank loan.  The results indicated that, Bengal gram, chilly, cotton, maize and tomato were sold to the extent of 100 per cent.  The results indicated that, About 73.33 per cent of the households have sold agricultural produce to the local/village merchants includes 100 per cent of the marginal farmers, 85.71 per cent of the small farmers, 66.67 per cent of the semi medium farmers and 33.33 per cent medium farmers. About 23.33 per cent of the households have sold in regulated markets, which include 14.29 per cent of small farmers, 33.33 per cent of semi medium farmers, 66.67 per cent of the medium farmers and 100 per cent of the large farmers.  About 9.68 per cent of the households have used tractor as mode of transport and 116.13 per cent have used truck. 5  The results indicated that, 90.32 per cent of the households have experienced the soil and water erosion problems i.e. 88.89 per cent of marginal farmers and 100 per cent of small, semi medium, medium and large farmers. 90.32 per cent of the households have shown interest in soil testing.  The results indicated that, 51.61 per cent of the households have adopted field bunding, 3.23 per cent of the households have adopted contour bunds, 3.23 per cent of the households have adopted farm pond, 29.03 per cent have adopted bore well recharge pit and 45.16 per cent of the households are following summer ploughing.  About 100 per cent of the households who adopted field bunding, farm pond and contour bund and 33.33 per cent the households who adopted bore well recharge pit, opined that they were in good condition. Around 66 per cent of the households opined that bore well recharge pits require full replacement.  The results indicated that 87.10 per cent of soil conservation structure is constructed by farmers on their own, 41.94 per cent of the soil conservation structures are constructed by the government and another 3.23 per cent is constructed by farmer organizations.  The results indicated that, canal was the major source of drinking water for 93.55 per cent of the households and bore well was the source of drinking water for 3.23 per cent of the households.  About 83.87 percent used fire wood and another 12.9 percent of the households used LPG. Electricity was the major source of light for all the households in micro watershed.  About 25.81 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet i.e. 100 per cent of landless, 11.11 per cent of marginal, 11.11 per cent of small, 25 per cent of semi medium, 50 per cent of medium farmers and 100 per cent of large farmers had sanitary toilet facility.  The results indicated that, 87.10 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card, 3.23 per cent of the households possessed APL and 6.45 per cent did not possess PDS card.  About 67.74 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme which included 100 per cent of the landless, 55.56 percent of the marginal, 55.56 per cent of the small, 75 per cent of the semi medium, 100 percent of the medium and 100 per cent of the large farmers.  The results indicated that, cereals were adequate for 90.32 per cent of the households, pulses were adequate for 87.10 per cent, oilseeds were adequate for 3.23 per cent, vegetables were adequate for 80.65 per cent, fruits were adequate for 22.58 per cent, milk was adequate for 83.87 per cent, egg were adequate for 16.13 per cent and meat was adequate for 6.45 per cent of the households.  Cereals were inadequate for 3.23 per cent of the households, pulses were inadequate for 6.45 per cent, oilseeds were inadequate for 3.23 per cent, fruits were inadequate 6 for 25.18 per cent, eggs were inadequate for 35.48 per cent and meat was inadequate for 41.94 per cent of the households.  Oilseeds were market surplus for 70.97 per cent of the households, vegetables were market surplus for 3.23 per cent, fruits were market surplus for 16.13 per cent, eggs were market surplus for 6.45 per cent and meat was market surplus for 9.68 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 48.39 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (74.19%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (3.23%), inadequacy of irrigation water (38.71%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (41.94%), high rate of interest on credit (29.03%), low price for the agricultural commodities (3.23%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (9.68%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (16.13%), less rainfall (87.10%) and source of Agri–technology information (News paper/TV/Mobile) (16.13%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Chikkashindhag-1 microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and these physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 659 ha in Koppal taluk and district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought - prone with an average annual rainfall of 662 mm, of which about 424 mm is received during south–west monsoon, 161 mm during north-east and the remaining 77 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 94 per cent is covered by soils, 1 per cent by rock outcrops and 5 per cent is by habitation and settlements. The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 8 soil series and 19 soil phases (management units) and 4 Land Management Units.  The length of crop growing period is 150 cm).  About 7 per cent area in the microwatershed has loamy soils and 87 per cent clayey soils at the surface.  About 63 per cent area has non-gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity.  About 14 per cent area of the microwatershed has nearly level (0-1% slope) lands and 80 per cent area of the microwatershed has very gently sloping (1-3% slope) lands.  An area of about 36 per cent area is moderately (e2) eroded and about 58 per cent area is slightly (e1) eroded.  An area of about 53 per cent soils are moderately alkaline to strongly alkaline (pH 7.8-9.0) and 41 per cent soil are very strongly alkaline (pH >9.0) in soil reaction.  The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed is dominantly 337 kg/ha) in available potassium.  Available sulphur is low (20 ppm) in 31 per cent area of the microwatershed.  An area of about 46 per cent is low (4.5 ppm) and 89 per cent is deficient (1.0 ppm) in available manganese content.  Entire cultivated area of the microwatershed is sufficient (>0.2 ppm) in available copper content.  An area of about 81 per cent is deficient (0.6 ppm) in available zinc content.  The land suitability for 31 major crops grown in the microwatershed was assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 101(15) 362(55) Sapota - 139(21) Maize - 462(70) Pomegranate - 300(45) Bajra 139(21) 323(49) Guava - 139(21) Groundnut 33(5) 106(16) Jackfruit - 139(21) Sunflower 1(<1) 299(45) Jamun - 288(44) Cotton 1(<1) 463(70) Musambi 1(<1) 299(45) Red gram - 289(44) Lime 1(<1) 299(45) Bengalgram 1(<1) 462(70) Cashew - 139(21) Chilli 106(16) 33(5) Custard apple 140(21) 322(49) Tomato 106(16) 33(5) Amla 139(21) 323(49) Brinjal 139(21) 323(49) Tamarind - 149(23) Onion 33(5) 106(16) Marigold - 462(70) Bhendi 33(5) 429(65) Chrysanthemum - 462(70) Drumstick - 300(45) Jasmine - 302(46) Mulberry - 299(45) Crossandra - 152(23) Mango - 98(15)  Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the 4 identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserves soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. That would help in supplementing the farm income, provide fodder and fuel, and generate lot of biomass which in turn would help in maintaining the ecological balance and contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY  The data indicated that there were 109 (54.50%) men and 90 (45%) were women among the sampled households.  The average family size of landless farmers' was 3.5, marginal farmers' was 7.1, small farmers' was 6.1, semi medium farmers' was 6.1, medium farmers' was 9.5 and for large farmers it was 6.  The data indicated that, 42 (21%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 88 (44%) were in 16-35 years of age, 51 (25.50 %) were in 36-60 years of age and 19 (9.50 %) were above 61 years of age.  The results indicated that the Chikkasindhogi-1 had 29.50 per cent illiterates, 12.50 per cent of them had primary school education, 22.50 per cent of them had middle school education, 25.50 per cent of them had high school education, 4 per cent of them had PUC education, 1 per cent of them had diploma, 0.5 per cent of them had ITI and 4.5 per cent of them had degree education.  The results indicate that, 93.55 per cent of households practicing agriculture and 6.45 per cent of the household heads were agricultural labourers.  The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 67 per cent of the household members, 2 per cent were agricultural labourers, 1 per cent had household industry, 27.5 per cent of them were student, 1.5 per cent of them were housewife and 0.5 per cent of them were in government and private services.  The results shows that 8 per cent of the households participated in user groups and 91.50 per cent of them have not participated in any local institutions.  The results indicate that 35.48 per cent of the households possess thatched house, 6.45 per cent of the households possess Katcha house, 54.84 per cent of them possess pucca house and 3.23 per cent of them possess semi pucca house.  The results shows that 93.55 per cent of the households possess TV, 77.42 per cent of the households possess Mixer grinder, 51.61 per cent of the households possess motor cycle, 6.45 per cent of the households possess tempo, 3.23 per cent of the households possess refrigerator and bicycle, and 93.55 per cent of the households possess mobile phones.  The average value of television was Rs.6276, mixer grinder was Rs.1515, motor cycle was Rs.52437, mobile phone was Rs.1710, refrigerator was Rs.8000 and bicycle was Rs.3000.  About 22.58 per cent of the households possess plough, 3.23 per cent of them possess tractor, 12.90 per cent of them posses bullocks cart, 38.17 per cent of them power tiller and 93.55 per cent of them possess weeder.  The results show that the average value of plough was Rs.1,500, the average value of tractor was Rs. 5,00,000 and the average value of sprayer was Rs.3,953, the average value of bullock cart Rs.18,500, and the average value of weeder Rs.95. 2  The results indicate that, 16.13 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 22.58 per cent of the households possess local cow, 3.23 per cent of the households possess crossbred cow, 22.58 per cent of the households possess local cow and buffalo, 3.23 per cent of the households possess crossbred cow, goat and poultry birds.  The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 2.27, average own labour (women) available was 1.90, average hired labour (men) available was 3.47 and average hired labour (women) available was 7.77.  The results indicate that, 90.32 per cent of the household opined that hired labour was adequate and 3.23 per cent of the households opined that hired labour was inadequate.  The results indicate that, 6 (3.0%) persons were migrated from the micro watershed which includes 3 persons from semi medium farmers and 3 persons from medium farmer category.  People have migrated on average of 299.2 Kms and average duration was 8 months. Semi medium farmers have migrated 433.33 kms and on an average 10 months in a year.  Improved quality of the life was the major positive consequence of migration of 16.67 per cent of the households and construction house was the major positive consequence for 33.33 per cent.  Increased workload for other family members was the major negative consequence of migration.  The results indicate that, households of the Chikkasindhogi-1 micro watershed possess 17.89 ha (39.72%) of dry land and 27.14 ha (60.28%) of irrigated land.  The average value of dry land was Rs. 267994.14 and average value of irrigated was Rs.1, 89,272.  The results indicate that, there were 14 functioning bore wells and 1 functioning open well in the micro watershed.  Bore well was the major irrigation source in the micro water shed which was possessed by small farmers, medium farmers, semi medium farmers and large farmers.  The depth of bore well was found to be 47.64 meters and the depth of open well was found to be 0.29 meters.  The results indicate that, marginal farmers had irrigated area of 1.75 hectares, small farmers had 6.67 hectares, semi medium farmers had 8.73 hectares, medium farmers had 7.69 hectares and large farmers had 4.05 hectares of irrigated land.  The results indicate that, farmers have grown Maize (26.34 ha), Tomato (2.4 ha), Cotton (2.05 ha), Groundnut (1.68 ha), Pearlmillet (2.59 ha), Paddy (0.81 ha), Sorghum (0.81 ha), Bengal gram (0.51 ha), Chilly (0.4 ha).  The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Chikkasindhogi-1 micro watershed was found to be 96.83 per cent. In case of marginal farmers it was 87.82 per cent, for small farmers it was 93.99 per cent, in case of semi medium farmers it was 100 per 3 cent, medium farmers had cropping intensity of 100 per cent and large farmers had 100 per cent.  The results indicate that, 90.32 per cent of the households possess bank account and 12.90 per cent of them have savings. Around 50 per cent of landless, 44.44 per cent of marginal, 22.22 per cent of small, 50 per cent semi medium, 50 per cent of medium farmers and 100 per cent of large farmers have borrowed credit from different sources.  About 10 per cent have availed loan in cooperative bank, 40 per cent have availed loan from friends and relatives and 100 per cent have availed loan from grameena bank.  The results indicate that, 90.91 per cent of the households have borrowed loan for agriculture, 4.55 per cent have borrowed for buying irrigation related equipments and 4.55 per cent have borrowed for social functions like marriage, from institutional and non institutional sources.  Results indicated that 100 per cent of the households did not repay their loan borrowed from institutional sources.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for maize was Rs. 234356.79. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 167960. The net income from Maize cultivation was Rs. -66396.80, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.72.  The total cost of cultivation for tomato was Rs. 46729.38. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 67925.00. The net income from tomato cultivation was Rs. 21195.62. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.45.  The total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 72133.49. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 62490.23. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. -9643.26. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.87.  The total cost of cultivation for cotton was Rs. 44743.83. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 75381.17. The net income from cotton cultivation was Rs. 30637.34. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.68.  The total cost of cultivation for bengal gram was Rs. 251848.19. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 111150. The net income from bengal gram cultivation was Rs. -140698.19, thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.44.  The total cost of cultivation for sorghum was Rs. 25747.08. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 24700. The net income from sorghum cultivation was Rs. - 1047.08. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.96.  The total cost of cultivation for chilly was Rs. 76456.11. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 98800. The net income from chilly cultivation was Rs. 22343.89. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.29.  The total cost of cultivation for paddy was Rs. 50384.32. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 38902.50. The net income from paddy cultivation was Rs. - 11481.82. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.77. 4  The results indicate that, 35.48 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate. Only 19.35 per cent of the households have opined that the green fodder is adequate. The data also revealed that 19.35 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder and green fodder were inadequate.  The results indicate that the average annual gross income was Rs. 22500 for landless farmers, for marginal farmers it was Rs. 61655.56, for small farmers it was Rs.56222, for semi medium farmers it was Rs.94688, for medium farmers it was Rs.191500 and for large farmers it was Rs.73000.  The results indicate that the average annual expenditure is Rs. 13296.47. For landless farmers it was 6250, for marginal farmers it was Rs 8969, for small farmers it was Rs. 4464.51, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 10348.48 and for medium farmers it was Rs. 70500 and for large farmers it was Rs. 55000.  The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 22 coconut, 19 mango and 3 sapota trees in their field. Farmers have also grown 5 coconut trees in their backyard.  The results indicate that, 93.55 per cent of the households are interested in growing horticultural crops which include 100 per cent of marginal, small, semi medium, medium and large farmers.  Households have planted 31 neem trees, 1 banyan tree in field and 9 neem trees in backyard.  The results indicate that, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 6193 for land development, Rs. 2241 for irrigation facility, Rs.4113 for improved crop production and Rs.1774 for improved livestock management.  Loan from bank is the major source of investment for 78.13 per cent of households for land development. For irrigation facility 25 per cent of the households depend on loan from bank, 12.5 per cent depend on own funds and 9.38 per cent of the households depend on soft loans. For improved crop production 59.38 per cent of the households depend on bank loan and for improved livestock management 21.88 per cent of the households depend on bank loan.  The results indicated that, Bengal gram, chilly, cotton, maize and tomato were sold to the extent of 100 per cent.  The results indicated that, About 73.33 per cent of the households have sold agricultural produce to the local/village merchants includes 100 per cent of the marginal farmers, 85.71 per cent of the small farmers, 66.67 per cent of the semi medium farmers and 33.33 per cent medium farmers. About 23.33 per cent of the households have sold in regulated markets, which include 14.29 per cent of small farmers, 33.33 per cent of semi medium farmers, 66.67 per cent of the medium farmers and 100 per cent of the large farmers.  About 9.68 per cent of the households have used tractor as mode of transport and 116.13 per cent have used truck. 5  The results indicated that, 90.32 per cent of the households have experienced the soil and water erosion problems i.e. 88.89 per cent of marginal farmers and 100 per cent of small, semi medium, medium and large farmers. 90.32 per cent of the households have shown interest in soil testing.  The results indicated that, 51.61 per cent of the households have adopted field bunding, 3.23 per cent of the households have adopted contour bunds, 3.23 per cent of the households have adopted farm pond, 29.03 per cent have adopted bore well recharge pit and 45.16 per cent of the households are following summer ploughing.  About 100 per cent of the households who adopted field bunding, farm pond and contour bund and 33.33 per cent the households who adopted bore well recharge pit, opined that they were in good condition. Around 66 per cent of the households opined that bore well recharge pits require full replacement.  The results indicated that 87.10 per cent of soil conservation structure is constructed by farmers on their own, 41.94 per cent of the soil conservation structures are constructed by the government and another 3.23 per cent is constructed by farmer organizations.  The results indicated that, canal was the major source of drinking water for 93.55 per cent of the households and bore well was the source of drinking water for 3.23 per cent of the households.  About 83.87 percent used fire wood and another 12.9 percent of the households used LPG. Electricity was the major source of light for all the households in micro watershed.  About 25.81 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet i.e. 100 per cent of landless, 11.11 per cent of marginal, 11.11 per cent of small, 25 per cent of semi medium, 50 per cent of medium farmers and 100 per cent of large farmers had sanitary toilet facility.  The results indicated that, 87.10 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL card, 3.23 per cent of the households possessed APL and 6.45 per cent did not possess PDS card.  About 67.74 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme which included 100 per cent of the landless, 55.56 percent of the marginal, 55.56 per cent of the small, 75 per cent of the semi medium, 100 percent of the medium and 100 per cent of the large farmers.  The results indicated that, cereals were adequate for 90.32 per cent of the households, pulses were adequate for 87.10 per cent, oilseeds were adequate for 3.23 per cent, vegetables were adequate for 80.65 per cent, fruits were adequate for 22.58 per cent, milk was adequate for 83.87 per cent, egg were adequate for 16.13 per cent and meat was adequate for 6.45 per cent of the households.  Cereals were inadequate for 3.23 per cent of the households, pulses were inadequate for 6.45 per cent, oilseeds were inadequate for 3.23 per cent, fruits were inadequate 6 for 25.18 per cent, eggs were inadequate for 35.48 per cent and meat was inadequate for 41.94 per cent of the households.  Oilseeds were market surplus for 70.97 per cent of the households, vegetables were market surplus for 3.23 per cent, fruits were market surplus for 16.13 per cent, eggs were market surplus for 6.45 per cent and meat was market surplus for 9.68 per cent of the households.  The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 48.39 per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (74.19%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (3.23%), inadequacy of irrigation water (38.71%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (41.94%), high rate of interest on credit (29.03%), low price for the agricultural commodities (3.23%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (9.68%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (16.13%), less rainfall (87.10%) and source of Agri–technology information (News paper/TV/Mobile) (16.13%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Nagalapur-1 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 677 ha in Yadgir taluk & district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought-prone with an average annual rainfall of 866 mm, of which about 652 mm is received during south-west monsoon, 138 mm during north-east and the remaining 76 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 598 ha in the microwatershed is covered by soils and about 78 ha by others (habitation and water bodies). The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below.  The soils belong to 15 soil series and 23 soil phases (management units) and 8 land management units.  The length of crop growing period is about 120-150 days starting from 1st week of June to 4th week of October.  From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated.  Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 320 m grid interval.  Land suitability for growing 29 major agricultural and horticultural crops was assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated.  Entire area in the microwatershed is suitable for agriculture.  About 61 per cent area of the microwatershed has soils that are moderately deep to very deep (75 - >150 cm) and 26 per cent soils are very shallow to moderately shallow (200 mm/m) in available water capacity, 4 per cent medium (101-150 mm/m), 47 per cent area low (51-100 mm/m) and 16 per cent area very low (0.75%) and 85 per cent is medium (0.50-0.75%) in organic carbon content.  About 33 per cent area is low ( 57 kg/ha) in available phosphorus.  An area 44 per cent is low (4.5 ppm) in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed.  Available manganese and copper are sufficient in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed.  Available zinc is deficient (<0.6 ppm) in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed.  The land suitability for 29 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 47(7) 143(21) Guava - 28(4) Maize 23(3) 192(28) Sapota - 28(4) Bajra 28(4) 162(24) Pomegranate - 55(8) Groundnut 8(1) 32(5) Musambi 27(4) 28 (4) Sunflower 27(4) 28(4) Lime 27(4) 28 (4) Redgram - 117(17) Amla 28(4) 100(15) Bengal gram 27(4) - Cashew - 25(4) Cotton 27(4) 25(4) Jackfruit - 28(4) Chilli 23(3) 105(15) Jamun - 27(4) Tomato 23(3) 78(12) Custard apple 55(8) 73(11) Brinjal 23(3) 78(12) Tamarind - 27(4) Onion 23(3) 78(12) Mulberry - 28(4) Bhendi 23(3) 105(16) Marigold 23(3) 105(16) Drumstick - 55(8) Chrysanthemum 23(3) 105(16) Mango - -  Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and horticulture crops.  Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc.,  Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required.  As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and sub marginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. This would help in not only supplementing the farm income but also provide fodder and fuel and generate lot of biomass which would help in maintaining an ecological balance and also contribute to mitigating the climate change. SALIENT FINDINGS OF THE SURVEY  The data indicated that there were 105 (61.40%) men and 66 (38.6%) women among the sampled households.  The average family size of landless farmers' was 4.8, marginal farmers' was 4.3, small farmers' was 5.2 and semi medium farmers' was 4.5.  The data indicated that, 39 (22.81%) people were in 0-15 years of age, 72 (42.11%) were in 16-35 years of age, 53 (30.99%) were in 36-60 years of age and 7 (49%) were above 61 years of age.  The results indicated that Nagalapur-1 had 50.88 per cent illiterates, 11.70 per cent of them had Primary School, 72 per cent of them had Middle School, 16.37 per cent of them had High School, 4.68 per cent of them had PUC education, 1.75 per cent of them had diploma education and 2.34 per cent of them had Degree education.  The results indicate that, 5.56 per cent of household heads were practicing agriculture, 91.67 per cent of the household heads were agricultural laborers and 2.78 per cent of the household's heads were trade and business.  The results indicate that agriculture was the major occupation for 6.43 per cent of the household members, 65.50 per cent were agricultural laborers, 0.58 per cent were in Household trade and business and dairy farm, 18.71 per cent were students, 2.92 per cent were housewives and 5.26 per cent were children.  The results show that, 0.58 per cent of the population in the micro watershed has participated in grama panchayat and 99.42 per cent of the population in the micro watershed has not participated in local institution.  The results indicate that 52.78 per cent of the households possess Thatched house, 16.67 per cent of the households possess Katcha house, 22.22 per cent of them possess pucca/RCC house and 8.33 per cent of the households possess semi pacca house.  The results show that 72.22 per cent of the households possess TV, 58.33 per cent of the households possess mixer/grinder, 2.78 per cent of the households possess refrigerator and car/four wheeler, 41.67 per cent of the households possess motor cycle and 91.67 per cent of the households possess mobile phones.  The results show that the average value of television was Rs. 8,830, mixer/grinder was Rs. 1,976, refrigerator was Rs. 1,500, Motor Cycle was Rs. 37,366, car/four wheeler was Rs. 30,000 and mobile phone was Rs. 2,774.  About 27.78 per cent of the households possess bullock cart, 38.89 per cent of them possess plough, 2.78 per cent of them possess seed/ fertilizer drill, irrigation pump and thresher, 11.11 per cent of them possess Sprayer and sprinkler and 69.44 per cent of them possess weeder.  The results show that the average value of bullock cart was Rs. 14,580, plough was Rs. 20,078, seed/ fertilizer drill was Rs. 4,000, irrigation pump was Rs. 7,000, 2 Sprayer was Rs. 3,800, sprinkler was Rs. 4,300, weeder was Rs. 252 and the average value of thresher was Rs. 180.  The results indicate that, 41.67 per cent of the households possess bullocks, 25 per cent of the households possess local cow, 2.78 per cent of the households possess cross breed cow and sheep, 11.11 per cent of the households possess buffalo and 5.56 per cent of the households possess goat.  The results indicate that, average own labour men available in the micro watershed was 2.19, average own labour (women) available was 1.5, average hired labour (men) available was 10.61 and average hired labour (women) available was 9.42.  The results indicate that, 88.89 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was adequate and 11.11 per cent of the households opined that the hired labour was inadequate.  The results show that, 2.34 per cent of the population in the micro watershed has migrated. The results show that, average distance of migration was 500 kms and average duration of migration was 11 months.  The results show that, 50 per cent of the population has migrated for the purpose of job/wage/work and business.  The results indicate that, households of the Nagalapur-1 micro-watershed possess 14.31 ha (28.80%) of dry land, 34.98 ha (70.38%) of irrigated land and 0.4 ha (0.81%) of permanent fallow land. Marginal farmers possess 5.9 ha (87.68%) of dry land, 0.42 ha (6.31%) of irrigated land and o.4 ha (6.1%) of permanent fallow land. Small farmers possess 7.39 ha (59.9%) of dry land and 40.91 ha (40.91%) of irrigated land. Semi medium farmers possess 12 ha (6.86%) of dry land and 13.79 ha (93.14%) of irrigated land. Medium farmers possess 15.64 ha (100%) of irrigated land.  The results indicate that, the average value of dry land was Rs. 583,107.15, the average value of irrigated land was Rs. 429,813.72 and the average value of permanent fallow land was Rs. 1,235,000. In case of marginal famers, the average land value was Rs. 550,205.61 for dry land, Rs. 1,881,904.85 for irrigated land and Rs. 1,235,000 for permanent fallow land. In case of small famers, the average land value was Rs. 554,296.67 for dry land and Rs. 671,683.80 for irrigated land. In case of semi medium famers, the average land value was Rs. 984,063.75 for dry land and Rs. 489,216.55 for irrigated land. Medium farmers, the average land value were Rs. 258,822.77 for irrigated land.  The results indicate that, there were 19 de-functioning and 23 functioning bore wells in the micro watershed.  The results indicate that, bore well was the major irrigation source in the micro water shed for 63.89per cent of the farmers.  The results indicate that, the depth of bore well was found to be 4.68 meters. 3  The results indicate that, marginal, small, semi medium and medium farmers had an irrigated area of 0.43 ha, 3.40 ha, 13.41 ha and 12 ha respectively.  The results indicate that, farmers have grown groundnut (21.08 ha), cotton (10.48ha), paddy and red gram (3.79 ha), green garm (22 ha), sorghum (0.81ha) and sweet potato (42.1 ha).  The results indicate that, the cropping intensity in Nagalapur-1 micro-watershed was found to be 97.14 per cent.  The results indicate that, 88.89 per cent of the households have bank account and 41.67 per cent of the households have savings.  The results indicate that, 27.78 per cent of the households have availed credit from different sources.  The results indicate that, 46.67 per cent of the households have borrowed from commercial bank, 6.67 per cent of the households have borrowed from cooperative, grameena bank and money lender and 20 per cent of the households have borrowed from friends/relatives.  The results indicate that, the average credit amount borrowed by households in micro-watershed was Rs, 61,666.67.  The results indicate that, 90 per cent of the households borrowed from institutional sources for the purpose of agricultural production and 10 per cent of the households from institutional sources for purpose of social functions like marriage.  The results indicate that, 75 per cent of the households borrowed from private sources for the purpose of agricultural production and 25 per cent of the households from private sources for the purpose of household consumption.  The results indicated that 10 per cent of the households partially paid their loan borrowed from institutional sources and 90 per cent of the households not paid their loan borrowed from institutional sources.  The results indicated that 100 per cent of the households did not repay their loan borrowed from private sources.  The results indicate that, 60 per cent opined that the loan amount borrowed from helped to perform timely agricultural operations and 30 per cent opined that the loan amount borrowed from higher rate of interest and 10 per cent opined that the loan amount borrowed from forced to sell the produce at low price to repay loan in time. The results indicate that, around 100 per cent opined that the loan amount was adequate to fulfil the requirement.  The results indicate that, the total cost of cultivation for red gram was Rs. 52355.73. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 49965.31. The net income from red gram cultivation was Rs. -2390.43. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.95. 4  The total cost of cultivation for green gram was Rs. 21594.32. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 43225. The net income from green gram cultivation was Rs. 21630.68. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.  The total cost of cultivation for paddy was Rs. 50657.82. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 41762.31. The net income from paddy cultivation was Rs. -8895.51. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:0.82.  The total cost of cultivation for groundnut was Rs. 487325. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 76436.68. The net income from groundnut cultivation was Rs. 27704.63. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.57.  The total cost of cultivation for Sorghum was Rs. 33099.27. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 37050. The net income from Sorghum cultivation was Rs. 3950.73. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:1.12.  The total cost of cultivation for Cotton was Rs. 29179.73. The gross income realized by the farmers was Rs. 80363.79. The net income from Cotton cultivation was Rs. 511847. Thus the benefit cost ratio was found to be 1:2.75.  The results indicate that, 41.67 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 30.56 per cent of the households opined that green fodder was adequate.  The results indicate that the annual gross income was Rs. 121,055.56 marginal farmers, for small farmers it was Rs. 98,545.45 and for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 130,930 and medium farmers it was Rs. 161,166.67.  The results indicate that the average annual expenditure is Rs. 115,444.47. For marginal farmers it was Rs. 11,544.44, for small farmers it was Rs. 3,776.86, for semi medium farmers it was Rs. 20,332.22 and medium farmers it was Rs. 11,138.89.  The results indicate that, sampled households have grown 5 coconut, 22 lemon and 19 mango trees in their field.  The results indicate that, households have planted 9 Teak, 72 neem, 8 tamarind, 10 acacia, 4 Banyan and peepul trees in their field and also 1 neem trees in their backyard.  The results indicated that, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 11,361.11 for land development; households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 3,277.78 for irrigation facility, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 2,583.33 for improved crop production, households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 1,055.56 for improved livestock management, households have an average investment capacity of Rs.166.67 for orchard development/ maintenance and households have an average investment capacity of Rs.55.56 for purchase of farm machinery.  The results indicated that government subsidy was the source of additional investment for 2.78 per cent for irrigation facility and improved livestock 5 management. Loan from bank was the source of additional investment for 2.78 per cent for land development and 5.56 per cent for irrigation facility and improved livestock management. Own funds was the source of additional investment for 22.22 per cent for land development, 5.56 per cent for irrigation facility and 5.56 per cent for improved crop production. Soft loan was the source of additional investment for 22.22 per cent for land development, 19.44 per cent for irrigation facility, 16.67 per cent for improved crop production and 5.56 per cent for improved livestock management.  The results indicated that, Cotton was sold to the extent of 72.38 per cent, green gram was sold to the extent of 100 per cent, groundnut was sold to the extent of 78.96 per cent, paddy was sold to the extent of 82.86 per cent, Sorghum was sold to the extent of 80 per cent, and red gram to the extent of 88.24 per cent.  The results indicated that, about 77.78 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to local/village merchants, 8.33per cent of the farmers sold their produce to regulated markets and 11.11 per cent of the farmers sold their produce to cooperative marketing society.  The results indicated that, 13.89 per cent of the households have used head load, 5.56 per cent of the households have used Cart, 58.33 per cent of the households used tractor and 19.44 per cent of the households used truck as a mode of transportation.  The results indicated that, 94.44 per cent of the households have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the farm. The results indicated that, 91.67 per cent have shown interest in soil test.  The results indicated that, 19.44 per cent of the population adopted field bunding, 5.56 per cent of the population adopted summer ploughing and dead furrow.  The results indicated that, condition of field bunding was 71.43 per cent of good, 14.29 per cent were slightly damaged and severely damaged.  The results indicated that, 8.33 per cent of the population involved own and government agency, 2.78 per cent of the population involved farmer's organization in the micro watershed.  The results indicated that, 80.56 per cent of the households used firewood and 33.33 per cent of them used LPG as a source of fuel.  The results indicated that, piped supply was the major source of drinking water for 36.11 per cent of the households in the micro watershed and Bore Well was the source of drinking water for 41.67 per cent of the households in the micro watershed.  Electricity was the major source of light for 100 per cent of the households in micro watershed.  The results indicated that, 38.89 per cent of the households possess sanitary toilet facility. 6  The results indicated that, 100 per cent of the sampled households possessed BPL cards.  The results indicated that, 80.56 per cent of the households participated in NREGA programme.  The results indicated that, cereals and pulses were adequate for 100 per cent of the households, oilseeds were adequate for 8.33 per cent, vegetables and meat were adequate for 41.67 per cent, fruits were adequate for 11.11 per cent, Milk were adequate for 52.78 per cent and Egg were adequate for 47.22 per cent.  The results indicated that, oilseeds and fruits were inadequate for 88.89 per cent of the households, vegetables and meat were inadequate for 58.33 per cent, milk were inadequate for 44.44 per cent, Egg were inadequate for 52.78 per cent.  The results indicated that, lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by 80.56 per cent of the households, Wild animal menace on farm field, frequent incidence of pest and diseases and Lack of marketing facilities in the area (91.67%), inadequacy of irrigation water and high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (72.22%), High rate of interest on credit (75%), Low price for the agricultural commodities (97.22%), Inadequate extension services (27.78%), Lack of transport for safe transport of the Agril produce to the market (94.44%), Less rainfall (5.56%) and Source of Agri-technology information (2.78%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project

Il presente lavoro si prefigge la finalità di analizzare taluni aspetti legati al diritto reale di abitazione, con speciale riferimento al divieto di cessione del predetto diritto previsto dall'articolo 1024 del codice civile. Tale problematica, inoltre, è strettamente connessa anche ad altri aspetti pratici, quali l'ipotecabilità e l'espropriabilità del predetto diritto reale. In particolare è apparso opportuno approfondire preliminarmente taluni profili di carattere generale riguardanti il diritto di abitazione, nei limiti in cui essi fossero funzionali alla ricostruzione che si è tentato di proporre. A tal fine, sono stati affrontati alcuni aspetti, quali la natura giuridica e i presupposti soggettivi ed oggettivi, in quanto ritenuti propedeutici al prosieguo della trattazione. In particolare l'esclusione del diritto d' abitazione dal novero dei diritti ipotecabili ha sollevato diverse questioni in dottrina e in giurisprudenza. L'inattitudine del predetto diritto ad essere oggetto d'iscrizione ipotecaria deve essere necessariamente valutato alla luce della propria disciplina. Il diritto d'abitazione consente al titolare di abitare una casa "limitatamente ai bisogni suoi e della sua famiglia" (art. 1022 cod. civ.). Il rapporto che si instaura a seguito della costituzione del diritto è fondato sull'intuitus personae, sia sotto il profilo del contenuto del diritto che sotto il profilo del rapporto dell'habitator con il proprietario dell'immobile. La limitazione dell'esercizio del diritto al soddisfacimento dei bisogni del suo titolare, infatti, da una parte implica che il suo trasferimento ad un terzo potrebbe mutarne il contenuto, con eventuale nocumento per il proprietario; dall'altra implica che qualora la casa risulti di estensione maggiore rispetto alle esigenze dell'habitator, il proprietario potrà goderne per la parte eccedente: il titolare del diritto reale d'abitazione non avrebbe infatti titolo ad opporsi alle ingerenze del proprietario, nei limiti in cui quest'ultimo non molesti il libero godimento dell'altra parte dell'abitazione. Anche sotto questo secondo profilo emerge la personalità del rapporto, essendo rilevante per il proprietario la persona del titolare del diritto, con il quale potrebbe anche trovarsi dover convivere. Tali motivazioni costituiscono la ratio alla base del divieto di cessione e di locazione del diritto in esame, ex art. 1024 cod. civ. Tale divieto costituisce a sua volta il fondamento dell'esclusione del diritto d'abitazione (e d'uso) dall'elenco dei diritti ipotecabili ex art. 2810 cod. civ. La realizzazione della causa di garanzia, infatti, implica che la situazione sostanziale dedotta quale oggetto dell'ipoteca sia alienabile, non potendo immaginarsi una vendita forzata del diritto ove di questo non possa normalmente disporne il titolare. Probabilmente a ciò è legata anche la precisazione posta dall'art. 2810 n. 1) cod. civ., per cui sono ipotecabili gli immobili "che sono in commercio". L'ammissibilità dell'iscrizione ipotecaria sul diritto d'abitazione postula il riconoscimento della sua trasferibilità: è dunque necessaria un'analisi della portata del divieto di cessione di tale diritto posto dall'art. 1024 cod. civ. Come accennato, infatti, tale divieto è posto al fine di tutelare la posizione del proprietario dell'immobile, e dunque a presidio di interessi di natura privatistica: la regola sarebbe quindi applicabile ove non sia diversamente disposto dal titolo costitutivo, mentre con l'accordo di proprietario ed habitator potrebbe prevedersi una più o meno libera cedibilità, grazie al consenso della parte che la disciplina codicistica mira a tutelare. In merito è stato obiettato che il divieto di cessione non solo sia disposto a tutela della posizione del nudo proprietario, ma faccia parte del contenuto stesso del diritto, in quanto al variare del titolare sono destinate a variare anche le esigenze in base alle quali il contenuto di detto diritto è parametrato. In tale ottica, la possibilità che esso circoli, seppure con il consenso del nudo proprietario, porterebbe a rendere variabile la portata stessa del diritto, con conseguente violazione del principio di tipicità e del numerus clausus dei diritti reali, in quanto risulterebbero alterati gli aspetti caratterizzanti della disciplina tipica dell'istituto. Qualora si ritenessero accoglibili siffatte osservazioni, dovrebbe conseguentemente ritenersi che il divieto di cui all'art. 1024 cod. civ. sia inderogabile anche con il consenso del nudo proprietario contro interessato. Il principio della tipicità e del numerus clausus dei diritti reali, infatti, è posto a tutela di interessi di carattere generale, ed ha dunque valenza pubblicistica. Tale principio, come noto, risponde all'esigenza di consentire ai terzi di essere preventivamente a conoscenza dell'esistenza di pesi o vincoli opponibili erga omnes, con conseguente tutela del commercio giuridico; persegue inoltre l'utilità socio-economica di salvaguardare, per quanto possibile, la libertà, l'assolutezza e la pienezza della proprietà fondiaria, ed assurge dunque a principio di rilevanza costituzionale. Altro fondamento del divieto è stato, inoltre, riscontrato in via indiretta nel disposto di cui all'art. 1372 c. 3 cod. civ., per cui è inibita alle parti la stipulazione di contratti ad effetti reali oltre i casi previsti dalla legge. Inoltre, i fautori dell'inderogabilità del divieto ritengono che non sia applicabile al diritto d'abitazione la disciplina che consente il trasferimento dell'usufrutto per un certo tempo o per tutta la sua durata, se non vietato dal titolo costitutivo (art. 980 cod. civ.), mancando in tal caso la compatibilità tra discipline richiesta dall'art. 1026 cod. civ. Nell'usufrutto, infatti, la tutela del nudo proprietario deriva dal fatto che la durata massima del diritto gravante sull'immobile di sua titolarità è ancorata alla durata dell'originario usufrutto su esso costituito. Conseguentemente la cessione del diritto non rischierebbe di produrre una limitazione ulteriore al pieno estendersi delle facoltà proprietarie. Diversamente, in ipotesi di cessione del diritto d'abitazione, la mutevolezza dei bisogni del titolare e della sua famiglia non consente di riprodurre in via pattizia una limitazione del diritto di proprietà che risulti indifferente per il nudo proprietario: la coincidenza dei bisogni del cedente e della sua famiglia con quelli del cessionario e della sua famiglia, infatti, rappresenterebbe un dato verificabile solo a posteriori. La difficoltà di conciliare il patto in deroga al divieto di cessione del diritto d'abitazione con il principio di tipicità dei diritti reali ha condotto parte della dottrina a giustificarne l'ammissibilità ritenendo che esso trasformerebbe il diritto d'abitazione in un altro diritto reale (con conseguente mancata creazione di un diritto reale atipico). In tale ottica, in sede interpretativa potrebbe ritenersi che, con la stipulazione del patto di libera trasferibilità, le parti abbiano inteso in realtà costituire un diritto d'usufrutto, ovvero stipulare un contratto di comodato o di locazione, o che comunque tale diverso diritto esse avrebbero inteso costituire qualora fossero state a conoscenza della nullità del patto (arg. ex art. 1424 cod. civ.). Diversa dall'ipotesi del preventivo patto di cedibilità è quella del trasferimento del diritto con contestuale costituzione in atto di nudo proprietario ed habitator. In tal caso, infatti, il trasferimento potrebbe ottenersi attraverso una rinuncia abdicativa ( la quale deve avere forma scritta art.1350 n.5 e deve essere trascritta ai sensi dell'articolo 2643 n.5) da parte dell'habitator al proprio diritto, con conseguente espansione della nuda proprietà in proprietà piena in virtù del principio di elasticità del dominio. Alla luce di tali premesse, può osservarsi quanto segue. L' intrasferibilità di un diritto reale viene ad incidere anche sulla valutazione del legislatore in ordine all' ipotecabilità del medesimo. La non assoggettabilità ad ipoteca non è conseguenza necessaria dell'inalienabilità, e in diversi casi, pur essendo prevista l'intrasferibilità del diritto, non si esclude che il diritto stesso possa essere ipotecato. Tuttavia, qualora l'intrasferibilità sia connessa, come nel caso dell'abitazione alla natura del diritto, e dunque all'esigenza di preservarne l'identità, che sarebbe invece compromessa dalla circolazione del diritto, le medesime ragioni che valgono ad escluderne l'alienabilità assumono valore determinante anche al fine di escluderne l'assoggettabilità ad ipoteca. E' pacifico l'orientamento secondo il quale il diritto di abitazione, come quello d'uso e il diritto di servitù, non può essere oggetto di ipoteca in quanto non è ricompreso nell'elencazione dell'articolo 2810 del codice civile. L'ipotecabilità di tale diritto non è prevista nemmeno da leggi speciali. Pertanto deve ritenersi che il diritto di abitazione sia inidoneo ad essere oggetto d'ipoteca anche a causa del suo carattere inalienabile. Nel secondo capitolo è stato affrontato il diritto di abitazione spettante al coniuge superstite. La norma di riferimento, l'articolo 540 comma secondo, si trova, com'è noto, nella parte del libro II dedicato ai diritti spettanti ai legittimari e alla loro tutela, e la sua ratio - secondo la Corte Costituzionale (sentenza n. 310 del 26 maggio 1989) va ricercata nella tutela di interessi non patrimoniali quali la conservazione della memoria del coniuge scomparso, il mantenimento del tenore di vita, delle relazioni sociali e degli status symbols goduti durante il matrimonio. La natura giuridica dei diritti ex articolo 540 comma secondo non solo riveste notevole interesse teorico al fine di testare la "messa a punto" degli ingranaggi del complesso meccanismo successorio, ma costituisce un imprescindibile punto di partenza per affrontare - e provare a risolvere - tutte le implicazioni di carattere pratico ed operativo che si presentano all'operatore del diritto. Il diritto di abitazione si "attiva" solo in presenza di determinati presupposti: 1) viene, innanzitutto, in rilievo un PRESUPPOSTO SOGGETTIVO Deve infatti esistere un CONIUGE SUPERSTITE al momento dell'apertura della successione. Il presupposto soggettivo è rispettato anche se il coniuge superstite sia SEPARATO CONSENSUALMENTE o SENZA ADDEBITO? L'articolo 585 c.c. attribuisce al coniuge separato consensualmente o senza addebito gli stessi diritti successori spettanti al coniuge non separato, per cui dovremmo - sulla base di un'applicazione letterale e rigorosa della norma - affermare che ad esso spetti anche il diritto di abitare la casa familiare. Senonchè, in tal caso, risulta "imbarazzante" parlare di abitazione adibita a "residenza familiare" e la norma non avrebbe ragione di essere applicata, venuta meno la sua ratio così come individuata dalla corte costituzionale. 2) viene, poi, in rilievo, quale PRESUPPOSTO OGGETTIVO indispensabile per l'operatività della disciplina in oggetto, l'esistenza di una CASA ADIBITA A RESIDENZA FAMILIARE DI PROPRIETÀ DEL DEFUNTO O COMUNE. Coerentemenente dovrebbe anche sostenerne la sua TRASCRIVIBILITA' A ciò, tuttavia, si oppongono ragioni di ordine pratico: per l'esecuzione della formalità è necessario uno dei titoli previsti dall'articolo 2648 c.c. che, evidentemente, mancano ogniqualvolta si apra una successione legittima. ; The present work aims the purpose of analyzing certain aspects related to the real right of residence, with special reference to the prohibition of the sale of that right under article 1024 of the Civil Code. This issue is also closely related to other practical aspects, such as ipotecabilità and espropriabilità predicted real right. In particular appeared to be investigated preliminarily certain profiles of general questions about the right to housing, to the extent that they were functional reconstruction attempted to propose. To this end, they dealt with some aspects, such as the legal nature and assumptions subjective and objective, as it was considered preparatory to the continuation of the discussion. In particular, the exclusion of the right of 'house from the list of rights ipotecabili raised several issues in doctrine and in jurisprudence. The inadequacy of that law to be the subject of mortgage registration have to be assessed in the light of their own discipline. The right of residence permit the holder to live in a house, "limited to his needs and his family" (Art. 1022 cod. Civ.). The relationship that develops as a result of the establishment of the right is founded sull'intuitus personae, both in terms of the content of the law and in terms of the relationship dell'habitator with the property owner. The limitation of the right to meet the needs of its owner, in fact, on the one hand implies that his transfer to a third party could changing its content, with possible harm to the owner; the other implies that if the house appears wider than the needs dell'habitator, the owner will enjoy it for the excess: the holder of the real right of residence would not in fact entitled to oppose the interference of the owner, to the extent where this does not harassing the free enjoyment of the other part of the house. Also in this second profile emerges the personality of the report, being relevant to the owner the person of the right holder, with which it could also be having to live. These reasons are the rationale for the prohibition of the sale and lease of the right in question, pursuant to art. 1024 cod. civ. This prohibition is in turn the basis for exclusion of the right of residence (and use) the list of rights ipotecabili art. 2810 cod. civ. The realization of the cause of guarantee, in fact, implies that the situation substantially deducted as an object of the mortgage is alienable, unable to imagine a forced sale of the right of where this can not freely dispose of the holder. Probably this is also linked to the specification laid down by. 2810 n. 1) cod. civ., why are ipotecabili properties "that are on the market." The eligibility enrollment mortgage on the right of residence demands acknowledgment of its portability, so it is necessary to analyze the scope of the prohibition of the sale of such right place art. 1024 cod. civ. As mentioned, in fact, such a ban is placed in order to protect the position of the property owner, and therefore in defense of the interests of private nature: the rule would be applicable where it is otherwise entitled constitutive, while with the agreement owner and habitator could be foreseen a more or less free transferability, thanks to permission from the legal provision is intended to protect. About it has been argued that the prohibition of the sale not only is willing to protect the position of the bare owner, but is part of the content of the law, because the variation of the holder are intended to vary the demands under which the content of that law is equated. In this context, the possibility that it circles, albeit with the consent of the bare owner, would make variable the scope of the right, resulting in violation of the principle of typicality and the quantitative ceiling of the real rights, as would be altered the characteristic features typical of the discipline of the institute. If you consider it acceptable in such observations should therefore be concluded that the prohibition in Article. 1024 cod. civ. is unavoidable even with the consent of the bare owner against concerned. The principle of typicality and the quantitative ceiling of real rights, in fact, is designed to protect the interests of a general nature, and therefore value journalism. This principle, as is known, meets the need to enable third parties to be previously aware of the existence of weights or constraints opposable erga omnes, resulting in protection of the legal trade; also pursues the socio-economic utility to preserve, as far as possible, the freedom, the absoluteness and fullness of landed property, and then rises to the principle of constitutional significance. Another basis for the prohibition was also found indirectly in the provision of art. 1372 c. 3 cod. civ., it is inhibited to the parties entering into contracts with real effects beyond the cases provided by law. Moreover, proponents of the ban dell'inderogabilità believe that it is not applicable to the right of residence discipline that allows the transfer of the usufruct for a time or for its entire duration, if not prohibited by the title of incorporation (art. 980 cod . Civ.), lacking in this case the compatibility between disciplines required by art. 1026 cod. civ. Nell'usufrutto, in fact, the protection of the bare owner comes from the fact that the maximum duration of the right levied on the property in its ownership is anchored to the duration of the original usufruct of it consists. Consequently, the transfer of the right might not produce a further limitation to the full extend of the proprietary right. Otherwise, in the event of transfer of the right to housing, the changing needs of the owner and his family can not play on a covenantal a limitation of the right to property that is indifferent to the bare owner: the coincidence of the needs of the transferor and of his family with the assignee and his family, in fact, represent a verifiable data only in retrospect. The difficulty of reconciling the pact in derogation from the prohibition of the sale of the right of residence to the principle of typicality of property rights has led some commentators to justify their eligibility believing that it would transform the right of residence in another real right ( resulting in failure to create a real right atypical). In this context, in the interpretative could be considered that, with the signing of the pact of free transferability, the parties intended to actually be a right to use, or enter into a contract of loan or lease, or that such a different law they would be understood if they had been aware of the invalidity of the covenant (arg. art. 1424 cod. civ.). Different from the hypothesis of the budget pact transferability is that of the transfer of the right with simultaneous constitution in place of bare owner and habitator. In this case, the transfer could be obtained through a waiver abdicativa (which must be in writing and must be transcribed art.1350 n.5 under Article 2643 # 5) by dell'habitator his right, resulting in expansion of the bare property in full ownership by virtue of the principle of elasticity domain. In light of the foregoing, it can be observed the following. The 'non-transferability of a real right is to affect also the assessment of the legislature in order to' ipotecabilità thereof. The not being subject to mortgage is not necessary consequence inalienability, and in several cases, even though there is the non-transferability of the right, it is possible that the law itself may be mortgaged. However, where the non-transferability is connected, as in the case of the dwelling to the nature of the right, and therefore the need to preserve the identity, which would be affected by the movement of the right, the same reasons as apply to exclude the alienability take decisive value also in order to exclude the liability to mortgage. And 'peaceful orientation according to which the right to housing, such as the right of use and easement, can not be the subject of mortgage as there is included in listing of Article 2810 of the Civil Code. The ipotecabilità of this right is not provided even by special laws. Therefore, it must be held that the right to housing is unfit to be the subject of mortgage also because of its inalienable character. In the second chapter was addressed the right to housing payable to the surviving spouse. The reference standard, Article 540 paragraph two, is, as is well known, in part II of the book devoted to the rights due to the heirs and their protection, and its ratio - according to the Constitutional Court (judgment no. 310 of 26 May 1989) to be found in the protection of non-pecuniary interests such as the conservation of the memory of deceased spouse, maintaining the standard of living, social relations and status symbols enjoyed during the marriage. The legal nature of the rights under Article 540 paragraph two not only of considerable theoretical interest in order to test the "fine tuning" of the gears of the complex mechanism of inheritance, but is an essential starting point to address - and try to solve - all practical and operational implications that are presented to the operator's right. The right to housing is "active" only under certain conditions: 1) is, first, raised a ASSUMPTION SUBJECTIVE Must in fact exist a SURVIVING SPOUSE upon opening of the succession. The subjective condition is fulfilled even if the surviving spouse is a separate agreement or WITHOUT CHARGE? Article 585 of the Civil Code attaches to the separated spouse or consensually without charge the same inheritance rights pertaining to the spouse not separated, so we should - based on a literal application of the standard and rigorous - say that it is also entitled the right to inhabit the family home. Except that, in this case, is "embarrassing" to speak of dwelling used as a "family home" and the norm would have no reason to apply, failed its ratio as identified by the Constitutional Court. 2) is, then, in relief, which ASSUMPTION OBJECTIVE indispensable for the operation of the discipline in question, the existence of a HOUSE USED AS A FAMILY RESIDENCE OR COMMON PROPERTY OF THE DECEASED. Coerentemenente should also sustain its TRASCRIVIBILITA ' To this, however, oppose practical reasons: for the execution of the formalities you need one of the securities provided for in Article 2648 cc who obviously lacking whenever you open a legitimate succession. ; Dottorato di ricerca in Persona, impresa e lavoro: dal diritto interno a quello internazionale (XXVII ciclo)

In 2009 the Gabonese authorities defined a new vision whose strategic guidelines are detailed in an operational plan, the strategic plan for an emerging Gabon (PSGE) whose goal is to turn Gabon into an emerging country within one generation. PSGE includes an ambitious public investment program to develop basic infrastructure and to create the necessary economic environment for the emergence of a diversified economy. The major challenge for PSGE, and how it can be different from previous development plans, will be to become a growth model that is both sustainable and inclusive, leading to a significant improvement in the revenue and living conditions of all Gabonese people. This report is a contribution to the debate on how to achieve this goal. It was developed as part of the implementation of a new World Bank intervention strategy in Gabon wherein competitiveness and employment is the first pillar. It identifies the main obstacles to the low impact of economic growth on employment in Gabon and makes recommendations that will foster dialogue between the World Bank and the Gabonese authorities on the subject. The report is divided into three parts: (i) an analysis of Gabons economic performance since the independence and its effect on employment, (ii) an analysis of the main characteristics of the labor market, and (iii) a review of the main obstacles to job creation. The conclusion recommends some options for reforming the labor market as well as the legal and institutional framework for employment promotion in Gabon.

Women, business and the law focuses on this critical piece of the puzzle, objectively highlighting differentiations on the basis of gender in 141 economies around the world, covering six areas: accessing institutions, using property, getting a job, providing incentives to work, building credit and going to court. Women, business and the law describes regional trends and shows how economies are changing across these six areas, tracking governments' actions to expand economic opportunities for women. For men and women throughout the developing world, the chance to start and run a business or get a good job is the surest hope for a way out of poverty. It also requires good business regulation, suited to the purpose, streamlined and accessible, so that the opportunity to build a business or have a good job is dependent not on connections, wealth or power, but on an individual's initiative and ability. The doing business report has led the way in providing data to countries about creating a sounder and more streamlined business environment. Women, Business, and the Law 2012 are the second in this series of reports. This edition retains the same basic structure of the 2010 pilot edition, while significantly expanding the depth of data covered. While the number of topics covered is the same, there has been a significant expansion of the data collected within these topics, thus addressing some of the initial shortcomings of the pilot edition. The number of economies covered has also been expanded from 128 to 141.

Botswana has had a stable democratic government and good governance since independence in 1966. With a sustained high average economic growth (about 9 percent) fueled by the diamond mining industry, it is the only country in Africa listed among the 13 'economic miracles' of the world for 1960-2005. The total fertility rate remains high in Sub-Saharan Africa, with 25 countries showing a rate greater than 5.0. In contrast, Botswana experienced the greatest fertility decline in the region during 1980-2006, with the total fertility rate decreasing from 7.1 in 1981 to 3.2 in 2006. The Botswana national family planning program, judged the strongest in Africa, contributed to this decline. The government strongly committed to meeting family planning needs, integrated maternal and child health/family planning (MCH/FP) and sexually transmitted infection (STI) services in 1973. The government spends about 18 percent of its total budget on health, a higher proportion than the Abuja declaration's target of 15 percent.

Pakistan was selected as a case study because of its estimated 40 percent decline in fertility between 1980 and 2006. Pakistan's high fertility rate began to decline gradually after the late 1980s and has continued to fall since then, though progress has been uneven and there have been signs of a slowdown in recent years. Unlike the other four case study countries (Algeria, Botswana, Iran, and Nicaragua), the history of fertility reduction in Pakistan has not been an overwhelming success story but rather a story of challenges, partial responses, and shortcomings that offer abundant lessons for other high-fertility countries as well as planners in Pakistan.

This brief summarizes some of the significant constraints women in Middle East and North Africa (MENA) face: limited labor market mobility, a mismatch between skills acquired in school and what is in demand in the labor market, and legal or institutional factors related to cultural norms, all of which inhibit the transition from school to work. The brief identifies various policy options and outlines the World Bank's strategy for supporting governments in achieving gender parity in the region. Rigorous analytical work, experimental policy pilots and lending operations with a strong gender focus all form part of the Bank's strategy towards reducing gender gaps in economic opportunities.

Health is a direct source of human welfare and also an instrument for raising income levels. The authors discuss a number of mechanisms through which health can affect income, focusing on worker productivity, children's education, savings and investment, and demographic structure. As well as the impact of current illness, health may have large effects on prospective life spans and life cycle behavior. Studies suggest there may be a large effect of health and nutrition in uteri, and in the first few years of life, on physical and cognitive development and economic success as an adult. Macroeconomic evidence for an effect on growth is mixed, with evidence of a large effect in some studies. However, there is a possibility that gains from health may be outweighed by the effect of increased survival on population growth, until a fertility transition occurs. The low cost of some health interventions that have large-scale effects on population health makes health investments a promising policy tool for growth in developing countries. In addition, higher priority could be given to tackling widespread 'neglected' diseases that is, diseases with low mortality burdens that are not priorities from a pure health perspective, but that do have substantial effects on productivity.

FEMALE REPRESENTATIVE AND RESISTANCE IN OKA RUSMINI'S EARTH DANCE Mita Hati Priyantini English Literature, Faculty of Language and Arts, Surabaya State University. Mitahati@rocketmail.com Mamik Triwedawati SS. M.Pd. English Department, Faculty of Language and Arts, Surabaya State University Abstrak Novel Earth Dance merupakan novel karya Oka Rusmini yang menyuarakan kaum subordinasi seperti wanita maupun queer. Dalam tesis ini, penelitian di lakukan terhadap dua tokoh representatif yakni Telaga sebagai tokoh utama dalam novel dan Kenten sebagai karakter queer. Dengan demikian, dapat di rumuskan tiga masalah yaitu (1) Bagaimana penggambaran representatif wanita dalam novel Earth Dance oleh Oka Rusmini; (2) Bagaimana representatif memimpin perlawanan dalam novel Earth Dance oleh Oka Rusmini; dan (3) Bagaimana dampak dari perlawanan terhadap tokoh-tokoh dalam novel Earth Dance oleh Oka Rusmini. Data dari tesis ini di ambil dari novel sebagai sumber utama dan membaca intensif untuk langkah berikutnya. Untuk menjawab semua masalah, penelitian menggunakan teori Feminisme untuk menggambarkan representatif dan perlawanan perempuan, baik penyebab dan dampakanya. Penelitian kepustakaan di gunakan sebagai data pendukung dalam analisis. Selanjutnya, deskripsi analisis di gunakan untuk menjelaskan hasil analisis. Setelah merumuskan tiga masalah dan langkah penelitian di atas, di temukan bahwa representatif wanita yang melakukan perlawanan di sebabkan karena adanya dominasi laki-laki yang meminggirkan wanita dalam konteks budaya Bali. Namun, pada akhirnya perlawanan wanita tetap mendapatkan hukuman dari para dewa yang harus di terima. Kata Kunci: wanita, representatif dan perlawanan. Abstract Earth Dance is novel by Oka Rusmini which championing the subordinate group such as woman or queer. In this thesis, the study is focused on two representative characters; they are Telaga as the main character and Kenten as a queer character in the novel. Thus, there are three problems which will describe in this study (1) how is female representative depicted in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance; (2) how is female representative leads to female resistance in Oka Rusmini's Earth dance; and (3) how is the impact of female resistance in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance characters. The data from this thesis are taken from novel as the main source and intensive reading for the next step. To answer the three problems, the research use theory of Feminism to depict female representative and resistance, whether the cause and impact to the doer. Library research is used as supporting data in analysis. Next is the analysis description used to explain the result of analysis. after the discussion the three problems above, the result is, that female representative did the resistance is because the male domination which subordinate them in the context of Balinese custom. Yet, in the end, these female resistance have to willingly accept their punishment from the gods. Key words : woman, representative and resistance. INTODUCTION The term of women derives from rakta swanita which means women's seed. Balinese custom were originates from Hinduism, in which the concept of Balinese women is contiguous as Hindu women; they are born, lived and are bound with their desa adat. The concept of of unity between men and women is called arddanisvarimurthi in which men and women are described to complete each other. While Balinese custom establish the joint responsibility of a marriage couple for sociopolitical and religious duties, the earlier ethnography of Bali has often associated men as the heads of the households with the role of representing households (Nakatani, 1997:727). Nakatani found that Balinese women have not only double but also triple roles. This research is done on women's roles in her family as a wife and mother, their social roles and a breadwinner in the custom. At the end, she calls Balinese women as wonder women. If super women are demanded to do their house chores as well as their career, 'wonder women' are demanded to do their role in desa adat as one of the characteristic of Balinese women. Bali which is known as the patriarchal system which oppressed women to will under men's dominance. Balinese custom arranged women to submissive to their husband though the women is in a high caste or lower caste status without a protest (Chaitanya, 2010:4-5). For Balinese women, the primary tasks are to produce a good quality children, fostering balance and harmony within family and to work as a family team in society/adat (Suyadnya, 2006:6). In the previous age, Balinese women are work in the house and made songket to earn more money and fulfill the household needs. Married women in Balinese have also roles in maintaining the ritual represented their household. They must take care of preparation and presentation of offering, ceremonial gift-giving and ritual assistance as their main task or they divide the certain task, especially the presentation of offering and gift-giving to their daughter or another female member in the house (Nakatani, 1997:736-737). Through Nakatani's definition of women, that the society prejudice women's main chores are to maintaining the household and take care of their family and it has become obstacles for their career. Most of Oka rusmini's works break taboo to tradition and vividly talking about body and erotic caused much controversy among her family, friends and even society who read her works. They might be disturbed, but she ignored. As an author, she can do something expressing her dissatisfaction, unhappiness and anxiety via the written words. Oka had produced three novel, collection of short stories and poetry, those are, Tarian Bumi (Earth Dance translated into English by Lontar foundation and German as Erdentanz), Putu Menolong Tuhan (Putu Helps His God, translated in English by Vern Cork), Sagra, Pemahat Abad (The Sculptor of the Century, translated in English by Pamela Allen), Tempurung, and Pattiwangi. In every her novels, poetry, and short stories, Oka Rusmini works are ingenious in the sense that focus almost solely on female characters and convey feminine perspective in a consistent and provocative manner. In addition to critiquing the caste system, which in her view is very much shaped and controlled by patriarchal system in Balinese Hindu, Oka depicts competition and tension among her main female characters, and this competition can often be fierce, sometimes even be violent. She explores without reservation the positive as well as the negative qualities of Balinese women from both social groups., but at the same time she never forget to reiterate that patriarchy bears the ultimate responsibility for the social problem related to the caste system. Based on background of the study above, it can be simplify the three problems which emerge as the discussion in this study. How is the female representative depicted in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance? How does female representative leads to female resistance in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance? How is the impact of female resistance in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance characters? In analyzing the data, this study use the theory of feminism. The theory of female resistance contains the definition of female representative which leads to resistance and the impact to the main character in the novel. RESEARCH METHOD In carrying out the study, the library reasearch, which used for literary work deal with this study, is basically descriptive and qualitative research. Most of the data collected from many speech dialogue in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance as the object analysis which define into twenty chapter in the novel. Earth Dance was firstly published by Indonesia Tera, Magelang, Indonesia in 2000 and was originally serialized in the newspaper Republika, 4 march-8 April 1997. The data is analyzed by using feminism criticism, which is why the librarian research is used as the method. Conducting this analysis will be used to answer the questions in the statement of the problems. The procedure of analysis divided as follows; (1) The first step is to collect data speeches, thoughts, and quotations which have relation to the discussion, (2) Then clasify the data of speeches, thought and quotations to the Telaga and Kenten as the object of analysis, (3) Selecting quotations of the data are finally analyzed by the theories that are mentioned above to describe the concept of female resistance, (4) The ideal characteristic of female resistance begins with the description of female in this novel in order to know what is the impact on Telaga's character as the main character through other characters, (5) Finally, to depict the characterization of Telaga and the impact of female resistance to indicate the significance of resistance in Telaga's personality, the analysis is done by the theories that have been mentioned in preeceding explanation. ANALYSIS The first question will be revealed the main problem that focuse on how female representative in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance. In this discussion, the female representative divide into three sub-chapters; (1) Physical description of Ida Ayu Telaga Pidada as a brahmana, (2) physical description of Kenten as a lesbian character, and (3) diferentiate of language uses between brahmana and sudra. The second question will be revealed the second problem which focuse on how is female resistance in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance. The discussion is emerge the main character rebells her own fate as a brahmana and female queer character who ignores the society which determine her as queer. The last question is, how is the impact of female resistance to the main character will be revealed by the discussion which divide into four sub-chapters; (1) punishment for rebel the caste system, (2) Telaga exilled from griya, (3) Telaga changing caste, and (4) Kenten isolated from society. Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance brings up the issues of gender and class-society. Narrated by Ida Ayu Telaga surrounded by four women who shapes Telaga's character and resist from her own custom, which in Telaga's mind was unfair. Telaga is a brahmana woman who feels trapped and unhappy with her own caste and custom. Her mother was a sudra who ambitious to married only to brahmana man. One the issue which cause problematic among woman is physical appearance. It is like that they were race as the most beautiful among others. Physical appearance of main character in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance Telaga is describe as beauty as a goddess and belongs to brahmana. Made the other girls envy of her. When she was danced oleg, it had always been a public secret that nobody could surpass Ida Ayu Telaga Pidada. Oleg is a dance of love, a dance about delights of romance, about the beauty of courtship (Earth Dance, 2011:13). One of the prominently character named Kenten. She is a best friend of Sekar and also the female queer character. She is a commoner and living only with her mother. Her father was disappeared and doesn't mention in the novel. she was a woman with ten men power and well built phsically strong. Kenten realizes since the begining of her different in desire. Although, she has to play the role of woman, especially in every month when a blood flows between her two legs. She needs to cleanse her body every month. Language system to caste is describes in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance in some of dialogues and monologue of Telaga's, as in evident in Telaga's speak as third-person narratives below: "Telaga considered him as an idiot, but an idiot who she had to approach with respectful titles: aji – noble father, or ratu – lord. He was a man without character; a man who could be proud of nothing but his masculinity. How could she trust him? As a child, Ida Ayu Telaga Pidada had ashamed to call him her respected father. Telaga's father had an Ida Bagus as a father and Ida Ayu as a mother, so people said his noble blood was of the very highest carat. And so, Telaga had to call this man she hardly knew "Ratu"." (P.17) Through the quotation above is proving that Language uses was strictly adhered by Balinese people. In the past infringement of these rules were harshly punished by fines and even debt slavery. Today, the extreme of language use have been largely abandoned because these sanction can no longer be applied. In Balinese caste system, everything has arranged even in the language uses. The Balinese language is itself a hierarchical, while most words have only one form and is thus insensitie to status; some 1,500 everyday words have two or more lexemes which are hierachically ranked and thus status highly sensitive. The basic rule is that the inferior must uses refined when speaking to a superior caste, whereas superior may use less refined to inferior caste (Howe, 2005:113). In Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance brings up the issues of gender and class-society. Narrated by Ida Ayu Telaga surrounded by four women who shapes Telaga's character and resist from her own custom, which in Telaga's mind was unfair. Telaga is a brahmana woman who feels trapped and unhappy with her own caste and custom. Her mother was a sudra who ambitious to married only to brahmana man. Throughout her entire childhood, Telaga witnesses the oppresive forces of adat and their impact on her mother, wondering if this is what it means to be a noble woman. She can only oppose the practice silently, asking herself many questions while watching the harsh life that her mother has to endure as an ex-sudra woman who has dared to enter the sacred brahmana realm. Telaga's own daily life is mostly confined by the griya walls and the complex rules that regulate her almost every move. Telaga's state of mind with regard to all these restriction is conveyed by free indirect speech. "Unfortunately, she could not enjoy that time for long. Telaga inevitably had to return this borrowed era to Life. She wished she could trick her way back into childhood, even just for a day or two. If only she could, she would grab that time and hide it so Life couldn't find it and ask Telaga for its return. But Telaga could not persuade all-powerful Life to compromise. Life insisted on the following of rigid rules: rules that could not be bent, even slightly." (P.57) The quotation blur's the narrator voice and what occur's in Telaga's mind. The narrator is involved emotionally in Telaga's lament concerning her lost childhood because of her noble status. Telaga is actually complaining about the gods' cruel decision to snatch her childhood so quickly from her, but such complain can only be uttered in the form of a monologue. And moreover, it is softened to the point that it sounds more like nagging than protesting, as if Telaga wants to be sure that it will not offend the gods. Differ from Telaga, Kenten is sudra and the queer character who has different desire for mostly normal women. in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance who describe as a stubborn woman. No one dared to bother her. Like Luh Sekar, she disdains men, but whereas Luh Sekar is willing to use men to achieve her ambitions, Luh Kenten does not need men and never intends to marry one for any reason. The novel describes her as a lesbian. She feels sexually aroused by looking at Sekar's naked body, but develops an aversion towards her own feminine body. As the result of resistance, female representative in the novel are willingly to receive the consequences of their desire against the rules. The main characters in the novel; Telaga and queer character; Kenten, are the most impacted because of their desire to resistance from the persistent custom which subordinate them. The consequences which had to be submissive by Telaga and Kenten will impact on their entire life. Delueze explain that power do not repression of desire, instead it is the expansion of desire (Colebrook, 2002:91). Ideology is take the concepts of how individual acts against their interest. Colebrook framed that feminity seen in the Jane Austen's or any novelistic composition of character describes on the fabrics, skin colour, gestures, rhythms of speech and body parts – the thiness of waist which it is become the misspresented of ideological stereotypes of woman. Woman is a group of socialy coded affect and intensities that have gone into making up the image of personhood (Colebrook, 2002:93). It is the law of Balinese hinduism if a noble woman who marry man bellow their caste will be exilled from her house. She no longger posses nobility and she cann't posses everything from her former house. Her child will be her husband caste (Avelling, 2006:2). Telaga and Wayan couldn't bear the feelings any longer even they tried harder to ignore it. So, they decide to face every risk which confronts them. Begin with Telaga who exilled from griya and do not allowed to bring anything from her former house. She her child must join to Wayan's caste as a sudra and living with her mother-in-law who opposes her marry to her only son. Yet, because Telaga is no longer a brahmana, she must address everyone in griya with the highest title – Ratu. The worst of it, Wayan found dead in his studio. Telaga had to endure Wayan's mother and sister who since begining didn't accept she coming to their house. Luh Gumbreg who realize that Telaga didn't get blessing from her family before she married with Wayan, ask Telaga to held pattiwangi ritual. The ritual which is remove the noble status from noble woman who marry a commoner. The ritual is also become the reminder for the others noble women to not do the same thing as Telaga. CONCLUSION Oka Rusmini is a Balinese writer who assert Balinese tradition in every her novel. Earth Dance is one of her novel which brings up the issue of female representative who resist against subordination. The main character, Ida Ayu Telaga as the narrator, represent female in high class-caste society who against the people grouping in Hinduism. Divide people into four categories and determine them based those categories. The higher the class-caste, the more they receive privilages and subordinate the lowest caste. While, the queer character – Kenten as a commoner must facing society's judge because her queerness. Both Telaga and Kenten who are representative their female in Balinese society and resist with their own ways. Telaga choose to betray her caste by marrying a commoner – Wayan Sasmita, and receive insult whether from people in griya even her own mother and from Wayan's family. She is no longer a noble woman, instead she is a commoner such her husband. Her child also bear the caste of her husband as a commoner. Through Telaga's action, she unintentionally purify her mother's past mistake by marry a brahmana man. Kenanga who was a pragina is a sudra who ambitious marry only to a brahmana man, after she finally marry Ida Bagus Tugur – Telaga's father, she never living a peace. Ida Bagus Tugur was marry Kenanga only to posses Kenanga's body. Differ from Telaga, Kenten as a female queer resist from her society by ignoring people's jugdements. Kenten is Kenanga's close friend. They become closer because of people in the village consider them as a shame. Since Kenanga was kid, her father caught for joining the Communist party, and since then people judge her as a communist's daughter. Kenten who desire for Kenanga's body could only keeping a secret for herself. No one she could confide in, although everybody in the village knews her intimacy with Kenanga. It can be conclude that female representative in Oka Rusmini's Earth Dance resist from rules that subordinate them. The rules which determine them to be truely woman who submissive to their husband and family. A woman who strong and balance the household. As the consequences of their resistance, they should abandon and willingly receive what destiny determine them according to the Balinese Hinduism law. REFERENCES Andrini, Susi. 2003. "Oka Rusmini's Pen Breaks Tradition". Dalam The Jakarta Post, 24 Januari. Jakarta. Blair, Emily. 2007. Virginia Woolf And The Ninetenth-Century Domestic Novel. New York: New York Press. Colebrook, Claire. 2002. Routledge Critical Thinker: Gilles Delueze. London: Routledge Darma Putra, I Nyoman. 2011. A Literary Mirror: Balinese reflections on modernity and identity in the twentieth century. Nethrlands: KITVL Press. Howe, Leo. 2005. The Canging World of Bali Religion Society and Tourism. Abingdon: Routledge. Morton, Stephen. 2003. Routledge Critical Thinker: Gayatri Cakravorty Spivak. London: Routledge. Homer, Sean. 2005. Routledge Critical Thinker: Jacques Lacan. Abingdon: Routledge McAfee, Noëlle. 2004. Routledge Critical Thinker: Julia Kristeva. London: Routledge Salih, Sara. 2002. Routledge Critical Thinker: Judith Butler. London: Routledge. Thornham, Sue. 2000. Feminist Theory and Cultural Studies: Stories of Unsetted Relation. Terjemahan Asma Bey Mahyudin. Yogyakarta: Jalasutra. Internet Source: Nakatani, A. 1997. Private or Public?: Defining Female Roles in The Balinese Ritual Domain. Southeast Asian Studies, (Online), Vol 34, Nomor 4, (http://repository.kulib.kyotou.ac.jp/dspace/bitstream/2433/56616/1/KJ00000131966.pdf?origin=publication_detail diakses 12 Februari 2014). Wayan Suyadnya, I. 2006. Balinese Women and Identities: Are They Trapped In Tradition, Globalization Or Both?, (Online), (http://qjournal.co.id/new/index.php/paper/1598/balinese-women-and-identities-are-they-trapped-in-traditions-globalization-or-both-, Diakses 12 Februari 2014). Bell, Millicent. 1986. Female Regional Writing: An American Tradition. Revue française d'études américaines, (Online), No. 30, (http://www.jstor.org/stable/20873460, diakses 26 Januari 2014). Zatlin, Phyllis, 1987. Women Novelists in Democratic Spain: Freedom to Express the Female Perspective. Anales de la literatura española contemporánea, (online), Vol. 12, No. 1/2, (http://www.jstor.org/stable/27741803, diakses 26 Januari 2014). Rodgers, Audrey T. 1979. Images of Women: A Female Perspective. College Literature, (online), Vol.6, Nomor 1, (http://www.jstor.org/stable/25111245, diakses 26 Januari 2014). Peacock, Martha M. 1993-94. Geertruydt Roghman and the Female Perspective in 17th-Century Dutch Genre Imagery. Woman's Art Journal, (online), Vol. 14, Nomor 2. (http://www.jstor.org/stable/1358443, diakses 26 Januari 2014). Niehof, A. 1998. The changing lives of Indonesian women; Contained emancipation under pressure, (online), (http://www.kitlv-journals.nl, diakses 12 Februari 2014).

Author's introductionThe media landscape has changed dramatically in recent decades, from one predominated by traditional mass communication formats to today's more personalized communications environment. Mobile telephony plays a central role in this transition, with adoption rates that surpass even those of the Internet. This article attempts to situate the role of mobile communication technology in the changing media environment by examining key areas of social change associated with its widespread diffusion and use. These areas include symbolic meaning of technology, new forms of coordination and social networking, personalization of public spaces, and the mobile youth culture. Drawing from these areas of change, we advance the argument that mobile telephony is iconic of a larger socio‐technological shift toward a new 'personal communication society.'Author recommendsRheingold, Howard 2002. Smart Mobs: The Next Social Revolution. Cambridge, MA: Basic Books.From Tokyo to Helsinki, Manhattan to Manila, Howard Rheingold takes us on a journey around the world for a preview of the next techno‐cultural shift – a shift he predicts will be as dramatic as the widespread adoption of the PC in the 1980s and the Internet in the 1990s. The coming wave, says Rheingold, is the result of super‐efficient mobile communications – cellular phones, personal digital assistants, and wireless‐paging and Internet‐access devices that will allow us to connect with anyone, anywhere, anytime. From the amusing ('Lovegetty' devices in Japan that light up when a person with the right date‐potential characteristics appears in the vicinity) to the extraordinary (the overthrow of a repressive regime in the Philippines by political activists who mobilized by forwarding text messages via cell phones), Rheingold gives examples of the fundamentally new ways in which people are already engaging in group or collective action. He also considers the dark side of this phenomenon, such as the coordination of terrorist cells, threats to privacy, and the ability to incite violent behavior. Applying insights from sociology, artificial intelligence, engineering, and anthropology, Rheingold offers a penetrating perspective on the brave new convergence of pop culture, cutting‐edge technology, and social activism. At the same time, he reminds us that, as with other technological revolutions, the real impact of mobile communications will come not from the technology itself but from how people use it, resist it, adapt to it, and ultimately use it to transform themselves, their communities, and their institutions.Katz, James E. and Mark A. Aakhus (eds.) 2002. Perpetual Contact: Mobile Communication, Private Talk, Public Performance. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.This edited volume contains a landmark collection of chapters from researchers all over the world. The book offers a multi‐national perspective on some of the key themes that were identified at the outset of the emergent new field of mobile communication studies, ranging from the private sphere of interpersonal relations to the public performance of social groups and structures. In their conclusion, the editors advance the theoretical orientation of Apparatgeist (translation: 'spirit of the machine') to explain cross‐cultural consistencies in how people conceptualize and use personal communication technologies such as the mobile phone.Ling, Rich 2004. The Mobile Connection: The Cell Phone's Impact on Society. San Francisco, CA: Morgan Kaufmann.This book, based on worldwide research involving tens of thousands of interviews and contextual observations, looks into the impact of the mobile communication on our daily lives. Areas of impact include accessibility, safety and security, coordination of social and business activities, use of public places, and the social emancipation of youth.Ito, Mizuko, Daisuke Okabe, and Misa Matsuda (eds.) 2005. Personal, Portable, Pedestrian: Mobile Phones in Japanese Life. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.This edited volume explores how Japan's enthusiastic engagement with mobile technology has become part of its trendsetting popular culture. The chapters document the emergence, incorporation, and domestication of mobile communications in a wide range of social practices and institutions. The book first considers the social, cultural, and historical context of keitai (i.e., mobile phone) development in Japan, including its beginnings in youth pager use in the early 1990s. It then discusses the virtually seamless integration of keitai use into everyday life, contrasting it to the more escapist character of Internet use on the PC. Other essays suggest that the use of mobile communication reinforces ties between close friends and family, producing 'tele‐cocooning' by tight‐knit social groups. The book also discusses mobile phone manners and examines keitai use by copier technicians, multitasking housewives, and school children.Castells, Manuel, Mireia Fernandez‐Ardevol, Jack Linchuan Qiu and Araba Sey 2007. Mobile Communication and Society: A Global Perspective. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.This book looks at how the possibility of multimodal communication from anywhere to anywhere at any time affects everyday life at home, at work, and at school, and raises broader concerns about politics and culture both global and local. Drawing on data gathered from around the world, the authors explore who has access to wireless technology, and why, and analyze the patterns of social differentiation seen in unequal access. They explore the social effects of wireless communication – what it means for family life, for example, when everyone is constantly in touch, or for the idea of an office when workers can work anywhere. The authors consider the rise of a mobile youth culture based on peer‐to‐peer networks, with its own language of texting, and its own values. They examine the phenomenon of flash mobs, and the possible political implications. And they look at the relationship between communication and development and the possibility that developing countries could 'leapfrog' directly to wireless and satellite technology. Drawing from a global body of research, the book helps answer the key questions about our transformation into a 'mobile network society'.Ling, Rich 2008. New Tech, New Ties: How Mobile Communication Reshapes Social Cohesion. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.In New Tech, New Ties, Rich Ling examines how the mobile telephone affects both mobile‐mediated and face to face interactions. Ling finds that through the use of various social rituals the mobile telephone strengthens social ties within the circle of friends and family – sometimes at the expense of interaction with those who are physically present – and creates what he calls 'bounded solidarity'. Ling argues that mobile communication helps to engender and develop social cohesion within the family and the peer group. Drawing on the work of Emile Durkheim, Erving Goffman, and Randall Collins, Ling shows that ritual interaction is a catalyst for the development of social bonding. From this perspective, he examines how mobile communication affects face‐to‐face ritual situations and how ritual is used in interaction mediated by mobile communication. He looks at the evidence, including interviews and observations from around the world, which documents the effect of mobile communication on social bonding and also examines some of the other possibly problematic issues raised by tighter social cohesion in small groups.Katz, James E. (ed.) 2008. Handbook of Mobile Communication Studies. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.This edited volume offers a comprehensive view of the cultural, family, and interpersonal consequences of mobile communication across the globe. Leading scholars analyze the effect of mobile communication on all parts of life, from the relationship between literacy and the textual features of mobile phones to the use of ringtones as a form of social exchange, from the 'aspirational consumption' of middle class families in India to the belief in parts of Africa and Asia that mobile phones can communicate with the dead. The contributors explore the ways mobile communication profoundly affects the tempo, structure, and process of daily life around the world. They discuss the impact of mobile communication on social networks, other communication strategies, traditional forms of social organization, and political activities. They consider how quickly miraculous technologies come to seem ordinary and even necessary – and how ordinary technology comes to seem mysterious and even miraculous. The chapters cut across social issues and geographical regions; they highlight use by the elite and the masses, utilitarian and expressive functions, and political and operational consequences. Taken together, the chapters demonstrate how mobile communication has affected the quality of life in both exotic and humdrum settings, and how it increasingly occupies center stage in people's lives around the world.Ling, Rich and Scott W. Campbell (eds.) Forthcoming in Fall/Winter 2008. The Reconstruction of Space and Time: Mobile Communication Practices. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.Mobile communication enables us to call specific individuals, not general places. This advancement had changed, and continues to change, human interaction. It also alters the ways people experience both space and time. This edited volume explores these changes through a collection of studies from some of the top mobile communication researchers from around the world. Collectively, the contributions highlight nuanced changes in coordination and cohesion across space and time, the ways people manage mobile communication and mobility in new spatio‐temporal realms, and how individuals relate to their co‐present surroundings while using mobile communication technology.Online materials Resource Center for Mobile Communication Studies http://www.scils.rutgers.edu/ci/cmcs/ The Center for Mobile Communication Studies is the world's first academic unit to focus solely on social aspects of mobile communication. Established in June 2004 at Rutgers University's School of Communication, Information and Library Studies, the Center has become an international focal point for research, teaching, and service on the social, psychological, and organizational consequences of the burgeoning mobile communication revolution. International Journal of Mobile Communication Studies https://www.inderscience.com/browse/index.php?journalID=40 The International Journal of Mobile Communication (IJMC), a fully refereed journal, publishes articles that present current practice and theory of mobile communications, mobile technology, and mobile commerce applications. The objectives of the IJMC are to develop, promote, and coordinate the development and practice of mobile communications. The IJMC aims to help professionals working in the field, academic educators, and policy makers to contribute, to disseminate knowledge, and to learn from each other's work. The international dimension is emphasised in order to overcome cultural and national barriers and to meet the needs of accelerating technological change and changes in the global economy. IJMC is an outstanding outlet that can shape a significant body of research in the field of mobile communications and in which results can be shared across institutions, governments, researchers, and students, and also industry. Wi: The Journal of Mobile Media http://wi‐not.ca/ Wi publishes the latest in Canadian mobilities research, encompassing disciplines such as design, engineering, computer science, communications, and media studies. MobileActive.org http://mobileactive.org/ MobileActive.org is an all‐volunteer community of people and organizations using mobile phones for social impact. They are committed to increasing the effectiveness of NGOs around the world who recognize that the 3.5 billion mobile phones provide unprecedented opportunities for organizing, communications, and service and information delivery. They work together to create the resources NGOs need to effectively use mobile phones in their work: locally relevant content and services, support and learning opportunities, and networks that help MobileActives connect to each other. With these things on hand, tens of thousands of NGOs will be in a better position to enrich and serve their communities. The MobileActive.org community includes grassroots activists, NGO staff, intermediary organizations, content and service providers, and organizations who fund mobile technology projects. Mobile Society http://www.mobilesociety.net/ Mobile Society is an academic research website focusing on social aspects of the mobile phone. The site includes links and information about news, events, publications, and other related sites pertaining to the social consequences of mobile communication. SmartMobs: The Next Social Revolution http://www.smartmobs.com/ A Website and Weblog about topics and issues discussed in the book 'Smart Mobs' by Howard Rheingold.Select sample syllabus topics and readings for course on 'the social consequences of mobile communication' History and adoption of the mobile phone

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 1: Introduction.
Castells et al. 2007. 'Mobile Communication and Society' Chapter 1: The Diffusion of Wireless Communication in the World.

Theoretical perspectives on the relationship between technology and society: Part 1, social and technological determinism

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 2: Making Sense of Mobile Telephone Adoption.
Campbell, Scott W. and Tracy C. Russo 2003. The Social Construction of Mobile Telephony. Communication Monographs 70: 317–34.

Theoretical perspectives on the relationship between technology and society: Part 2, the 'network' perspective

Castells, Manuel. 2000. 'The Rise of Network Society' Opening Chapter: The Network is the Message.
Castells et al. 2007. 'Mobile Communication and Society' Chapter 5: The Space of Flows, Timeless Time, and Mobile Networks.

Mobile communication in everyday life: Part 1, safety and security

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 3: Safety and Security.

Mobile communication in everyday life: Part 2: new forms of coordination

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 4: The Coordination of Everyday Life.

Mobile communication in everyday life: Part 3: new social networking practices

Ling, Rich and Birgitte Yttri. 2002. 'Hyper‐coordination via Mobile Phones in Norway' in Katz & Aakhus (eds.) Perpetual Contact.
Licoppe, Christian. 2003. 'Two Modes of Maintaining Interpersonal Relations through Telephone: From the Domestic to the Mobile Phone' in J. Katz (ed.) Machines that Become Us.
Campbell, Scott. W. and Michael Kelley. 2006. Mobile phone use in AA networks: An exploratory study. Journal of Applied Communication Research 34: 191–208.

Apparatgeist: 'Spirit of the machine' and the fashion and function of the mobile phone

Katz, James E. and Mark Aakhus. 2002. 'Conclusion: Making meaning of mobiles – a theory of Apparatgeist' in Katz & Aakhus (eds.) Perpetual Contact.
Campbell, Scott W. 2008. 'Mobile Technology and the Body: Apparatgeist, Fashion and Function' in J. Katz (eds.) Handbook of Mobile Communication.

SMS and the language of wireless communication

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 7: Texting and the Growth of Asynchronous Discourse.
Castells et al. 2007. 'Mobile Communication and Society, Chapter 6: The Language of Wireless Communication.

Use of mobile technology in public settings

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 6: The Intrusive Nature of Mobile Technology.
Okabe, Daisuke and Ito, Mizuko. 2005. 'Keitai in public transportation' in Ito, Okabe, & Matsuda (eds.) Personal, Portable, Pedestrian.
Ito, Mizuko, Daisuke Okabe and Ken Anderson 2008. 'Portable Objects in Three Global Cities: The Personalization of Urban Places' in Ling & Campbell (eds.) Reconstruction of Space and Time: Mobile Communication Practices.
Campbell, Scott W. 2006. Perceptions of mobile phones in college classrooms: Ringing, cheating, and classroom policies. Communication Education 55: 280–294.

M 10/22 Use of the technology around co‐present others and the challenge of 'absent presence'

Cumiskey, Kathleen. 2007. 'Hidden meanings: Understanding the social‐psychological impact of mobile phone use through storytelling' in Goggin & Hjorth (eds.) Mobile Media Proceedings.
Gergen, Kenneth. 2002. 'The challenge of absent presence' in Katz & Aakhus (eds.) Perpetual Contact.

The mobile youth culture

Ling, Rich. 2004. 'The Mobile Connection' Chapter 5: The Mobile Telephone and Teens.
Castells et al. 2007. 'Mobile Communication and Society' Chapter 4: The Mobile Youth Culture.

Mobile communication in the socio‐political sphere

Castells et al. 2007. 'Mobile Communication and Society Chapter 7: The Mobile Civil Society: Social Movements, Political Power, and Communication Networks.
Rheingold, Howard. 2002. 'Smart Mobs' Chapter 7: Smart Mobs – The Power of the Mobile Many.
Campbell, Scott W. and Nojin Kwak. 2008, May. Mobile communication and the public sphere: Linking patterns of use to civic and political engagement. Paper presented at the ICA pre‐conference, The Global and Globalizing Dimensions of Mobile Communication: Developing or Developed?, Montreal.

W 11/7 Mobile communication in the developing world

Castells et al. 2007. 'Mobile Communication and Society' Chapter 8: Wireless Communication and Global Development: New Issues, New Strategies.
Donner, Jonathan. 2008. Research approaches to mobile use in the developing world: A review of the literature. The Information Society 24: 140–159.
Donner, Jonathan. 2008. The rules of beeping: Exchanging messages via intentional 'missed calls' on mobile phones. Journal of Computer‐Mediated Communication, 13(1). Available: http://jcmc.indiana.edu/vol13/issue1/donner.html.

M 11/12 Mobile communication and work

Andriessen, Erick and Mattai Vartianen. 2006. Emerging Mobile Virtual Work in Andriessen & Vartianen (eds.) Mobile Virtual Work: A New Paradigm?
Perry, Mark and Jackie Brodie. 2006. Virtually Connected, Practically Mobile in Andriessen & Vartianen (eds.) Mobile Virtual Work: A New Paradigm?
Chesley, Noelle. 2005. Blurring boundaries? Linking technology use, spillover, individual distress, and family satisfaction. Journal of Marriage and Family 67: 1237–1248.

OptionalFocus questions

To what extent does mobile communication lead to changes in family dynamics? On the one hand, mobile communication empowers youth to carry out their social relations 'under the radar' of parental supervision. In the 'old days', kids had to share a domestic landline phone and had less privacy, or had to shut themselves up in their room when on the phone to get privacy. The mobile phone is anytime/anywhere and it a personal object (not shared), so users have much more control over their private relations. Text messaging is an especially effective way of having private communication. Because of all this, young people have more autonomy to live out their social lives as they see fit. On the other hand, the mobile phone also gives parents more control by being able to better keep tabs on their kids and their kids' whereabouts. In some respects, it can actually be considered as an 'umbilical cord' keeping kids accountable to their parents. This is an interesting dichotomy for discussion.
To what extent and how does the mobile phone support 'perpetual contact' among social ties? There seems to be a continual flow of communication now, which some refer to as 'perpetual contact'. Follow‐up questions could be: how is this a good thing? Are there negative aspects of perpetual contact?
How is the mobile phone used for boundary management (i.e., demarcating in‐group members from out‐group members)? This can be seen in names kept in contact lists, who people text with, whose calls they screen, and even the style or brand of a phone ... some groups of friends get the same types of phones.
What are the effects of taking/placing a phone call when interacting with physically co‐present others? What are norms for doing this? How can people mitigate the intrusion?
On a related note to the questions above ... to what extent does the mobile phone lead to 'absent presence?' The notion of absent presence refers to being physically present, but socially absent. To what extent is this problematic?
To what extent might mobile communication lead to 'tele‐cocooning?' Some are concerned that people are getting so wrapped up in their tight little social networks now, that they are less engaged with others who are weak social ties. If this is true, then it begs the question about whether there are benefits to having weak social ties. Most feel there are benefits, like being exposed to a diversity of perspectives and ideas.
With regard to the changing media landscape, where else do we see increased 'personalization' in our uses of traditional mass media? In this sense, 'personalization' can refer to personalized content, interactivity, control, etc.

Research project idea (note this approach can be taken with any of the topics recommended above)Description of the paperMobile communication technology has become a common artifact in public settings, offering a means for social connection for its users and unsolicited melodies, chirps, and half conversations for co‐present others. Because social norms for behavior around others often conflict with those for phone conversations, mobile communication can present as many challenges as it does opportunities for maintaining social order. In class, we will discuss numerous perspectives on this topic, such as absent presence, symbolic fences, front stage‐back‐stage dynamics, and cocooning through mobile media. The purpose of this paper is to conduct an original investigation of the use of mobile communication technology around others. Each student will select a particular aspect of this phenomenon to explore in depth by collecting data first‐hand, analyzing those data, and drawing conclusions to shed new light on this topic. Students may choose to examine mobile communication in a particular setting, compare mobile communication in different social contexts or across different users, examine or compare the use of certain types of mobile technologies, observe reactions of and effects on non‐users of the technology, or select some other such 'angle' for the project that sheds light on this topic.Paper guidelinesYour paper should contain the following sections: (1) An introduction that justifies the importance of your topic and provides a clear explanation of the purpose of the paper, (2) a review of relevant literature/theory/key concepts to frame your particular project followed by specific research questions, (3) a method section explaining how you collected data (observation, interviews, questionnaires, and/or otherwise) and how you analyzed your data, and (4) a discussion section that develops conclusions based on the findings. Each paper should have at least 10 scholarly citations, of which at least half should come from readings other than those assigned for class. Use American Psychological Association (5th edition) to format citations and reference list. Papers should be about 10 pages in length, double‐spaced. In addition to meeting these guidelines, the writing should be clearly organized within each section and (of course) well‐written. Students will present their papers in class at the end of the semester.

Part one of an interview with Matilda Koeller. Topics include: Why her parents left Germany and came to the U.S. Her father's work as a barber. How her parents met and were married. Her parents had 13 children, only ten survived to adulthood. Her ear troubles as a result from having scarlet fever as a child. When her parents got a house with a bathroom for the first time. Her work making coffee for teachers at school. ; 1 MATILDA KOELLER: Parents made children go to work and help support the family. My mother, uh, after she was born, her dad – DONALD KOELLER: Before you come back to your mother, let's. why did, why did, uh, your father. that was the [Sigwart] family. MATILDA KOELLER: Uh, no. My father was the Sigwart family. DONALD KOELLER: Why did they leave Germany? Why did they come to America and to Fitchburg? Do you know? MATILDA KOELLER: Well, I never found, really found out why my father's, uh, parents moved to Germany, except I suppose to make a better living. DONALD KOELLER: And in Fitchburg he then was a shoemaker? MATILDA KOELLER: Uh, yes. He had his own, uh, establishment or [unintelligible - 00:00:48]. We don't know much about Dad except that, uh, he had to help, uh, with the shoemaking business. DONALD KOELLER: Is that a shoemaking or shoe repair? MATILDA KOELLER: No, the shoemaking. DONALD KOELLER: And did. that would be your grandfather, did he die in Fitchburg or did he move.? MATILDA KOELLER: No. Grandpa Sigwart was buried and, um, um. I can't remember any Catholic cemetery in Chicago. But his mother was buried in Concordia, uh, Cemetery in River Park, a suburb of Chicago. DONALD KOELLER: What was her maiden name? MATILDA KOELLER: Her name. well, really her name is on the recording in paper that I sent each of the boys. DONALD KOELLER: You can't remember it now? MATILDA KOELLER: I can't remember her name, no. DONALD KOELLER: What was. your dad's name was Jacob. MATILDA KOELLER: Jacob. Yeah. DONALD KOELLER: His father's name was? 2 MATILDA KOELLER: Um. now, that's another thing I can't remember. But there. his, his mother. there was some. uh, or somebody was made a-a widow or a widower and his, um, mother remarried or it must have been his father because they all carried the name of Sigwart because Louis and [Pink] were his stepsister and brother. DONALD KOELLER: Did this whole family live in Fitchburg and then moved west? MATILDA KOELLER: Well, they were. the whole family moved to Chicago. DONALD KOELLER: Do you know. when was that? Do you know? MATILDA KOELLER: Well, it must have been when Dad was 20 years old because that's when he met my mother and [unintelligible - 00:03:16]. DONALD KOELLER: And they courted here in Chicago? MATILDA KOELLER: And they courted here in Chicago and were married. DONALD KOELLER: Tell me about. you said your grandfather. I mean, your father, Jacob Sigwart, he did not have much of an education. MATILDA KOELLER: He had no education. In fact, when his oldest daughter was going to school, which was Lily Anne, they wanted him to study along with his oldest daughter but he was ashamed to know that he couldn't read or write. DONALD KOELLER: What did he do for a living? MATILDA KOELLER: He became a barber. DONALD KOELLER: Did he have any – I mean, was he a barber all his life? MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah, he was a barber. When he came to Chicago, he evidently went to barber school and learned the trade of being barber because that way he didn't have to have any kind of an education. And I know that I asked my mother, "Mother, how come that you married Dad when he couldn't read or write? You know, after all, you had a great education." And she said he used to take the newspaper and he would look and like probably pretend he could read but must have looked at just a picture and got an idea what was going on through the 3 conversations of the customers that came in to have their hair cut. And at those days, the barbers had a bathtub so that the men come in and took a bath because those days they didn't have no bathtubs. DONALD KOELLER: At home? MATILDA KOELLER: At home. And they would come in for a shave and a haircut and a bath. DONALD KOELLER: Did he speak German? MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah. Mother and Dad didn't. they always knew how to talk German but they never talked German at home because my mother worked for a wealthy family when she came to Chicago when she was 14 years old. And he came to work for some wealthy family which I. if I remember correctly was the [unintelligible - 00:05:51] family. And they would not let her talk German. They said, "You come to America. Now, talk English." DONALD KOELLER: You say your mother came to Chicago when she was 14? MATILDA KOELLER: Fourteen, after she graduated and was confirmed because there was no work for a farmer's daughter in a small town. DONALD KOELLER: [Unintelligible - 00:06:15]. MATILDA KOELLER: No, they had moved them. By that time, they had moved to Loganville, Wisconsin, and they got this farm, 160 acres, from the government if they would work it. So the farm was theirs after a certain amount of years. DONALD KOELLER: How many brothers and sisters did you have? MATILDA KOELLER: Anna. there were 12 in the family, and mother. Anna was the second from the oldest. DONALD KOELLER: So the homestead then was Loganville. MATILDA KOELLER: Was Loganville. DONALD KOELLER: [Unintelligible - 00:06:57]. 4 MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah. It's still [unintelligible - 00:06:59] when they. when he gave up farming. When he was I think 72 years old, they sold the farm. DONALD KOELLER: But the family is still in the Loganville area? MATILDA KOELLER: But the family. yeah, the family all dispersed, you know, close by except the oldest son who went to Fargo, North Dakota. DONALD KOELLER: Anna came to Chicago. MATILDA KOELLER: To Chicago. And then when. DONALD KOELLER: She went to the [Fitchburg] home as a live-in maid. MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah, as a live-in – I'm almost sure as a live-in maid. That I cannot say for sure. DONALD KOELLER: Is that where she learned to be a seamstress? MATILDA KOELLER: Well, she must have learned it at home, because being the oldest daughter in the family and so many children that followed, they choose to make their underwear like bloomers and they wore what they called garter belt. It was just a form over their top and then the garters were fastened to hold up their stockings. In those days, they wore nothing but black stockings. So she used to send made clothes and send home money. And then when Bertha, who was the second oldest daughter, when she graduated and was confirmed, she came to Chicago also. And now, I don't know just what Anne's purpose is, but they were both good teachers. DONALD KOELLER: Let's see. When she was 14, I would have been about a year. MATILDA KOELLER: Well, the dates are all on there. DONALD KOELLER: You have that on there. MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah. Well, I've got their dates of birth and the date of their deaths, but when they moved to Chicago, you would have to figure that out, 14 years. Because they went to a one-room 5 schoolhouse, which was connected with the church, the minister was the teacher and their minister. DONALD KOELLER: This is in Loganville? MATILDA KOELLER: This is in Loganville. DONALD KOELLER: Tell me a little bit about the Sigwart and [Forrest] family relationship with the church? MATILDA KOELLER: Well, Dad Sigwart was originally a Catholic but when he married my mother, Anna, Dad said, "You're with the children all the time. You bring them up Lutheran." And that's how we all became Lutherans. And then when Dad was about 50 years old, he got blood poisoning in a finger and I guess in order to save his arm, they amputated his finger. And I remember him walking, pacing the floor and crying, just thinking he could not earn a living anymore because he's losing his main finger that he would use with the scissors. But eventually, he practiced so much that he went back into the barber business and opened his own shop because he was past 45 and they wouldn't hire anymore old men. And that's how Dad opened his own business. And when he made it good at the barber shop, then always somebody else would come along and make a barber shop which may be a block or block and a half away and, of course, then the people would go there and there was not enough trade for two barbers, so he would move to find another good spot. And that happened to him twice that I remember. DONALD KOELLER: Did the family move then also? MATILDA KOELLER: No, the family. he had a business a half a block away from where we lived. So he could come home for dinner. And then I remember one place that he had opened that was just maybe around the corner, a block, you know, maybe a block and a half. 6 DONALD KOELLER: Let's go back then. let's talk about when Jacob Sigwart and Anna [Forrest] met. How did they meet and how did their courtship go? MATILDA KOELLER: Well, I don't know where they met but I suppose, you know. I don't know how they met but I often asked. you know, I said to Dad one time, "Why did you marry mother?" And he said, "Because she was so beautiful." She was a beautiful person and had lovely hair and rosy cheeks. DONALD KOELLER: Did they court long or. do you know anything about their courtship? MATILDA KOELLER: I really don't know how long they courted. DONALD KOELLER: And they were married in a Lutheran church in Chicago. MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah. They were married. at that time, all the Germans flocked in this one neighborhood. DONALD KOELLER: Where was that? MATILDA KOELLER: And that was what they called. Goose Island is where Mother and Dad must have met. Of course now, Goose Island is all factories, all of it. DONALD KOELLER: Except for along the eastern part of the river. [Unintelligible - 00:13:30] MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah. Yeah. And then they were. the church was First Bethlehem which was located on Paulina and Hoyne, which was not too far from Goose Island. And all the German people flocked in that neighborhood and went to church there and were married. DONALD KOELLER: The First Bethlehem couldn't have been Paulina and Hoyne. MATILDA KOELLER: Paulina and. well, it's on Paulina. DONALD KOELLER: Farther north, somewhere there. MATILDA KOELLER: Let's see now. Paulina is one way. LeMoyne maybe – DONALD KOELLER: Lemoyne. That must've been the one. MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah, LeMoyne. 7 DONALD KOELLER: LeMoyne and Paulina run parallel. MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah. There is where the Koellers were married. The Koellers, the Walters, you know. My husband. well, let's see what I think. Grandpa, Frederick Koeller, and Clara were married in the same church because they came over. DONALD KOELLER: We'll get that side of the family a little later. Do you remember your mother and father ever talking about the wedding in the church or the reception or what kind of wedding they had? MATILDA KOELLER: No, they. my mother was married in brown. I don't know whether she made her own dress which I imagine she did. She had a white veil and you have a picture of that, too. I sent that to you. DONALD KOELLER: Well, that's going to be fun, to put pictures and your records thing together with this. MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah. Oh, they were married. Now, whether they had any kind. I don't imagine they had any kind of a reception because those days they probably just went to church because most everybody's gotten married in church in those days. DONALD KOELLER: But at the time, was Anna living. where was Anna living prior to when she was married to your father? MATILDA KOELLER: You know, I never. you know, that part I never asked Mother, only that she worked with these wealthy people and every Friday was silver day. They spent all day Friday cleaning silverware so you know they were wealthy people. But I suppose they didn't get much pay either. DONALD KOELLER: Do you know where they lived or what their circumstances once they got married? MATILDA KOELLER: Well, once they got married, I really don't know where they lived but I knew that when I was 4 or 5 years old, we lived close to First Bethlehem and the street names are all changed. 8 But Aunt Lil knows the address of the house and it's still standing, 800 or something. DONALD KOELLER: So they got married. How long was it before they started a family? MATILDA KOELLER: Within a year. DONALD KOELLER: And that was Lily Anne. MATILDA KOELLER: That was Lily Anne. Lily Anne was the oldest, yeah. DONALD KOELLER: And then altogether there were 10? MATILDA KOELLER: Ten living children, three died before they were married. So mother had 13 children altogether. DONALD KOELLER: And you were number.? MATILDA KOELLER: I think I was number six or seven. I was in the middle. DONALD KOELLER: Tell me now what you can remember about a couple of things about your childhood? MATILDA KOELLER: Well, when I was two and a half, Grandma Forrest came to Chicago because there was an outbreak of hysteria or scarlet fever and oranges were very, very scarce. And mother always talked about Ruth being delirious and crawling under the bed looking for an orange because that seems to be one of the remedies. or not remedy but was something new. Oranges were something new at that time. And I was two and a half years old and I had it so bad that they carried me around in a pillow and I didn't eat for a whole month. And from the medicine, I got scars on my lips and Grandma Forrest prayed that I would die because I was so sick that there was nothing to me. I lost all my hair but some of my. DONALD KOELLER: The doctors couldn't do anything? MATILDA KOELLER: Well. DONALD KOELLER: What kind of doctoring was there? That would have been 1923, 1924? 9 MATILDA KOELLER: Well, there wasn't enough doctoring. They quarantined you. They couldn't even get a nurse and people wouldn't go near. DONALD KOELLER: Your Dad couldn't come home? [Unintelligible - 00:19:32] MATILDA KOELLER: No. And I think that Dad probably stayed home and took care or helped take care of us because there were five of us, I think. There was little Henry, and Ruth was very bad, and I was bad as well, and Margaret. So evidently, dad must have stayed home, had to stay home to take care because we were quarantined. You couldn't get anybody to come near us. DONALD KOELLER: Grandma Forrest came down to Loganville to help out. MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah. She came down to help us. DONALD KOELLER: That must have been very difficult. MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah. It was. and there were a lot of people that died because they didn't have no antibiotics then. DONALD KOELLER: Do you ever remember going to the doctor's office? [Unintelligible - 00:20:33] MATILDA KOELLER: Oh, yes, plenty, [laughs] plenty for my ear. From the scarlet fever, I got trouble with my ear. DONALD KOELLER: Do you want some coffee? MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah, we might just as well have the rest of the coffee. DONALD KOELLER: Go ahead. MATILDA KOELLER: Well, I had a running ear from the scarlet fever and of course the parents being poor, Dad only making $7 a week. well, I got coffee in there… yeah, just the water. The doctors would…so I went to a clinic, to an eye, ear, nose, and throat clinic. On Wednesday, Dad didn't work. That was his day off, and he would take me to this clinic. The clinic didn't seem – I don't remember too much about it, except squirting a lot of water in my ear to clear out the decaying bone that was forming. But when I was 23 years old, I got hold of an ear specialist and he said, "Absolutely no water," and he used this 10 x-ray in my ear for less than a minute to see, I think only two times. And with the medicine that he had, cleared up this running ear, which in my whole 20… in my years, I had syringed it and I was doing more harm to it than good. And, of course, time came in with medicine and dried out the decayed bone that was pretty well gone. DONALD KOELLER: The doctor just kept draining and. MATILDA KOELLER: Draining and. DONALD KOELLER: In all your teenage years. MATILDA KOELLER: And it had a terrible odor that before I had a date with a fellow, that was the very last thing I would do, was syringe it to clear it out, but before the evening [was], it was drippy, draining on me. It was terrible. DONALD KOELLER: [Unintelligible - 00:23:46]. MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah. It was really something, you know. DONALD KOELLER: Where did you go to school? MATILDA KOELLER: I went to. first, I went to [Perse] School near the church, near Paulina and I went. I was in first grade. I was only five years old. And one week or day, some boy rolled a snowball, rolled it in water, in melted snow and threw it and it landed right on my ear and I fainted. So they carried me in my sister's room and her girlfriend carried me into the room and there I had my head on the desk, I guess, half of the day. But I was plagued with earaches and headaches up until I was about. Well, every week, I had either a headache or an earache. DONALD KOELLER: Let's go back and talk more about the home and marriage of Jacob and Anna. MATILDA KOELLER: Well, when we lived around [Perse] School, nobody had bathrooms. You had your toilet in the hallway. And I still. DONALD KOELLER: This was a multifamily house. 11 MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah. Yeah. There were either two or four in the – I think in this place, it was four. DONALD KOELLER: Front and back and one upper story? MATILDA KOELLER: Yeah. Yeah. And we had a [unintelligible - 00:25:45], the toilets were, and there was no bath. But when. Dad, being a barber and seeing all these men coming home, you know, coming into the barber shop and needed a bath, so when he moved from around Paulina, he insisted about having a bathroom because then they were building the bathrooms in the house. DONALD KOELLER: This would be, say, 1910 or so? MATILDA KOELLER: This is. no, when I was 6 years old, in 1907. And we did. It must have been a bedroom because it was a big bathroom and a big tub. And from then on, we always had a bathroom, a bathtub and a toilet. Not a washstand, but just a bathtub and a toilet. That's one thing my father insisted upon, whenever we moved, was the bathroom. DONALD KOELLER: At that point in that house, there was electric light? MATILDA KOELLER: No. There was kerosene lamps then. We had kerosene lamps then. DONALD KOELLER: On the wall of the room? MATILDA KOELLER: Well, all I can remember is carrying the kerosene lamp, especially going to the bedroom. When we moved from there, we moved about two blocks away, above a grocery store, and then we had kerosene lamps. DONALD KOELLER: Do you remember getting electricity when you were still there? MATILDA KOELLER: Well, I think the first electricity was on Salem because I don't remember cleaning lamps there. DONALD KOELLER: How old were you when you moved to Salem? MATILDA KOELLER: I was about 13, 12 or 13 years old, when I moved to Salem because I went out of the district, the school. In those days, 12 you had to go to a school in your neighborhood. That was the law. But because my sister, Margaret, made coffee for the teachers and she had graduated in February, they asked me to take over the job of making coffee, and so I got a special permit to go out of the district to [drive] to school, you know, for the last year and a half of my schooling. And I made 10 cents a day. I think about a dollar a week they gave me for the. I used to get out of school at lunchtime, a half hour early, and made coffee for the school teachers. I carried my lunch because I was out of the district. I couldn't go home to eat. It's a little bit too far to walk. That was a. you had to go in your district. For instance, my brother, Ed, who was the next youngest, next to me, he only had a half a year of schooling to graduate and they wouldn't let him finish there. He had to go to the school in his district where Mother and Dad moved. But then he would have to start the whole eighth grade over and then he thought he wouldn't go to school anymore. So he. DONALD KOELLER: He never finished the eighth grade? MATILDA KOELLER: He never finished, never graduated because he wasn't going to take that half a year over again. DONALD KOELLER: But of the 10 children, brothers and sisters, almost all of your brothers and sisters finished? MATILDA KOELLER: No. Henry didn't, the second from the oldest. He did not finish. And then Ed did not finish./AT/mb/ee

The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ; This is an oral history interview with George T. Frost. Commissioner Frost discusses the automobile business and working as a mail carrier during the Depression. He discusses various federal programs, such as the CCC and the WPA, and the need to economize. ; 15p.; 29cm.; 2 bound transcripts; 4 file folders. 1 sound disc: digital; 4 3/4 in. ; Oral History Program George T. Frost Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Oral History Program Weber State University Stewart Library Ogden, Utah George T. Frost Interviewed by Mack S. Taft circa 1960s Copyright © 2016 by Weber State University, Stewart Library iii Mission Statement The Oral History Program of the Stewart Library was created to preserve the institutional history of Weber State University and the Davis, Ogden and Weber County communities. By conducting carefully researched, recorded, and transcribed interviews, the Oral History Program creates archival oral histories intended for the widest possible use. Interviews are conducted with the goal of eliciting from each participant a full and accurate account of events. The interviews are transcribed, edited for accuracy and clarity, and reviewed by the interviewees (as available), who are encouraged to augment or correct their spoken words. The reviewed and corrected transcripts are indexed, printed, and bound with photographs and illustrative materials as available. The working files, original recording, and archival copies are housed in the University Archives. Project Description The Great Depression in Weber County, Utah, is an Oral History Project by Mack S. Taft for completion of his Master's Thesis at Utah State University during the summer of 1969. The forty-five interviews address the Great Depression through the eyes of individuals in several different occupations including: Bankers, Laborers, Railroad Workers, Attorneys, Farmers, Educators, Businessmen, Community and Church Leaders, Housewives, Children and Physicians. All of these individuals lived in Weber County from 1929 to 1941. The interviews were based on what they remembered about the depression, how they felt about those events and how it affected their life then and now. ____________________________________ Oral history is a method of collecting historical information through recorded interviews between a narrator with firsthand knowledge of historically significant events and a well-informed interviewer, with the goal of preserving substantive additions to the historical record. Because it is primary material, oral history is not intended to present the final, verified, or complete narrative of events. It is a spoken account. It reflects personal opinion offered by the interviewee in response to questioning, and as such it is partisan, deeply involved, and irreplaceable. ____________________________________ Rights Management This work is the property of the Weber State University, Stewart Library Oral History Program. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. It is recommended that this oral history be cited as follows: Frost, George T., an oral history by Mack S. Taft, circa 1960s, WSU Stewart Library Oral History Program, University Archives, Stewart Library, Weber State University, Ogden, UT. 1 Abstract: This is an oral history interview with George T. Frost. Commissioner Frost discusses the automobile business and working as a mail carrier during the Depression. He discusses various federal programs, such as the CCC and the WPA, and the need to economize. The interviewer is Mack Taft. MT: Commissioner Frost, where did you live between the years 1929-39? GF: I moved down here to go to the Utah State College in the fall of 1928. Then I went back to Wyoming. I was born and raised in Wyoming, and I went back home for a short season. Then I came back down, and I've been in Ogden ever since. MT: When did you start your business activity here in Ogden? GF: Well, I became associated with the automobile business way back in 1934 with a friend of mine, L. H. Strong, whose name I'm sure rings a bell with a lot of people. He and I were both looking for work, as were millions of other people. We decided to try the automobile business – or rather he did. I was working for him at the time in a little spot down here at about 3230 Washington Boulevard, where the Lincoln-Mercury dealer is now, opened up a little shop selling Studebakers. That was my beginning in the automobile business. Even prior to that, he and I were overhauling cars in the place where the present Ogden Bowling Alley is, here on 26th and Washington. Anything, in other words, to make a dime. It was just that serious, scrounging around, trying to make a nickel. MT: Just go ahead and talk about what you remember about those years. GF: Well, let me give you a typical example of how things were at that time. I mentioned starting in the automobile business, that is, selling automobiles in 2 1934. I went back to South Bend, Indiana, I recall – this comes vividly to my mind – to pick up a couple of Studebakers. We were caravanning at that time. In other words, to save a few nickels, rather than ship them, we would go drive one behind another. This was in November 1934. I got somewhere into Iowa, and got into a snowstorm, and I fought snow all the way through Iowa and into Nebraska. I couldn't find any chains, and I couldn't even find any mud hooks, you know, to give me a little traction, you know. Anyhow, to make a long story short, I somewhere in Nebraska ran short of funds. In fact, I didn't have any to start with, to speak of, so I wired Strong here in Ogden to send me some money because I was going to be out of funds pretty quick. I told him to send it to North Platt, Nebraska, and I would pick it up. When I got to North Platt, I went to Western Union, and there were no funds there. They hadn't heard. So I left word with them that if the money did come, to forward it onto Cheyenne. So I took off, and I arrived in Cheyenne and pulled into a service station to fill up the tank, which I was in the process of doing when a Highway Patrolman pulled up beside me. Very nicely he informed me that I had to have a permit to caravan cars across Wyoming. As I recall, it was $1.50 a car at that time. Anyway, it was very interesting and coincidental that when I paid him and paid for the gas, it took every cent that I had in my pocket. So here I was completely broke. So I went down to the telegraph station, and here was the funds. But this is the point. Try to compare it with today, and it is almost a laughing matter. There was $17, if you can imagine, and that $17 had to get me into Ogden. But 3 $17 in those days was quite a lot of money. Going back even before that, I got married in 1932, which was right square in the middle of the worst of the Depression. I was working for the power company at the time. Just a week before my marriage date, I lost my job. That is, due to normal attrition, they were trying to find places for the older men. I, being one of the younger ones, had to leave. I was making $90 a month. Big deal, as compared to today, but my wife and I decided to go ahead anyway. It was that year that I got kind of mixed up in selling automobiles, as I mentioned, trying to make a dime to live. But, anyhow, this $17 got me back to Ogden, but $17 wouldn't go very far today. I remember several months later, I was called back to the power company to take my job back. The older gentleman that took my place couldn't do the work, so they gave me my job back. So I had a $90 a month job, and I was very, very grateful for it. A few years later, I got that up to as high as $150 a month. Actually, we were doing very well. We bought and built a home at that time. It cost us a little over $4,300 for that home, and we lived in it for about 20 years. So that home, it would have been about 10 or 12 years ago, it sold for over $16,000, almost four times more than what I bought it and built it for. But $150 was actually a pretty fair and reasonable income. We were very appreciative and very grateful for it. You could buy a loaf of bread for around five or seven cents, eight cents at most, a quart of milk for five, six, or seven cents, which is a far cry from what it is today. I well remember those days. MT: What do you remember as being some of the problems of the businessman during those years.? 4 GF: Well, we had pretty well gotten out of the worst of the Depression by the time I decided to go into business for myself. That was in the fall of 1940. Times had not at all really returned to what could really be called normal, but we were climbing out of it. People were more optimistic, had more opportunity, let's say. We had no idea at that time that we were going to be involved in a war. But I remember when I got involved in the automobile business, at that time, a young friend of mine and I decided that we would take a chance. We took on the Hudson dealership. This is laughable, as compared with today, but we borrowed a little bit of money to get started. We borrowed $250 to get started, if you can imagine such a thing, to get started in business. But we did it, and we leased a place down here on the corner of 27th and Washington, and started selling Hudson automobiles. I stayed with my partner for about a year. Prior to that, I had filled out an application with the postal service for a job. At that time, a notice came through, and after about five or six years, I had forgotten about it completely. They notified me that I was eligible for an appointment at the post office. Well, this looked awfully good, as you can well imagine, to have a steady job with steady pay, and a permanent job, for life. At that time, nothing could sound more sweet to your ears, to a man who had lived through the Depression and had scrounged and saved and schemed and done everything, almost, that he could think of to live on, to have a good, permanent job offered you. So I sold out my share of the business, and it is almost laughable when we look back on it. Our total net worth was just slightly over $3,000. But yet we 5 lived, and we did it, and we provided for ourselves with the sale of the cars. Today it would be absolutely impossible for anyone to even dream of such a thing. That money wouldn't even be worth a week's effort. Anyhow, I stayed with the post office for a couple of years, and this is not meant to be any reflection whatever on the postal service or the mail carrier, but I got so tired and weary physically that it rather disgusted me to think that all I had the brains enough to do was walk around with a pack on my back that even a jackass could do. I thought, "This certainly isn't the life for me, to walk around with a pack on my back." But anyhow, during the interim, my business partner had closed down the business and gone into the war. So I made application and got that franchise back, and though we couldn't operate during the war, I had this franchise in my pocket, favorably speaking. As I walked around delivering mail, I made up my mind that as soon as possible I was going to get back in the automobile business because I could see that as soon as the war was over, there was going to be a boom because cars were awfully hard to get, were not even being built to speak of, outside of what the government needed and wanted. So when the time came, I stuck my neck out again to get started in the automobile business again. But this time, instead of $250, it cost me $5,000 just to get started and rent a place with an option to purchase that place. Even then, that was very small scale and, by today's standards, extremely small scale. I had, you might say, moderate success. But during those immediate post-war years, we could hardly get enough cars to meet the demands. 6 MT: What do you think that you learned and that the public learned as a result of the Depression? GF: I'm glad you asked that because I've alluded to this many times in my life. I've said to my own family, "I wouldn't wish you to go through a Depression like that, necessarily, but I can assure you that that was one of the finest experiences that those of us who went through it will have ever had because if anything in this world has taught me, and has taught those people, I think by and large every one of us who went through that Depression, if we learned anything, it was the value of a dollar. Better than that, to have a job and to appreciate the fact that you had a job and had a little respect for your employer." So I would say that the greatest lesson that we learned out it was respect for one another, appreciation for the country in which we lived, appreciation for an opportunity, appreciation for just being able to make an honest dollar, and that we had to work. I can assure you that there was no place then for the so-called drone because, I'll tell you, only that man who was willing to work and put forth an honest effort was working in those days. I think that those who had those jobs appreciate that fact. I would somehow wish, as I have sometimes said, that every young person of my children's age, who are grown up now and are raising children of their own, I wish they could have had this experience without having to go through it, if you know what I mean, so that they would appreciate the value. In other words, a sense of value, I would say, would be one of the greatest lessons that we ever learned out of that. MT: What do you remember about the New Deal and the recovery measures, say the 7 WPA and the CCC and other programs set forth by the New Deal? GF: I remember quite well the WPA. It did a lot of good. For example, the North Ogden Fork road was built during the WPA days. It's rather interesting that over the years we have been prone to criticize the judgment of those that built it, thinking that they built it in the wrong place. I just mentioned this simply because we, as a commission, have decided that we are going to keep that road open the year around. We have been pressured by many of the old-timers to change its location. After going over it with many of our engineers, we find that the present location is the best. So I commend them and, you might say, apologize for some of the things I myself might have said or thought. But that was built during the WPA days, and they did a world of good. Of course, this was merely a stop-gap measure, which we all recognize. The CCC actually, in my opinion from what I can see on the surface of it, I wish our present Job Corps were organized somewhat more along the lines of the CCC. We see evidence today, all over this land, especially in the forest of work done by the CCC – and I think that is one of the finest, if you need stop-gap measures – that that's one of the finest programs that this government has ever engaged in, is the CCC. That was more oriented in actual physical work, in doing things that needed to be done, on all, many areas, particularly I'm thinking of public lands. A lot of those boys who came out of there had learned how to work and certainly they appreciated what they were getting because I can tell you it was something that they hadn't had before. I'm sure those boys – this is no criticism either, but I think that it comes a little easier today than it did then – and 8 again, I think that it comes back to this matter of appreciation. I think that it is something that all of us to do more is develop a sense of appreciation. You mentioned, also, the NRA. Well, you see, we were controlled by the NRA, and it was a good thing. If we hadn't had that, I hate to think what would have taken place in our economy. It would have been utter chaos. A lot of people got hurt. It was a good thing. I think that those acts that were enacted by the Congress during those Roosevelt days, a lot of criticism is heaped upon the president and Congress for that. For as I look back, I can see that every one of them are necessary. They did a lot of good. They kept things under control. I feel, and a lot of people today feel, that it had gotten out of control. I want to go on record today for commending the President for the action he has taken recently in this wage and price controls. My only criticism, if I were to give one, would be that he should have done it couple of years ago, or more, or the president before him should have done it. But by and large, few of these programs; I think they were wise and good decisions, and I think they were necessary. Here again, I think that they taught us to get along and appreciate our opportunities in this country. I would just like to re-emphasize that if they haven't gone through this Depression that we were talking about, that they appreciate what their elders may have told them and can tell them about that time, and really appreciate the wonderful opportunities that we have in this great country, and show that appreciation by the way they act, by the things they say, and the things they do. You wouldn't see the problems then that you have today. On that side of the 9 coin, that was a good thing because there was a sense of gratitude for just an honest dollar and a meal on your table, which is not prevalent today. It is unfortunate that it exists, but that's the way it is. I wouldn't want to go back to those days in spite of all our problems today, but I'm glad that I had that experience. MT: Did you use any special ingenuity, either you or your wife, to secure food or anything along this line? GF: Yes, indeed. I'm glad you mention that. Of course all of us, many of us, had a little garden in our back yard. We tore up our lawns. We planted vegetables, and in order to conserve our water, we dug little wells in the basement of our home, actually, and put little electric pumps on them to water our lawns. Innumerable ways, did we devise ways and means to provide for ourselves because we didn't have the money. The money wasn't available, so we just, we had to improvise, and that was good. It more or less rekindled that old, pioneer spirit and initiative that our fore-bearers had to use in coming into this country. That was very common. You saw innumerable gardens around this country, and that was just one area. Of course you can well imagine that we had to make a lot of our clothes, those you could, you know. Bread lines were extremely common everywhere. People were lining up everywhere just to get a loaf of bread and a bottle of milk. There was not much of it to be had, but I was able to, the one single thing that everyone was able to do, was to raise as much as they possibly could for their own food. Those of us who lived in the city found it a little more difficult. 10 MT: Did you have any experience of going to the rural area to pick up vegetables, or things along this line? GF: Well, actually, no, I didn't. I know a lot of people that did a great deal of it, you know. When the fall harvests were in, and the fruit was picked, many people would wait and kind of pick up the leavings, and it was very much appreciated. But like I said, those of us who were in the city, a lot of us, we raised what we could in our back yards, and it supplemented what we had on our table. But I personally did not get out in the rural areas and scrounge for these things, but a lot of people did, and they had to.