Suchergebnisse

Del antagonismo entre las filosofías spenceriana (evolucionismo) y comteana (positivismo) y su adopciónecléctica mediante simbiosis funcional en la modernización y consolidación de los estados nacionales latinoamericanos del último tercio del siglo XIX y primer tercio del XX, se analizan sus repercusiones en el actual proceso venezolano; las características de la confusión conceptual y epistemológica; la limitación en su alcance real frente a las contradictorias realidades nacionales; su importancia mediante una alianza liberal-conservadora bajo la modalidad de regímenes liberal-oligárquicos para la inserción de las economías latinoamericanas en la economía mundial. Se explican tres aspectos clave de la contraposición entre evolucionismo y positivismo: clasificación de las ciencias, conocimiento científico y posibilidad de éste para comprender procesos sociales, dado que la variable "científica"en los proyectos nacionales marca el paso desde el viejo orden al nuevo de "emancipación mental". Se analizan la concepción social, política e ideológicade ambos sistemas, contrastándolos. Se explican e interpretan las repercusiones de la vinculación unilateral de la filosofía positivista en la "revolución bolivariana",analizando el resurgimiento del caudillismoen la refundación de la "República Bolivariana de Venezuela",el caudillismo como variante del personalismo político, sus prolongaciones actuales y por qué la teoría del caudillismo no se deriva de la simbiosis doctrinaria de positivismo y evolucionismo, aunque el positivismo justifique a los caudillos latinoamericanos. Finalmente contrastamos las nociones de "gendarme necesario" versus "democracia doctrinaria", relacionamos el "espíritu del caudillismo" y el subdesarrollo latinoamericano, con los límites y contradicciones de la "revolución bolivariana" liderada por Chávez en Venezuela.AbstractFrom the antagonism between the Spencerian (evolutionism)and Comtean (positivism) philosophies and their eclectic adoption by means of functional symbiosis in modernization and consolidation of Latin American states of the last third of the XIX century and thefirst third of the XX century, this work analyzes itsrepercussions within the current Venezuelan process, the characteristics of conceptual and epistemological confusion, the limitation of its actual scope in light of contradictory national reality, its importance in a liberal-conservative alliance under liberal-oligarchic regimes in relation to the insertion of Latin American economies into world economy. Three key aspects of the contraposition between evolution and positivism: classification of both sciences, scientific knowledge and its capacity to understand social processes, since the "scientific" variable within national projects marks time from the older order to the new "mental emancipation" order. The social, political and ideological conception of both systems is analyzed, and contrasts are established. The repercussions of the unilateral relation with positivist philosophy in the Bolivarian revolution are analyzed and construed, thus addressing the reappearance of the caudillo in the new foundation of the "Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela," the figure of the caudillo as a variant of political personalism, itscurren extension and why this theory does not stem from the doctrinal symbiosis between positivism and evolutionism, though the latter may justify the existence of Latin American caudillos. Finally, a contrastis established between the notions of "necessary gendarme" and of "doctrinal democracy"; the "spirit of the figure of the caudillo" and Latin American under development are correlated with the limitations and contradictions of the "Bolivarian revolution" led by Chávez in Venezuela.

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to investigate how well water companies in four different nationalities and political cultures are engaged in the CSR discourse. This question is relevant after more than 20 years of privatization of the public administration's bureaucracy and its adoption of management styles, behaviours and thinking from the private business sphere. This paper seeks to critically examine how water companies take part in the CSR discourse, by which institutional mechanisms this managerial "thinking" in terms of institutional "logics" has come about, and which adopted "meanings" lie behind.Design/methodology/approach– The paper shows a qualitatively, ethnographic investigation and discourse analysis of privatized water companies from four different political and market economy nations; small- and medium-sized water companies from the social-democratic state of Denmark; large size companies from the conservative and liberal market economy of the UK; large- and multinational companies from the USA and medium-, large- and multinationals from South Africa. Seven companies are chosen in each country from the smallest to the largest in order to obtain maximum variety and express analytical generalizations across nations and company sizes if possible.Findings– The findings of the cross-geographical, -political, -market economical study of maximum variety of companies show how institutional logics are transferring from "implicit" CSR towards "explicit" CSR through coercive, normative and mimetic isomorphism: companies that are only engaged in coercive isomorphic "implicit" CSR show a hesitant and resistant engagement, whereas companies engaging in normative and mimetic isomorphic "explicit" CSR translate their discourses in a more authentic way. However, the findings also question the credibility of this authenticity when most CSR-reports from the water companies are made without third party accreditation, without performance indicators and only through narratives that are hard to scrutinize.Research limitations/implications– The research has limitations towards the discourse analysis, which in Denmark was possible to conduct from both oral texts such as interviews, observation studies and document analysis, whereas in the UK, the USA and South Africa is based only on written texts from documents, CSR-reports, annual reports and written communications between regulators and companies. The research implications suggest a further replication of the findings from a more in-depth analysis of the institutional logics in these companies in the UK, the USA and South Africa by replication of the study from Denmark.Practical implications– The practical implications of this study suggest a transformation of political instrumentation from rule-setting to incentives making to make public water service companies even more engaged in "explicit" CSR to obtain more authenticity and a higher level of legitimacy in the field compared to the strong tradition of "explicit" CSR seen in the private business sphere.Originality/value– The originality and value of this research is shown by the empirical findings of the theoretical suggestions by Matten and Moon in how "implicit" CSR is transferred to "explicit" CSR in the privatization of public service companies in the water sector across nations, cultures, political and market economical spheres. It shows through the discourse analysis of institutional logics how institutional isomorphism is prevalent in this sector and how New Public Management systems need to conform from instrumental rule-making to incentive-making to make public service adopt CSR in a more authentic way.

CL 2005 has been effective for more than eight years. Its impact on corporations and corporate participants has been a popular topic in the academic world. In response, the rules of CL 2005 in regulating limited liability companies, which have not attracted intensive attention of scholars, have considerable influence on the Chinese business environment and are less subject to government control, will be examined in this thesis. With reference to law and economics analysis which asserts the contractual nature of the firm, this thesis lays the theoretical foundation for evaluating CL 2005: 1) the character and the content of legal rules, and 2) the allocation of authority in decision-making and agency problems indicated by the application of agency theory in the context of close corporations. Based on this analytical framework, the relevant rules on the book and in action will be examined in this thesis. Specifically, it will be argued in this thesis that overlap between ownership and management is an established norm in allocating authority in limited liability companies and this norm requires that shareholders have discretion in choosing the way of management that is tailored to their own special needs. The way of management has a variety of different forms; accordingly, company law should respect and facilitate the private contracting of shareholders by adopting enabling rules in respect of the corporate governance structure of limited liability companies. Nonetheless, the relevant rules on the books fail to meet the requirement of the established norm, as their mandatory character offers a rigid and inflexible statutory governance structure though inclined to shareholder centralism. Although it is found in the work carried out in this thesis that courts relieve shareholders from such a strict regulation in many cases, it is suggested that the character of the relevant rules be clarified as enabling to reduce the uncertainty around their application in practice. Under the established pattern of allocation of authority, minority shareholders usually depend on the discretionary performance of majority shareholders, and consequently agency problems between shareholders then arise. After demonstrating the inappropriateness of the appraisal remedy in addressing the agency problems, three liability rules under CL 2005 will be analyzed in this thesis. Contrary to deregulators' claim on the default character of the rules, it will be argued in this thesis that mandatory liability rules with appropriate content should be provided by company law to constrain the discretion of majority shareholders. The three liability rules are considered to be mandatory and the theoretical scope of restraints imposed by them onto the conducts of majority shareholders seems to be somewhat adequate to address oppression. Nevertheless, it is discovered in this thesis that the adoption of the actual legality test by some courts may condone majority shareholders in a number of oppressive cases; when some courts carry out a substantive examination on the conducts of majority shareholders, there is no consistent principle that guides this examination. Therefore, the constraining effect of the rules on oppression and their mandatory character are weakened by the conservative and inconsistent application in practice by courts. To strengthen the protection of minority shareholders, this thesis will propose detailed suggestions for the formulation of the content of a desired mandatory liability rule and recommendations to apply the rule by courts. ; published_or_final_version ; Law ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy

In the article the questions of interaction of Religion and Politics in Ukraine and the USA (offline and online) are considered. The investigation of Multimedia factor in Ukraine and the USA in real and virtual spheres is developed. The main tendencies of Religious life in the modern world are characterized.Sufficient parts of events which take places in the investigated sphere of Religious-Political relations are reflected in Global Web. Enhancement of the role of WWW and intensification of its usage including in the Religious-Political life in the USA and Ukraine, updates the question regarding the possibility to investigate its online dimension and to subject to Philosophic analyses. Internet becomes a significant factor both in Religious life (inter-religious dialogue, virtual activity of offline and especially online cultic institutions, worship modification) and Political one (PR, imageology, branding, informational-psychological and hacking wars).During last centuries the USA appears as power center and pole of struggles between international religious and geopolitical relations: messianic and geopolitical claims of this power state is settled down by the references to Holy Bible, religious and political mythology, national historiography and historiosophia. The American Presidents quotes the Bible directly, based on its authority in political questions.Cyberspace has developing Religious segment: nearly all Religions, confessions, communities and denominations existing offline can be found there. Virtualization of Religion represents a new type of Religion existing; Religious and Political Internet becomes more popular, taking into account the meta-denominative, exterritorial, and supranational character of Global Web. Informational futurology becomes an integral companion of Religious and Political life. Flashmob is accepted as a factor of Virtualization of Religious and Political segment in the social life.Virtualization of the Religion, as well as a Social reflection of this process in the Political sphere, is accepted rather ambivalent: from hopes for global democratic Internet-revolution and Religious liberty achieved due to Political media and technologies up to computer escapism, technological totalitarianism of "united religion". Religious and Political IT conceptualization, liberal and conservative discourse of alibization and stigmatization of high-tech is taken place.The undertaken study shows the possibility to enter the virtual reality in the sphere of theological investigation, showing the necessity of analytical research in this field. Religion and Politic finds their implementation in cyberspace. Online segment influences more remarkable on Religious and Political reality in offline due to which Philosophy as well as many other sciences obtains besides offline measurement also online one.It is necessary to fulfill monitoring of cyberspace for preventative measures of inter-religious and interfaith oppositions and conflicts, because religious, political and other phenomena at the present stage often have cyber-component. Digitalization of Religious and Political life can conduce providing of civil, Religious and Political liberties, changes in the sphere of freedom of conscience protection and informative right of human being, beginning of Internet democracy. ; В данной статье рассматриваются мульмедиа в религиозных и политических отношениях в Украине и США. Характеризуется социальный феномен виртуализации как конвергентный процесс современной религиозной жизни. Осуществляется концептуализация социальных взаимоотношений религии и политики в реальной и виртуальной сферах, исследуется фактор мультимедиатизации. ; У даній статті розглядаються мультимедіа у релігійних і політичних відносинах в Україні та США. Характеризується соціальний феномен віртуалізації як конвергентний процес сучасного релігійного життя. Здійснюється концептуалізація соціальних взаємин релігії і політики у реальній і віртуальній сферах, досліджується чинник мультимедіатизації.

Degeneration of the cervical spine is part of the normal aging process, usually occurring without clinical symptoms. Symptomatic degeneration most often occurs in the lower cervical spine, presenting as axial neck pain, radiculopathy, myelopathy, or any combination of the three. When conservative treatment does not adequately manage these symptoms, surgical intervention may be required. The longstanding surgical treatment for cervical degeneration is arthrodesis achieved through anterior cervical discectomy and fusion (ACDF). A relatively newer treatment is arthroplasty with a cervical total disc replacement (CTDR), a motion-sparing procedure designed to maintain adjacent-level loading. While literature exists comparing the effects of cervical arthrodesis and cervical arthroplasty on neck kinematics and loading, the vast majority of these studies applied only quasi-static, non-injurious loading conditions. This dissertation research used a state-of-the-art, full body human finite element (FE) model to investigate the effects of these surgical procedures on neck response during simulated dynamic impacts. A method was developed to measure cross-sectional forces and moments at each level of the neck in the FE model. Neck loading was captured during three automobile impact simulations: a frontal impact of a belted driver with airbag deployment, a frontal impact of a belted passenger without airbag deployment, and an unbelted side impact. The measured neck forces and moments were compared to existing injury threshold values and used to calculate injury criteria values. Four additional simulations of the frontal impact with the belted driver were conducted with neck modifications representative of either a fusion or arthroplasty of C5-6. While cross-sectional loading above and below the implants did not vary appreciably, key differences were noted in both the interbody and facet response. However, no neck injury thresholds were exceeded in any of the simulations. With cervical radiculopathy diagnosed in 24,742 active-duty U.S. military personnel between 2000 and 2009, interest in cervical arthroplasty as treatment for symptomatic cervical degeneration in this population has increased. This motion-sparing procedure has the potential to expedite post-operative recovery time, allowing for these highly trained individuals to return to active-duty sooner than with a fusion. Due to the physically demanding nature of the military environment, it is important to ensure that this surgical procedure does not increase the likelihood of a neck injury. An FE simulation environment was developed to investigate aviator head and neck response during a survivable, rotary-wing aircraft impact with the ground using both an anthropomorphic test device (ATD) and a human body model. The head and neck response of the ATD FE simulation was successfully validated against the results of a previously conducted experimental sled test. A more biofidelic head and neck response was produced with the human body model, including realistic changes in neck curvature. Additional simulations were conducted with the human body model to investigate the neck response after cervical arthroplasty of C5-6. While the adjacent-level, cross-sectional loading for the C5-6 segment was not appreciably altered by the CTDRs, the interbody range-of-motion was increased; subsequently altering both the interbody and cervical facet loading. Again, no neck injury thresholds were exceeded in these simulations. Overall, cervical arthroplasty did not appear to have a deleterious effect on the dynamic neck response during a simulated rotary-wing aircraft impact. ; Ph. D.

Рассматриваются причины введения платы за высшее образование в Великобритании начиная с Закона об образовании 1998 г. и заканчивая реформами 2010 г. Исследование опирается на официальные документы, законы, доклады и аналитические статьи, которые помогают понять суть проблемы исследования. Использование статистики позволяет показать целостную картину системы высшего образования и выявить причины введения платы за высшее образование Великобритании. Также рассматриваются различные подходы партий по решению данного вопроса. ; This article examines the reasons for the introduction of tuition fees in the system of higher education in Great Britain, starting with the Teaching and Higher Education Act of 1998 and ending with the reforms of 2010. Relevance of the work lies in the fact that education is a sensitive sector of any state, it is also a guarantee of stability in society. I have chosen the UK education system because I tend to think this is a bright example of how the government is gradually shifting from free to paid education, making this process less painful. Education was free in the UK until 1998, logically the following questions arise: what were the causes and consequences of the introduction of tuition fees in the UK system of higher education? And could the government avoid the introduction of fees for higher education? To answer these questions it is necessary to review the situation in the field of higher education on the eve of the parliamentary election in 1997; to analyze statistical data on the UK higher education (the number of students, the number of foreign students, the proportion of public funding, the amount of payment for higher education); and to analyze the essence of educational reforms in the period from 1998 to 2010. Official documents, laws, and reports were used within the framework of this article. Furthermore, the official statistics were provided by the Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA) in order to analyze the situation in the UK system of higher education institutions before and after the reform in 2010. In addition, newspapers and analytical articles of leading experts were used to study various points of view on this issue. They helped to organize major events associated with the introduction of tuition fees for higher education in the UK as well. It is worth highlighting that the official website of the Ministry of Education played an important role because it includes not only statistical data but also reports, speeches and briefings. The methodology was based on the principle of comparison and principle of analyzing documents. The work given is divided into three parts. The first chapter is devoted to analysis of election campaigns of Labour and Conservative parties, the Dearing report, the Teaching and Higher Education Act of 1998, the Higher Education Act of 2004. This part tries to describe the mechanisms of the balanced system of tuition fees which take into consideration the work of grants and loans as well. Moreover, this section contains graphs that illustrate the situation in the UK before and after the crisis in higher education. The second chapter focuses on the educational reform of 2010, as well as on Browne Review «Securing a Sustainable Future for Higher Education» which explain why the coalitional government of Great Britain increased tuition fees. And the third part concerns directly the conclusions of this work and answers to formulated questions.

This dissertation intends to unveil the mecanisms of representation and influence on the domestic interior in installations from the 1950s onwards.It is about questioning reasons and meanings of the presence of 19th century patterns ( social levelling, distinction between domestic and public space, hoarding, promotion of the ornementation.) in contemporary practices. Furtheron, the dissertation tries to establish a typology of archetypal personae in contemporary works.19th century is not only the testimony of the rise of the interior and the standardization of social conventions but also aspring of artistic avant-gardes as well as political, industrial and social revolutions. However, when artists deal withdomestic interior they would rather refer to the conservative figure of the bourgeois and a regulated space. Consequently,has there been structural changes or modulations in the representation of interiors since the 19th century ? If so, do the forms used by these works have the same foundation as when the genre was created ?Through examples drawn from contemporary creation but also from curatorial and museographic practices, sociology, litterature or microhistory, we intend to find approaches in link with the issues raised by these works in order to present their variations and what they imply. A complete report is not intended in this dissertation.The visual art practice is directly related to the research topic. Anecdote is used as a lead because it offers an unprecedented access to historical facts, social changes, mechanisms of domination or cultural productions. It is thanks to its appearence in the interior through the decorative that this object is linked to the research topic. ; Cette thèse s'attache à mettre à jour les mécanismes de représentation et de réappropriation de l'intérieur domestiqueau sein des installations depuis les années 1950.Il s'agit de s'interroger quant aux raisons et significations de la présence de motifs hérités du XIXe siècle (nivellement social, distinction entre espace domestique et public, mise-en-scène de soi, accumulation de biens, valorisation de l'ornementation. ), au sein de pratiques contemporaines. Plus loin, on cherche à établir une typologie de personae archétypales au sein des oeuvres contemporaines. Témoin de l'émergence de l'intérieur autant que de la normalisation des conventions sociales, le XIXe siècle est également le creuset des avants-gardes artistiques autant que des révolutions – politiques, industrielles, sociales. Pourtant, c'est vers la figure conservatrice du bourgeois et d'un espace très réglementé que se tournent les artistes lorsqu'ils choisissent de se réapproprier l'intérieur domestique. Dès lors, existe-t-il des changements structurels ou des modulations dans la représentation des intérieurs depuis le XIXe siècle ? Le cas échéant, les formes adoptées par ces oeuvres sont elles issues des mêmes sources que lors de la naissance du genre ?À travers un ensemble d'exemples empruntés au champ de la création contemporaine, mais également à ceux des pratiques curatoriales et muséographiques, de la sociologie, de la littérature ou de la micro-histoire, il s'agit de dresser des pistes de réflexion quant aux enjeux soulignés par ces réalisations, afin d'en présenter les variations et ce qu'elles induisent, hors d'un compte rendu exhaustif. La pratique plastique est partie liée du sujet de recherche, l'anecdote y est érigée en guide en ce qu'elle offre une liberté d'accès sans précédent aux faits historiques, transformations sociales, mécanismes de domination ou productions culturelles. C'est à son émergence au sein de l'intérieur par le décoratif que cet objet est afférent au sujet de recherche.

В статье анализируется творческий и идейный путь, проделанный Г.П. Федотовым от членства в РСДРП к критике интеллигентского сознания и религиозной культуре. Отмечается противоречивый и вместе с тем синтетический характер социально-политического мировоззрения Федотова, соединяющего в себе черты христианства и социализма, культурного консерватизма и политического либерализма. Анализируется его «новоградский» проект будущего устройства России. ; The article examines the creative and conceptual way of Georgy Petrovich Fedotov (1886–1951) from his RSDWP membership to his criticism of the intelligentsia conscience and religious culture. Researchers divide his work into the three periods listed below: the "Russian" one, the "French" one (from 1925), and the "American" one (from 1941). The controversial yet at the same time synthetic nature of Fedotov's socio-political outlook, which combines features of Christianity and socialism, cultural conservatism and political liberalism, is stressed. His project of 'Novy grad' of the future structure of Russia is analyzed. Fedotov's views did not coincide with the existing ideologies of the Russian emigration; sometimes his articles were regarded as troubling because of their uncertainty. However, the thinker's publicistic works helped him gain the glory of the "new Herzen". Fedotov was the creator of one of the variants of the "post-revolutionary" ideology. From 1931 to 1939, he, together with I. I. Fondaminsky and F. A. Stepun, was publishing the magazine titled "Novy grad (New City). It was Philosophical, Religious, and Cultural Review, developing the topic of Christian and democratic socialism and trying to overcome intelligentsia consciousness which was a hindrance to religious culture. He sought to combine what was seemingly incompatible: the Middle Ages and humanism, Christianity and socialism, or culture and eschatology. In his works, Christian faith is placed side by side with liberalism and universal hope, while faith in Russia and his love for it gets along with a belief in the "freedom-loving" West. He spoke against both fascism and communism hoping for the triumph of freedom. At the same time, he sought to combine freedom and socialism (considering the latter to be the "prodigal son of Christianity") and called for its rebirth, which could lead at least to justice, if not to the Kingdom of God on earth. One can say that Georgy Fedotov supported personalist socialism in his concept (due to this fact, he is regarded as a "Christian Socialist"), and saw all the flaws of the market economy and bourgeois democracy. At the same time, he defended the freedom and dignity of the personality, and was a philosopher of culture and its true creator. In connection with the above statements, the thinker is numbered among either the camp of liberalism or that of liberal conservatism. Still, conservatism, even a liberal one, can hardly be regarded as his peculiar trait, despite his enthusiasm for medieval studies and religious culture. He regarded Christianity as a religion of constant creative renewal and edifying, heavily criticizing the forms of conservatism which existed in tsarist Russia, and positively evaluated February while maintaining a negative attitude towards October 1917. He saw the future of Russia as a multiethnic and democratic federal republic. Therefore, in our opinion, "conservative liberalism" would be the most appropriate definition of Fedotov's political philosophy.

Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas. Facultad de Historia. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Historia ; In Mexico , for a long time , the Catholic Church succeeded in acquiring immense economic , political and social power, which was an obstacle in the process of state-building and the construction of a national identity in the early twentieth century. Therefore, the revolutionary governments considered to reduce the ideological , social and political power of the clergy by implementing educational policies secular type , a chord society became possible with Western countries , ie prototypes of modern times . The Mexican Catholic Church had a free position of rebellion against the armed conflict in 1910 , while the fight lasted supported conservative groups , this will caused a confrontation with revolutionary governments . Following enactment of the 1917 Constitution , the State- Church deeply deteriorated by the contents of some articles of the Constitution ; especially the 3rd Constitution, which established normo and secular education in Mexico , 1 5th which abolished monastic vows and religious orders ; the 27th that the Church forbade owning or managing property and ; 130 which gave the government the right to intervene in matters of religion and external discipline and limited the political participation of the ministers of the clergy; these items were cataloged by the Church hierarchy as oppressive and largely became the source of the same religious conflict that led to the Cristero movement . Thus, during the second decade of the twentieth century , the revolutionary governments were proposed to erect a new national project that could potentially address , inter alia, the inherited divisions of the armed movement . ; En México, durante mucho tiempo, la Iglesia católica logró adquirir un inmenso poder económico, político y social, lo cual constituyó un obstáculo en el proceso de la consolidación del Estado así como la construcción de una identidad nacional en las primeras décadas del siglo XX. Por ello, los gobiernos posrevolucionarios consideraban que al disminuir el poder ideológico, social y político del clero mediante la implementación de políticas educativas de tipo laico, se hacía posible una sociedad más acorde con los países occidentales, es decir, prototipos de los tiempos modernos. La Iglesia católica mexicana había tenido una posición franca de rebeldía frente al conflicto armado de 1910, mientras duró la lucha apoyó a los grupos conservadores, esto le ocasionó un enfrentamiento con los gobiernos revolucionarios. Al promulgarse la Constitución de 1917, la relación Estado-Iglesia se deterioró profundamente por los contenidos de algunos artículos de la Carta Magna; especialmente el 3º Constitucional, que normó y estableció la educación laica en México;1 el 5º que suprimió los votos monásticos y las órdenes religiosas; el 27º que prohibió a la Iglesia poseer o administrar propiedades y; el 130 que otorgó el derecho al gobierno de intervenir en materia de cultos y de disciplina externa y, limitó la participación política de los ministros del clero; dichos artículos fueron catalogados por la jerarquía eclesiástica como opresivos y, en gran medida, se convirtieron en la fuente del conflicto religioso mismo que desembocó en el movimiento cristero. Así pues, durante la segunda década del siglo XX, los gobiernos posrevolucionarios se propusieron erigir un nuevo proyecto nacional que lograra subsanar, entre otras cosas, las divisiones heredadas del movimiento armado.

Of/By/For/RI: The Rhode Island Student Political Boot Camp Scott Andrews Sponsor: Maureen Moakley, Political Science "Election? What Election?" The 2011 Princeton Review rankings selected the University of Rhode Island in this category as one of the 20 most apathetic colleges in the country. When I asked students on URI's campus why they did not engage in activism, the most common answer was they felt they lacked the knowledge and skills to be effective. I wanted to create a community of youth activists at URI and other colleges and high schools throughout Rhode Island who feel empowered to take action on the issues they care about. This culminated in the weekend-long RI Student Political Boot Camp created Of, By, and For Rhode Island students. I served as the Executive Director for the Boot Camp Steering Committee comprised of 15 students from URI, Brown University, Rhode Island College and North Kingstown High School who are involved with organizations like College Democrats, College Republicans, or Democracy Matters. We worked for 6 months to garner resources and to establish connections with college and high school faculty and students, financial sponsors and local elected officials. As well, we created the program agenda and executed the logistics of a three-day, statewide training. Despite differing political viewpoints, the Steering Committee leaders were united by the goal of supporting students to become more informed and engaged members of our political process. Of/By/For/RI: The Rhode Island Student Political Boot Camp was a three day, statewide, bipartisan, political and issue advocacy empowerment training, at no charge to participants, held at the University of Rhode Island on November 18-20, 2011. 2004 Presidential Candidate, Governor Howard Dean kicked off the event with an inspiring keynote address, discussing the similarities and differences among youth activism now versus the 1960s. Saturday and Sunday were full-day trainings on all the aspects of getting involved in politics and issue advocacy. We offered trainings on essential skill sets of political activism from political experts and elected officials. These experts, from both national conservative and progressive organizations led training sessions on the skills that students need to know to get their issue to be taken seriously at the political level. Trainings included: Persuasive Communication, Volunteer Recruitment and Development, Field Organizing, Voter Targeting, Citizen Lobbying, New Media, Messaging and Fundraising. We concluded with a resume workshop and Jobs/Internship Fair for students to gain firsthand experience utilizing the skills they had learned. The RI Student Political Boot Camp weekend was an overwhelming success. Over 150 students participated, representing 15 different colleges and high schools from across Rhode Island. Since the event, many participants have become volunteers with local political organizations, some started new student chapters of civic organizations at their own campuses, and others are working across campuses to effect statewide change on issues such as campaign finance reform, homelessness, and voter registration initiatives. This event has empowered and engaged a new group of young leaders to take ownership of their community and has sparked a culture of activism, cooperation and collaboration among youth throughout Rhode Island. Our goal is to make this an annual event rotating among different Rhode Island host universities. Keywords: Political engagement, bipartisan, civic participation, advocacy skills, political activism

The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the evolution and the spread of neoliberalism in France between 1960 and 1980, following both a historical and sociological approach on the networks of actors who promoted it. Born in the inter-war period when nineteenth century classical liberalism was called into question by competing doctrines, the neo-liberal doctrine was formed by rejecting the dogmas of the supporters of laissezfaire and by an important doctrinal renewal. Carried by a loose network made up of employer unions and poorly organized circles of academics, neo-liberalism became institutionalized thanks to the support of the conservative fringe of large businesses and anti-communist activists who created the "Association pour la Liberté Economique et le Progrès Social" in 1966. In the 1970s, this first generation of activists was replaced by a new one, familiar with Anglo-Saxon economic litterature and linked in to transnational networks prone to the free circulation of ideas. They promoted a dynamic neo-liberal movement which aspired to break the social consensus of the postwar period. Gathered around the group of the "New Economists" created in 1977, these intellectuals were the vectors of the circulation of neo-liberal ideas in the intellectual and political spheres in France. This insight into the history of neoliberal networks of French activists aims to "de-homogenize" neoliberalism, which is multifaceted and which has undergone important changes over time. Secondly, it attempts to underline the crucial role of transnational networks of exchange of ideas in the development and legitimization of scientific knowledge used for the purpose of political activism. ; Cette recherche propose d'analyser l'évolution et la diffusion de la doctrine néo-libérale en France entre les années 1960 et 1980 à partir d'un travail de sociologie historique sur les réseaux d'acteurs l'ayant portée. Née dans l'entre-deux-guerres dans un contexte de remise en cause par des doctrines concurrentes des principes fondamentaux de la doctrine libérale du XIXe siècle, la doctrine néo-libérale va se former par un abandon des dogmes des partisans du laissez-faire et par un renouvellement doctrinal important. Portée par une nébuleuse comprenant des réseaux patronaux et universitaires faiblement organisés, le néo-libéralisme va peu à peu s'institutionnaliser avec l'appui de la frange conservatrice du patronat et de militants anti-communistes qui vont créer l'Association pour la Liberté Économique et le Progrès Social en 1966. Dans les années 1970, cette génération de militants va laisser place à une nouvelle, socialisée à la littérature économique anglo-saxonne et insérée dans les réseaux transnationaux de circulation des idées qui va promouvoir un néo-libéralisme offensif prônant une rupture radicale avec le consensus social d'après-guerre. Regroupés autour du groupe des Nouveaux Économistes créé en 1977, ces intellectuels vont être les vecteurs de la circulation des idées néo-libérales dans le champ intellectuel et politique en important ces doctrines en France. Cette immersion dans l'histoire de réseaux néo-libéraux militants français nous invite d'une part à "déshomogénéiser" le néo-libéralisme qui présente plusieurs facettes et qui a connu d'importantes évolutions à travers le temps, et d'autre part à souligner le rôle crucial que jouent des forums transnationaux de circulation des idées dans l'élaboration et la légitimation de savoirs scientifiques faisant l'objet d'usages militants.

The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the evolution and the spread of neoliberalism in France between 1960 and 1980, following both a historical and sociological approach on the networks of actors who promoted it. Born in the inter-war period when nineteenth century classical liberalism was called into question by competing doctrines, the neo-liberal doctrine was formed by rejecting the dogmas of the supporters of laissezfaire and by an important doctrinal renewal. Carried by a loose network made up of employer unions and poorly organized circles of academics, neo-liberalism became institutionalized thanks to the support of the conservative fringe of large businesses and anti-communist activists who created the "Association pour la Liberté Economique et le Progrès Social" in 1966. In the 1970s, this first generation of activists was replaced by a new one, familiar with Anglo-Saxon economic litterature and linked in to transnational networks prone to the free circulation of ideas. They promoted a dynamic neo-liberal movement which aspired to break the social consensus of the postwar period. Gathered around the group of the "New Economists" created in 1977, these intellectuals were the vectors of the circulation of neo-liberal ideas in the intellectual and political spheres in France. This insight into the history of neoliberal networks of French activists aims to "de-homogenize" neoliberalism, which is multifaceted and which has undergone important changes over time. Secondly, it attempts to underline the crucial role of transnational networks of exchange of ideas in the development and legitimization of scientific knowledge used for the purpose of political activism. ; Cette recherche propose d'analyser l'évolution et la diffusion de la doctrine néo-libérale en France entre les années 1960 et 1980 à partir d'un travail de sociologie historique sur les réseaux d'acteurs l'ayant portée. Née dans l'entre-deux-guerres dans un contexte de remise en cause par des doctrines concurrentes des principes fondamentaux de la doctrine libérale du XIXe siècle, la doctrine néo-libérale va se former par un abandon des dogmes des partisans du laissez-faire et par un renouvellement doctrinal important. Portée par une nébuleuse comprenant des réseaux patronaux et universitaires faiblement organisés, le néo-libéralisme va peu à peu s'institutionnaliser avec l'appui de la frange conservatrice du patronat et de militants anti-communistes qui vont créer l'Association pour la Liberté Économique et le Progrès Social en 1966. Dans les années 1970, cette génération de militants va laisser place à une nouvelle, socialisée à la littérature économique anglo-saxonne et insérée dans les réseaux transnationaux de circulation des idées qui va promouvoir un néo-libéralisme offensif prônant une rupture radicale avec le consensus social d'après-guerre. Regroupés autour du groupe des Nouveaux Économistes créé en 1977, ces intellectuels vont être les vecteurs de la circulation des idées néo-libérales dans le champ intellectuel et politique en important ces doctrines en France. Cette immersion dans l'histoire de réseaux néo-libéraux militants français nous invite d'une part à "déshomogénéiser" le néo-libéralisme qui présente plusieurs facettes et qui a connu d'importantes évolutions à travers le temps, et d'autre part à souligner le rôle crucial que jouent des forums transnationaux de circulation des idées dans l'élaboration et la légitimation de savoirs scientifiques faisant l'objet d'usages militants.

Using the French philosopher Ernest Renan's dictum that the "nation's existence is . a daily plebiscite" as an ironic point of departure, this dissertation examines the contours of oppositional political culture to the French annexation of the County of Nice and the Duchy of Savoy in 1860. Ceded by treaty to France by the northern Italian kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia, these two mountainous border territories had long been culturally and geo-strategically in the French orbit. Unlike their counterparts in any other province of France, the inhabitants of the two territories were asked to approve or reject the annexation treaty, and thus their incorporation into France, in a plebiscite employing universal male suffrage. The 1860 annexation has traditionally been viewed as a rare example of an uncontroversial nineteenth-century territorial realignment, an instance where French strategic and diplomatic interests aligned perfectly with the national aspirations of the inhabitants.In fact, the annexation was always more controversial than the virtually unanimous plebiscite results indicate. The archival record shows surprisingly strong and long-lived resistance to the settlement of 1860 in both territories. Cultural tensions between French administrators and the annexed populations exacerbated separatist sentiment as the gulf between the expectations of an easy transition and the far more complex reality of the enormous administrative transformation became increasingly manifest. Unsettled and antagonistic diplomatic relationships with Switzerland (which felt entitled to territorial compensations in Savoy) and Italy (where many nationalists resented having to give up Nice) contributed to French fears that these neighboring countries would try to subvert the annexation. French administrators consistently turned to the quasi-mythical notion of "Swiss agents" or "Italian subverters" to explain the resistance that they encountered to French rule. These tensions resulted in the emergence of anti-French movements, oriented in Savoy toward nearby Switzerland and in Nice toward the newly-unified Italy. The opposition in Savoy was predominantly political and republican in character. Attracted to Switzerland's decentralized government and political liberties, it grew stronger in the 1860's as opposition to the Second Empire increased. Niçois opposition, by contrast, maintained an essentially ethno-national-territorial agenda oriented towards Italy, and had great affinities to the irredentism of Italian nationalists after 1861.The catastrophic Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871 brought these movements to a head. Fears that Savoy and Nice might voluntarily detach themselves from the French state appeared very quickly after the Sedan disaster, culminating in street riots in Nice and the election of three separatist deputies to the National Assembly, and a movement in the northern Savoy in favor of inviting Switzerland to occupy and annex territory in the Haute-Savoie. In both provinces, separatism drew strength from the unresolved tensions of the annexation as well as from the uncertain political climate of France's Third Republic. As monarchists and republicans battled for control of the state, separatism became linked to the national political struggle. Initially this was most evident in Savoy, where the pro-Swiss separatist current in Savoy remained grounded in the area's precocious republicanism. In Nice separatism maintained its Italian dimension, but gradually became marginalized and discredited when separatist leaders became involved with the conservatives. The firm establishment of the Republic by 1880 thus, paradoxically, helped to neutralize both separatist currents and finally cemented the annexation that had occurred two decades earlier.

Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; S'agissant de l'Algérie, la question posée par le thème « Genre et migration » doit être appréhendée en premier lieu par rapport aux périodes historiques qui se sont succédées depuis l'indépendance à 2010 ; ensuite au regard des mutations intervenues dans l'ordre juridique interne algérien venues affranchir la condition féminine des servitudes, vécues de façon très inégale par les femmes. En réalité, la ligne de partage entre hommes et femmes, au regard des migrations internationales algériennes, est d'une pertinence toute relative. Elle a indéniablement un intérêt historique, puisque seuls, à l'origine, les hommes pouvaient émigrer. Mais d'une façon générale, le clivage hommes/femmes, aussi pertinent soit-il, ne peut à lui seul rendre compte de la nature très composite des migrations algériennes, surtout dans un pays où l'élite intellectuelle est majoritairement féminine et où les différentiations socioculturelles à partir des classes sociales transcendent largement celles inhérentes au genre. Par ailleurs, il est très important, pour cerner au plus près les réalités des migrations algériennes, de raisonner, à partir du couple, ce qui permet d'évaluer, a priori, la vocation des couples migrants (avec ou sans enfants) à s'intégrer dans la société occidentale. Les couples de culture occidentale et issus de milieux aisés s'adapteront facilement à l'environnement du pays d'arrivée, ce qui permettra à la femme algérienne de poursuivre ses activités et d'avoir des relations sociales aussi bien avec les populations algériennes comparables que les populations de souche. En revanche, les couples de culture arabophone et issus des milieux les plus conservateurs éprouveront des difficultés considérables à s'intégrer. Ceci dit, les pays d'arrivée ont d'autant moins de raisons de céder aux extrémismes religieux que les législations internes des pays de départ consacrent dans leur majorité, l'égalité entre l'homme et la femme, ont réaménagé profondément leur code de la famille, en y supprimant les dispositions les plus discriminatoires à l'endroit des femmes, faisant même obligation aux formations politiques d'appliquer la parité aux élections locales et générales. / For Algeria the question raised by «Gender and Migration» has to be addressed according to successive historical periods from independence to 2010 ; then through modifications in the Algerian legal order which released women from a series of servitudes. The separation between men and women in Algerian international migration is actually not fully relevant. It is of mainly historical interest since only men used to be able to travel. But the difference between men and women cannot explain, in itself, the diversity of Algerian migrations, especially in a country where the intellectual elite is mainly female and where socio-cultural differences based on social classes are more relevant than differences based on gender. Besides, it is important to address migration regarding couples, which enables an evaluation a priori of the probability that migrant couples (with or without children) will be integrated into Western society. Couples with Western culture from a high social class will easily adapt and Algerian woman will be able to share activities and social relations with Algerian or local populations. Couples of Arab-speaking culture and from a conservative social class will have huge difficulties in being integrated. Receiving countries have no reason to accept religious extremism, all the more since the national regulations of countries of origin mostly guarantee equality between men and women, have reformed their family code and have suppressed the most discriminatory provisions.

Ставится проблема роли парламентской культуры в регионе как основы взаимоотношений представительной власти и населения. Особое внимание уделяется историко-культурному контексту развития парламентаризма в Томской области. ; Today the problem of regional parliament culture is the least elaborated one in the national political science. Starting from the general definition "political culture" in its orientational and interpretative aspects the author, referring to the few studies on the regional political and parliament culture, shows how the regional parliament culture can display itself in the historic region. He shares the view of the parliament culture as a public behavior of deputies in parliament, regulated and governed by parliament rules, traditions of behavior in the legislature and the parliament Commission on Ethics, if such one is stipulated by the regulations. In this regard, the parliament culture is a part of the political culture of society as a whole. Notably in this case it is a question of a belief system, views, value orientations on politics of an individual, group or society as a whole. In this case, practice confirms the famous observation that democracy depends not only on the structures and institutions, but it is based on values. In this article the author pays much attention to the "external" aspect of culture in the parliament. The problems and prospects of subjective vision, and often the problems of the political reality construction are examined on the basis of the Legislative (former State) Duma of Tomsk Oblast. In the article the theme of historical roots of parliament in Tomsk, of the Legislative Duma projects of important political events celebration of the past is examined. According to the author, history and political (including parliament) culture are associated by the fact that they create the conservative base of society, in fact structuring the society in its basic patterns and ideals. Without such a mission, the society loses its orientational foundation, and the government is preoccupied only with its legitimacy. Nevertheless, the article shows that a society cannot live only in the past. Dialectical unity of the past and the future in constructive activity of the regional parliament culture is illustrated by Tomsk science and education. The article discovers the role of the Tomsk Oblast Duma in the passing process of the Law "Innovation activity" in 1999, its contribution to supporting of talented young scientists and students. The author raises the problem of worthy application of the image-building past of the Siberian university capital to preserve and multiply the scientific and educational resources when the attitude of young people to science is negative. The particular attention is paid to the modern conversational forms of communication by using Internet projects of Tomsk Parliament, such as "Deputy on the forum", "43rd Deputy". This is only a part of examples of the participational and interactive political culture formation. The regional deputies have to pay attention to the significant dates that allow strengthening the society on the basis of the past examples and not only on the basis of goals and values of the present and the future. All this makes it possible to consider optimistically that the parliament culture of Tomsk Oblast deserves the brand of "Siberian Athens".