La formulación de políticas para satisfacer las necesidades de cuidado de la sociedad nunca había sido más urgente que ahora. En muchas partes del mundo desarrollado, la creciente participación de la mujer en el empleo remunerado ha socavado el modelo tradicional del padre como sostén de la familia, el cual descansaba sobre la disponibilidad de una esposa dependiente que permanecía en el hogar para cuidar de los hijos y los parientes discapacitados, mayores o frágiles. Con este documento se busca comprender la forma en que se configuran las políticas del cuidado. Se examina la dinámica existente entre la forma en que el público formula demandas de cuidado y las distintas maneras en que las políticas de cuidado se crean y aplican en diferentes contextos nacionales, regionales e históricos. El énfasis de este estudio recae principalmente en las políticas de cuidado infantil para las madres y los padres trabajadores de Europa, pero también se abordan las políticas dirigidas a las personas discapacitadas y a los proveedores de cuidado no remunerados. El objetivo de este trabajo es entender la relación, en determinados contextos, entre (i) la articulación de las demandas con base en las necesidades de aquellos que brindan o reciben cuidado; (ii) los marcos políticos y la lógica de las políticas relativas a las necesidades de cuidado; y (iii) los resultados de dichas políticas para distintos grupos de beneficiarios y proveedores de cuidados. El documento se divide en dos secciones principales. La primera se ocupa de las diferentes formas en que los actores políticos enmarcan o delimitan las políticas de cuidado en Europa. La sección comienza con un breve repaso de las teorías y los conceptos que sustentan el documento, para luego proceder con la aplicación de dichas teorías y conceptos en un análisis sobre la forma en que se interpretan las necesidades de cuidado en las demandas de aquellos que representan a los proveedores y beneficiarios del cuidado. Se definen cinco áreas de demandas: conciliación entre el trabajo y el cuidado; apoyo a las personas discapacitadas; cuidado no remunerado; exigencias de flexibilidad por parte de los sindicatos; y cuidado suministrado por migrantes. Según la autora, las demandas de cuidado en estas áreas, tomadas en su conjunto, amplían las exigencias de reconocimiento, derechos y redistribución de responsabilidades en materia de cuidado y apuntan hacia un marco general de justicia social. El análisis de la formulación de políticas en Europa revela que algunos de los discursos relacionados con las nociones de justicia social se ven reflejados en la política del cuidado, pero también muestra que el marco predominante es el de la política del cuidado como forma de inversión social en capital humano. En este documento se examinan las oportunidades y limitaciones políticas relativas al surgimiento de derechos sociales para los padres e hijos en Europa. En la segunda parte del documento se examinan las políticas en diferentes contextos nacionales a partir de las siguientes interrogantes: ¿qué factores llevan a la formulación de las políticas? y ¿qué significa esto para los resultados que pueden obtenerse en relación con las desigualdades sociales? Los factores analizados son el cambio demográfico, la inversión social, la generación de empleo y la naturaleza mundial de la política del cuidado. A manera de conclusión, se señala en el documento que las políticas del cuidado en Europa están impregnadas de tensiones y contradicciones dimanantes de las perspectivas tanto de los proveedores como de los beneficiarios del cuidado. Por una parte, se han registrado importantes cambios en los diez últimos años. Por ejemplo, el reconocimiento del potencial de empleo de aquellos que hasta ahora han permanecido marginados del trabajo remunerado, como las madres y las personas discapacitadas; el reconocimiento de la capacidad de los hombres para suministrar cuidado; el aumento de las responsabilidades del Estado como proveedor de cuidados, en especial el cuidado infantil; y el reconocimiento de los parientes proveedores de cuidado. Por la otra, estas oportunidades han venido de la mano con limitaciones, entre ellas el sentido de obligación de las madres y las personas discapacitadas de conseguir trabajo a menudo en las partes más precarias del mercado laboral; una mayor comodificación de los servicios de cuidado; y la producción de padres y proveedores de cuidado, personas mayores y discapacitadas que ejercen su opción como consumidores en el mercado del cuidado, en lugar de hacer oír su voz como ciudadanos en el ámbito público del cuidado. Estos acontecimientos también han tenido como consecuencia la creación de una fuerza laboral migrante pobremente remunerada. En esta situación, el desafío clave radica en utilizar aquellos espacios en los cuales el cuidado se ha politizado y se han adquirido derechos para fomentar el valor político, social y económico del cuidado como componente fundamental de las demandas de justicia social nacional y transnacional. / ; Abstract. The question of how to devise policies to meet the care needs of society has become more urgent than ever. In many parts of the developed world, women's increasing involvement in paid employment has undermined the traditional male breadwinner model which assumed the availability of a dependent wife at home to care for children, disabled family members and older, frail relatives. This paper seeks to understand how care policies are shaped. It looks at the dynamic between how constituencies make care claims and the ways in which care policies are constructed and delivered in different national, regional and historical contexts. The focus is mainly on childcare policies for working parents in Europe, but the purview here also includes policies for disabled people and unpaid carers. Its aim is to provide an understanding, within particular contexts, of the relationship between (i) the articulation of claims based on the needs of those who provide and/or receive care; (ii) the political frames and logics of policies which attend to care needs; and (iii) the outcomes of such policies for different groups of care receivers and providers. The paper is divided into two main sections. The first focuses on the ways different political actors frame care policies in Europe. It starts with a brief review of the theories and concepts that inform the paper. It goes on to apply these to an analysis of how care needs are interpreted in the claims of those representing the providers and receivers of care. Five areas of claims are identified: work/care reconciliation; disabled people's support; unpaid care; trade union demands for flexibility; and migrant care work. It proposes that, together, claims in these areas expand demands for recognition, rights and the redistribution of responsibilities in relation to care, and that they look to an overarching frame of social justice. The analysis of policy making in Europe shows that some of the discourses attached to notions of social justice find reflection in care policy but that the dominant frame is that of care policy as a form of social investment in human capital. The paper examines political opportunities and constraints in the emergence of social rights for parents and children in Europe. The second part examines policies in different national contexts by asking which issues drive policies and what this means for outcomes in terms of social inequalities. The issues examined are demographic change, social investment, employment creation and the global nature of care policy. In conclusion, the paper finds that care policies in Europe are imbued with tension and contradiction from the perspective of those who provide and receive care support. On the one hand, the last decade has seen important changes: for example, the recognition of the employment potential of those previously marginalized from paid work such as mothers and disabled people; the recognition of men's caring capacities; the rise of state responsibilities for care provision, especially in child care; and the recognition of family carers. On the other hand, these opportunities have been accompanied by constraints, including a sense of obligation by mothers and disabled people to find work often in the more precarious parts of the labour market; the increased commodification of care services; and the construction of parents/carers, older and disabled people exercising choice as consumers in the care market, rather than exercising their voice as citizens in the public domain of care. Such developments have also had the consequence of creating a poorly paid migrant labour economy of care. In this situation the key challenge is to use those spaces in which care has become politicized and rights have been won to advance the political, social and economic value of care as a crucial component in claims for national and transnational social justice. / ; Résumé. Comment concevoir des politiques qui puissent répondre aux besoins de soins des sociétés? La question se pose en termes plus urgents que jamais. Dans bien des pays développés, les femmes sont de plus en plus nombreuses à avoir un emploi rémunéré, ce qui a affaibli le modèle traditionnel de l'homme soutien de famille, qui supposait la présence au foyer d'une épouse à charge s'occupant des enfants ainsi que des parents handicapés ou âgés et fragiles. L'auteur de ce document cherche à comprendre comment sont conçues les politiques des soins et de l'assistance aux personnes. Elle examine la dynamique entre les revendications des différents publics en la matière et la façon dont les politiques sont élaborées et appliquées dans divers contextes nationaux, régionaux et historiques. Elle s'est intéressée principalement aux politiques de garde des enfants mises en place pour les parents qui travaillent en Europe, bien que les politiques relatives aux handicapés et aux soignants non rémunérés entrent aussi dans son champ d'étude. Son objectif est de faire comprendre, dans des contextes particuliers, la relation entre (i) l'articulation des revendications qui partent des besoins des soignants et/ou des soignés; (ii) les cadres et logiques des politiques soucieuses de répondre aux besoins en matière de soins et d'assistance aux personnes; et (iii) les effets de ces politiques sur les différents groupes de soignés et de soignants. Le document se divise en deux sections principales. La première porte sur la manière dont différents acteurs politiques conçoivent les politiques de soins et d'assistance aux personnes en Europe. L'auteur commence par un bref exposé des théories et des concepts qui informent le document. Elle poursuit en les appliquant à une analyse des besoins en matière de soins et d'assistance tels qu'ils ressortent de l'interprétation qu'en donnent les représentants des soignants et des soignés dans leurs revendications. Elle recense cinq domaines de revendication: nécessité de concilier travail et soins; aide aux personnes handicapées; soins non rémunérés; revendications syndicales de flexibilité; et place des migrants dans le secteur des soins. Elle suggère que, collectivement, les revendications dans ces domaines tendent à obtenir une reconnaissance, des droits et une redistribution des responsabilités en matière de soins et d'assistance aux personnes, et se réfèrent à un modèle général de justice sociale. L'analyse des politiques élaborées en Europe montre que certains des discours qui s'inspirent des notions de justice sociale se traduisent concrètement dans les politiques de soins et d'assistance aux personnes mais que le cadre dominant consiste à concevoir la politique de soins et d'assistance aux personnes comme une forme d'investissement social dans le capital humain. L'auteur examine ce qui, en politique, favorise l'émergence de droits sociaux pour les parents et les enfants en Europe et ce qui y fait obstacle. La deuxième partie est consacrée à l'examen des politiques dans leurs différents contextes nationaux. L'auteur examine les questions qui peuvent être à l'origine de ces politiques-l'évolution démographique, l'investissement social, la création d'emplois et la nature de la politique des soins dans le monde-et se demande quels en sont les résultats en termes d'inégalités sociales. En conclusion, l'auteur estime que les politiques des soins en Europe sont pleines de tensions et contradictions du point de vue des soignants comme des soignés. D'une part, d'importantes évolutions se sont produites en dix ans: on reconnaît aujourd'hui l'employabilité de personnes qui étaient tenues naguère à l'écart de l'emploi rémunéré telles que les mères de famille et les personnes handicapées, de même que les aptitudes des hommes en matière de soins; les Etats assument davantage de responsabilités dans la prestation de services, en particulier dans le secteur des garderies pour enfants et l'on reconnaît le rôle des soignants familiaux. De l'autre, ces chances ne vont pas sans contraintes: ainsi, les mères et les personnes handicapées se sentent obligées de trouver du travail, souvent dans les secteurs les plus précaires du marché; on assiste à une marchandisation accrue des services de soins et les parents, soignants, personnes âgées et handicapées sont plus perçus comme des consommateurs faisant des choix sur le marché des soins que comme des citoyens dans le domaine public des soins. Ces évolutions ont eu aussi pour effet de créer une économie des soins portée par des travailleurs migrants mal payés. Dans ces circonstances, le grand défi est d'utiliser les espaces dans lesquels les soins sont politisés et où des droits ont été acquis pour faire valoir l'aspect politique, social et économique des soins comme revendication cruciale de justice sociale aux plans national et transnational.
Introduction: Revisiting and formalising my research, teaching and responsibilities (scientific, administrative and pedagogical) are the main objectives of this briefing note with a view to being empowered to direct research. Since the I defended my thesis in 1997, and some lines of force were asserted. I would like to show the coherence of these lines of force before projecting myself into the second part of my academic career.However, this reflexive work cannot be limited to a retrospective analysis of a personal approach. Exploring its sources and influences is also necessary to support the construction of the theoretical and methodological tools of institutional socio-clinics.To report on my research activity, I have chosen a methodological entry in preference to an entry by objects. This note will therefore primarily report on the construction of a research posture and secondarily on the results concerning the objects themselves. This is how I felt it was most appropriate to respond to the order formulated in the ministerial circular.In addition to my activity as a researcher, I was head of the University Service for Teaching Training (SUFICE) at the University of Paris 8 from October 2002 to October 2007. This busy administrative experience affected my research activity relatively little but gave me access to aspects of university functioning that I still had only a limited perception of. It also gave me an involved understanding of the reform of teacher training and the production of university policies at a time when reshuffles are particularly important. In doing so, it has had a significant impact on my research activity.Finally, concerning teaching, in particular research training, I have been directing DEA/master's work since 2000 and I frequently set up research and/or intervention teams with master and doctoral students trained in our team. Research and training are then linked.Being, inseparably, a researcher, an administrator and a teacher, the three main concerns that guided the writing of this synthesis note are the following:- to show the circulations between my research activity and my other activities as a teacher-researcher (teaching and administration),- to question the origins and uses of the words that have accompanied me during these years by going back over the history of the terms "socio-analysis", "socianalysis", "socio-clinical", "clinical sociology" as well as "involvement" and "professional involvement",- characterize my research posture by identifying the influences that have fuelled its construction in order to formalize its principles. In doing so, show what kind of results it produces and how it can generate collective work. But these three avenues of reflection are not disjointed, so they will all be present in each of the four parts that make up this summary note.The various uses of the words mentioned above, and their very success, are nowadays causing confusion which sometimes makes it difficult to disseminate research results and to teach. In my publications, this difficulty has led me alternately to justify the meaning in which I used them, at the risk of being repetitive, and to forge new ones, at the risk of relative isolation. The publications contained in the attached files reveal this movement.The critical appropriation of methodological and theoretical tools for the elaboration of a singular posture is therefore the main thread of this summary note which I submit for reading in the following order:Vivid" educational questions and socio-clinical researchThe first part of this note takes a retrospective look at the diversity of the intervention and research orders I have responded to, which determine the corpus of my institutional socio-clinic. The analysis of these commissions allows me to relate the institutional developments in the field to those of the research issues (learning to read and write, violence, innovation, professionalisation, school dropout, parenthood).A summary table of my most significant research is proposed in the appendix, it will allow the reader to quickly identify the characteristics and the sequence of my work. An index allows to refer to it when these projects are mentioned.in the body of the text.The research mechanism (trans-national and trans-disciplinary) that has been progressively built to respond to these commissions is also presented in this first part. It sheds light on the way in which I have positioned myself as a researcher in the face of current educational policies and situations.Social sciences and clinical approachesThe second part goes back to the origins and current status of clinical approaches in the social sciences and more specifically in the educational sciences. This makes it possible to situate the institutional socio-clinical approach within a theoretical and methodological filiation in which the influence of psychoanalysis on institutional analysis appears strongly.In doing so, the origins of the different socianalytical currents and their relationship with psychoanalysis on the one hand and with clinical sociology on the other can be clarified. This second part concludes with an update of the principles that guide my practice.socio-clinical.The concept of involvement, the cornerstone of institutional socio-clinicsThe third part clarifies the theoretical and practical implications of the concept of involvement. It shows the evolutions and tensions, particularly in the educational sciences and more broadly in the social sciences. The circulation of the concept between practiceprofessional and research practice is studied in the genesis of the concept, particularly in the work of René Lourau.The concept of professional involvement, as it appeared in educational sciences in the 1990s, is then exposed in its various declinations. Anglo-Saxon and then European research, conducted on the concepts of involvement and commitment in the fields of management and marketing, is also presented as a counterpoint for their contribution to the concept of professional involvement. These debates concerning the definition and use of the concept of involvement to analyse both the practice of the researcher and that of education professionals are extended by an illustration of how I use it in the research training I provide to professionals returning to university.The tools of institutional socio-clinicsThe fourth part draws the general lessons from my various works on institutional processes in the field of education. To this end, I propose a continuation of the work on the concept of resistance which was the subject of my doctoral thesis. In it, Iadd the notions of interference and institutional transducer that I have been developing since then.Finally, the notions of professional practice and involvement are clarified.From a methodological point of view, this last part also proposes a focus on the most significant socio-clinical devices and techniques built to grasp these processes through the study of professional practices and implications.The conclusion puts into perspective the different objects worked on during this journey. They are situated in institutional processes whose analysis requires an approach sensitive to the "work of the negative".The orientation of my future work then takes shape in a will to link the theoretical exploration of institutional processes and methodological elaboration. ; Introduction: Revisiter et formaliser mon parcours de recherche, d'enseignement et d'exercice de responsabilités (scientifiques, administratives et pédagogiques) sont les principaux objectifs de cette note de synthèse en vue de l'habilitation à diriger des recherches. Depuis lasoutenance de ma thèse en 1997, des lignes de force se sont affirmées. Je souhaite ici en montrer la cohérence avant de me projeter dans la seconde partie de ma carrière universitaire.Ce travail réflexif ne peut cependant en rester à l'analyse rétrospective d'une démarche personnelle. En explorer les sources et les influences est également nécessaire pour étayer la construction des outils théoriques et méthodologiques de la socio-clinique institutionnelle.Pour rendre compte de mon activité de recherche, j'ai choisi une entrée méthodologique préférentiellement à une entrée par les objets. Cette note rendra donc prioritairement compte de la construction d'une posture de recherche et secondairement desrésultats concernant les objets eux-mêmes. C'est ainsi qu'il m'a paru le plus juste de répondre à la commande formulée par la circulaire ministérielle.Complémentairement à mon activité de chercheur, j'ai dirigé le Service Universitaire de Formation pour l'Enseignement (SUFICE) de l'Université Paris 8 d'octobre 2002 à octobre 2007. Cette expérience administrative prenante a relativement peu affecté mon activité de recherche mais m'a donné accès à des aspects du fonctionnement universitaire dont je n'avais encore qu'une perception limitée. Elle m'a également apporté une compréhension impliquée de la réforme de la formation des enseignants et de la production des politiques universitaires dans une période où les remaniements sont particulièrement importants. Ce faisant, elle a produit des effets importants sur mon activité de recherche.Enfin, concernant l'enseignement, en particulier la formation à la recherche, je dirige depuis 2000 des travaux de DEA/master et je constitue fréquemment des équipes de recherche et/ou d'intervention avec des étudiants de master et doctorat formés dans notre équipe.Recherche et formation sont alors liées.Etant, de façon indissociable, chercheur, administrateur et enseignant, les trois principales préoccupations qui ont guidé l'écriture de cette note de synthèse sont les suivantes :- faire apparaître les circulations entre mon activité de recherche et mes autres activités d'enseignant-chercheur (enseignement et administration),- interroger les origines et les usages des mots qui m'ont accompagné durant ces années en revenant sur l'histoire des termes « socio-analyse », « socianalyse », « socio-clinique », « sociologie clinique » ainsi qu'« implication » et « implication professionnelle »,- caractériser ma posture de recherche en identifiant les influences qui ont alimenté sa construction afin d'en formaliser les principes. Ce faisant, montrer quel type de résultats elle produit et comment elle peut générer des travaux collectifs. Mais ces trois voies de réflexion ne sont pas disjointes, elles seront donc toutes trois présentes dans chacune des quatre parties qui composent cette note de synthèse.Les divers usages des mots mentionnés plus haut, leurs succès même, produisent aujourd'hui des brouillages qui rendent parfois difficiles aussi bien la diffusion des résultats de recherche que l'enseignement. Dans mes publications, cette difficulté m'a conduit alternativement à justifier le sens dans lequel je les employais, au risque d'être répétitif, et à en forger de nouveaux, au risque d'un relatif isolement. Les publications contenues dans les dossiers joints font apparaître ce mouvement.L'appropriation critique d'outils méthodologiques et théoriques pour l'élaboration d'une posture singulière est donc le fil conducteur de cette note de synthèse que je soumets à la lecture suivant l'ordre d'exposé suivant :Questions éducatives « vives » et recherches socio-cliniquesLa première partie de cette note porte un regard rétrospectif sur la diversité des commandes d'intervention et de recherche auxquelles j'ai répondu, celles-ci déterminant le corpus de ma socio-clinique institutionnelle. L'analyse de ces commandes permet de mettre en rapport les évolutions institutionnelles du champ avec celles des problématiques de recherche (apprentissage de la lecture et de l'écriture, violence, innovation, professionnalisation, déscolarisation, parentalité).Un tableau récapitulatif de mes recherches les plus significatives est proposé en annexe, il permettra au lecteur d'en identifier rapidement les caractéristiques et l'enchaînement. Une indexation permet de s'y reporter lorsque ces chantiers sont évoquésdans le corps du texte.Le dispositif de recherche (trans-national et trans-disciplinaire) qui a été progressivement construit pour répondre à ces commandes est également présenté dans cette première partie. Il éclaire la manière dont je me suis positionné comme chercheur face à l'actualité des politiques et des situations éducatives.Les sciences sociales et les approches cliniquesLa seconde partie revient sur les origines et l'actualité des approches cliniques en sciences sociales et plus précisément en sciences de l'éducation. Cela permet d'y situer la démarche socio-clinique institutionnelle dans une filiation théorique et méthodologique où l'influence de la psychanalyse sur l'analyse institutionnelle apparaît avec force.Ce faisant, les origines des différents courants socianalytiques et leurs rapports avec la psychanalyse d'une part et avec la sociologie clinique d'autre part peuvent être précisés. Cette seconde partie se clôt par la mise à jour des principes qui orientent ma pratiquesocio-clinique.Le concept d'implication, pivot de la socio-clinique institutionnelleLa troisième partie clarifie les enjeux théoriques et pratiques du concept d'implication. Elle en montre les évolutions et les tensions, notamment dans les sciences de l'éducation et plus largement dans les sciences sociales. La circulation du concept entre pratiqueprofessionnelle et pratique de recherche y est étudiée dans la genèse du concept, en particulier dans l'oeuvre de René Lourau.Le concept d'implication professionnelle, tel qu'il est apparu en sciences de l'éducation dans les années 1990, est ensuite exposé dans ses différentes déclinaisons. Les recherches anglo-saxonnes puis européennes, menées sur les concepts d'involvement et de commitment dans les domaines de la gestion et du marketing, sont également présentées en contrepoint pour leur apport au concept d'implication professionnelle. Ces débats concernant la définition et l'usage du concept d'implication pour analyser aussi bien la pratique du chercheur que celles des professionnels de l'éducation sont prolongés par une illustration de la manière dont je l'utilise dans la formation à la recherche que j'assure auprès de professionnels en reprise d'études à l'université.Les outils de la socio-clinique institutionnelleLa quatrième partie dégage les enseignements généraux de mes différents travaux portant sur les processus institutionnels dans le champ éducatif. A cette fin, je propose une suite au travail du concept de résistance qui faisait l'objet de ma thèse de doctorat. S'yajoutent les notions d'interférence et de transducteur institutionnels que j'élabore depuis.Enfin, y sont précisées les notions de pratique et d'implication professionnelles.D'un point de vue méthodologique, cette dernière partie propose également une mise au point sur les dispositifs et les techniques socio-cliniques les plus significatifs construits pour saisir ces processus à travers l'étude des pratiques et des implications professionnelles.La conclusion met en perspective les différents objets travaillés au cours de ce parcours. Ils sont situés dans des processus institutionnels dont l'analyse nécessite une démarche sensible au « travail du négatif ».L'orientation de mes travaux futurs se dessine alors dans une volonté de lier l'exploration théorique des processus institutionnels et l'élaboration méthodologique.
Captura de Radovan KaradzicEl ex presidente de la República Serbia de Bosnia, Radovan Karadzic, de 63 años, es acusado de genocidio y crímenes de guerra . Es uno de los hombres más buscados del mundo, ha sido detenido el pasado martes en Serbia.Apodado el "carnicero de Sarajevo", estuvo prófugo desde 1996, está inculpado por el Tribunal Penal Internacional para la antigua Yugoslavia (creado ad hoc para juzgar los delitos cometidos durante ese conflicto).Se le acusa también de haber orquestado las ejecuciones de hasta 8.000 musulmanes en Srebrenica durante la guerra en Bosnia en 1995.Se ocultaba tras una identidad falsa y un aspecto irreconocible, con barba, pelo largo y mucho más delgado. Ejercía la medicina alternativa en Belgrado, donde ha sido detenido. Varios medios informan al respecto:"CNN":"Fugitive Karadzic hid as bearded medic":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/22/serb.arrest/index.html"Time":"Karadzic's Arrest Comes Too Late":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825366,00.html"Karadzic Hid with False Identity":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825377,00.html"Judge Orders Karadzic to UN Tribunal":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825268,00.html"Le Monde":"Karadzic se cachait à Belgrade sous une fausse identité":http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/22/le-serbe-radovan-karadzic-inculpe-de-genocide-a-ete-arrete_1075780_3214.html#ens_id=1075781"La Serbie solde en partie les comptes de son passé":http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/22/la-serbie-solde-en-partie-les-comptes-de-son-passe_1075844_3214.html#ens_id=1075781"Radovan Karadzic, fourrier d'un sanglant ultranationalisme serbe":http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2008/07/22/radovan-karadzic-l-icone-de-l-ultranationalisme-serbe_1075820_3214.html"New York Times":"Serb Officials Detail Capture of Karadzic":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/23/world/europe/23serbia.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin"La Nación": "Satisfacción en la UE por la detención de Radovan Karadzic: Sin embargo, los líderes mostraron prudencia sobre los avances con Serbia a partir del arresto del criminal de guerra más buscado; no declaró en su primer interrogatorio":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032472"Detienen al criminal de guerra más buscado: Es Radovan Karadzic, acusado de genocidio en los Balcanes":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032386"The Economist":"Arrest of a strongman: Radovan Karadzic is arrested at last, in a big boost to Serbia's prospects of joining the European Union":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11778164&source=features_box_main"Los Angeles Times":"Bosnian Serb war crimes suspect Radovan Karadzic caught":http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-warcrime22-2008jul22,0,7520714.story"Times":"Wanted fugitive Radovan Karadzic developed alter ego as New Age doctor":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4377240.ece"The dark life and times of Radovan Karadzic":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4377484.ece"Eyewitness: the role of Karadzic in Sarajevo's vicious civil war: As a foreign correspondent for The Times, Edward Gorman visited many theatres of war during the 1990s. Here he recalls the dark days of the siege of Sarajevo":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4377963.ece"Factfile: Bosnia's bloody history:The tangled and troubled history to the Bosnian civil war, which saw the worst massacres in Europe since WW2":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article4378742.ece"El Tiempo":"Arrestado el ex jefe militar serbobosnio Radovan Karadzic, acusado de genocidio":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/home/arrestado-el-ex-jefe-militar-serbobosnio-radovan-karadzic-acusado-de-genocidio-_4388156-1"El Universal": "Envían a La Haya a Karadzic: El fiscal Vladimir Vukcevic dijo el martes a la prensa que el juez emitió la orden para la entrega del sospechoso a la corte internacional por 11 crímenes de guerra":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/524272.html"MSNBC":"War crimes suspect quizzed after decade on run: Bosnian Serb leader Karadzic worked as doctor while hunted for massacres":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25793223/"Background, quotes on The Hague, Karadzic: Tribunal facts and what key figures have to say about the fugitive's arrest":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25798405/"El Mercurio":"Presunto criminal de guerra requerido en La Haya: Luego de 12 años de búsqueda detienen a Radovan Karadzic, el "carnicero de Sarajevo"":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/_portada/noticias/B62A3BF4-561F-42DF-B372-E6A97619E49E.htm?id={B62A3BF4-561F-42DF-B372-E6A97619E49E}"El País" de Madrid:"Celebración en Sarajevo, disturbios en Belgrado: Cientos de nacionalistas serbios se enfrentan con la Policía por la detención de Radovan Karadzic, muy celebrada en Bosnia":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Celebracion/Sarajevo/disturbios/Belgrado/elpepuint/20080722elpepuint_13/Tes"Detenido en Serbia Karadzic, el criminal de guerra más buscado":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Detenido/Serbia/Karadzic/criminal/guerra/buscado/elpepuint/20080722elpepuint_2/Tes"Los ministros de Exteriores de la UE esperarán al informe del TPYI para descongelar el pacto de adhesión de Serbia: La detención de Karadzic acerca al país de los Balcanes a Europa":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/ministros/Exteriores/UE/esperaran/informe/TPYI/descongelar/pacto/adhesion/Serbia/elpepuint/20080722elpepuint_9/Tes AMERICA LATINA"MSNBC" publica: "Haiti food aid lags, hunger deepens: As nation starves, aid is stuck in port or inside warehouses":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25773473/"El País" de Madrid informa: "Mueren cuatro militares venezolanos y un boliviano al caer un helicóptero en el centro de Bolivia: La aeronave iba a ser utilizada hoy por el presidente Evo Morales":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Mueren/militares/venezolanos/boliviano/caer/helicoptero/centro/Bolivia/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_13/Tes"MSNBC" publica: "Helicopter crashes in Bolivia, killing five: Copter was often used to transport Bolivian president":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25785714/"CNN" informa: "Dolly intensifies; Texas and Mexico brace for hurricane":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/US/weather/07/21/tropical.weather/index.html"La Ancion" publica: "La crisis política / La embestida kirchnerista contra el vicepresidente: El Gobierno echó a seis funcionarios de Cobos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032410"El Mercurio" publica: "El secretario de Agricultura sería la primera baja del gabinete argentino":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/internacional/noticias/217A4F30-1D6C-4B42-9354-B2E194388F5A.htm?id={217A4F30-1D6C-4B42-9354-B2E194388F5A}"CNN" publica: "Chavez set to spend big on Russian weapons":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/07/22/chavez.russia/index.html"La Nación" informa: "Chávez inició una estratégica visita a Rusia: El mandatario realizó una nueva compra de armas y selló importantes acuerdos energéticos tras reunirse con su par ruso, Dimitri Medvedev":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032471"The Economist" analiza: "Deadly masaje: How not to tackle a soaring murder rate":http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11750858"El Mercurio" informa: "20 muertos habría dejado ataque a base de las FARC": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/internacional/noticias/E029D5C3-F87C-466E-81E2-32434314CDC9.htm?id={E029D5C3-F87C-466E-81E2-32434314CDC9}"The Economist" analiza: "Mending an icon: How Rio's first good governor in decades is starting to renew Brazil's most famous city": http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11750451 ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA "New York Times" publica: "Obama Meets Iraqi Officials in Baghdad":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/22/us/politics/22obama.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin"CNN" informa: "Obama finds 'consensus' in Iraq for U.S. troop withdrawal":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/07/22/obama.mideast/index.html"El Mercurio" de Chile publica: "Campaña electoral por la Casa Blanca: Gira de Obama desata frenesí periodístico en Estados Unidos":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/internacional/noticias/F0B3A5F6-8B0C-4F9B-B389-83E111BEDDB1.htm?id={F0B3A5F6-8B0C-4F9B-B389-83E111BEDDB1}"The Economist" analiza: "The Hispanic vote: ¡Voten por mi!. Latino voters are turning away from John McCain. That's a symptom of a bigger problem for Republicans":http://www.economist.com/world/na/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11750600"Time" informa: "Never Underestimate McCain, But.":http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1825337,00.html"Time" publica sitio web sobre elecciones en los Estados Unidos: "The Page":http://thepage.time.com/"La Nación" informa: "Guantánamo: comenzó el primer juicio: El acusado es el ex chofer de Osama ben Laden, que ayer se declaró inocente ante un tribunal militar":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032343"Time" publica: "Bin Laden Driver Pleads Not Guilty":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825089,00.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "El chófer de Bin Laden niega las acusaciones en el primer juicio en Guantánamo: Salim Ahmed Hamdan se enfrenta a una pena de cadena perpetua por conspiración y apoyo a actividades terroristas": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/chofer/Bin/Laden/niega/acusaciones/primer/juicio/Guantanamo/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_6/Tes EUROPA "The Economist" analiza: "Bosnia's future: Balkan end-games. The long and winding road towards the European Union":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751332"El País" de Madrid publica: " Sarkozy transmite a Irlanda su respeto al resultado del referéndum: El mandatario francés, que ejerce la presidencia rotatoria de la UE, se ha reunido con el primer ministro de Irlanda Brian Cowen en busca de una explicación al 'no'": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Sarkozy/transmite/Irlanda/respeto/resultado/referendum/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_16/Tes"El Mercurio"de Chile informa: "Sarkozy logra estrecha victoria con aprobación a reforma constitucional":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/07/22/internacional/_portada/noticias/11AF2738-5487-43B6-9D0F-71C578D6BE24.htm?id={11AF2738-5487-43B6-9D0F-71C578D6BE24}"MSNBC" publica: "Spanish police smash 'most wanted' ETA cell: 9 held as raids target Basque separatist group following series of attacks":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25799230/"CNN" indorma: "Nine ETA bombing suspects arrested":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/07/22/spain.arrests/index.html"La Nación" informa: "La lucha contra el terrorismo en España: Desarticulan el comando más activo de ETA. Detuvieron a nueve personas, entre ellos el jefe; serían los responsables de la mayoría de los atentados cometidos tras el fin de la tregua":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032470"El País" de Madrid informa: "España confirma que el Rey sí verá a Chávez: Un comunicado del Gobierno español dice que se reunirán el viernes en Mallorca, a pesar de que el presidente venezolano desmintió ayer que haya confirmado el encuentro": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Espana/confirma/Rey/vera/Chavez/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_2/Tes"La Nación" publica: "Cerraron el caso Maddie por falta de evidencias: Los padres harán otra investigación":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032387"The Economist" analiza: "Berlusconi fiddles, Italy burns: Silvio Berlusconi's government is turning out to be depressingly similar to his previous one":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751325Asia – Pacífico /Medio OrieNTE"MSNBC" informa: "Myanmar cyclone caused $4 billion in damage: Country needs at least $1 billion in aid over three years, U.N. says":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25785731/"The Economist" informa: "Business in China: Busting trust. The land of the mega-monopoly is about to adopt an antitrust law":http://www.economist.com/business/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751042"Time" publica: "China Pulls Troops From Quake Zone":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825310,00.html"MSNBC" analiza: "Olympic city halves traffic to aid polluted skies: Car ban forces Beijing residents to take public transport in clean air bid":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/25778988/"CNN" infroma: "Indian government's future on a knife edge":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/07/22/india.vote/index.html"Time" publica: "India MPs to Hold Confidence Vote":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825382,00.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "El tifón Kalmaegi causa 18 muertos en Taiwán: El tifón ha causado graves inundaciones, corrimientos de tierra y pérdidas agrícolas de alrededor de diez millones de euros":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/tifon/Kalmaegi/causa/muertos/Taiwan/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_1/Tes"Time" informa: "ASEAN Turns Blind Eye to Burma Rights":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825357,00.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "Brown: "La paz entre palestinos e israelíes está al alcance de la mano": El líder laborista, primer 'premier' británico que habla ante la 'Knesset' (parlamento israelí).- Exige de nuevo a Irán que suspenda su programa nuclear":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Brown/paz/palestinos/israelies/alcance/mano/elppgl/20080721elpepuint_11/Tes"La Nación": "Brown pidió a Irán que cese su plan nuclear":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1032345"Times" publica: "Bulldozer driver shot dead in Jerusalem after ramming cars":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/article4378076.ece AFRICA"El País" de Madrid publica: "Gobierno y oposición de Zimbabue acuerdan iniciar un proceso de diálogo para salir de la crisis: El líder del MDC, vencedor de las elecciones que nunca reconoció el régimen de Mugabe, firmará en persona el acuerdo":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Gobierno/oposicion/Zimbabue/acuerdan/iniciar/proceso/dialogo/salir/crisis/elpepuint/20080721elpepuint_12/Tes"CNN" informa: "Zimbabwe rivals sign deal on talks":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/21/zimbabwe.deal/index.html"Time" informa: "Breakthrough in Zimbabwe: Let's Talk":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1825151,00.html"CNN" publica: "Zimbabwe: Inflation 'highest in the world'":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/07/17/zimbabwe.inflation.ap/index.html"The Economist" analiza: "Sudan's leader is accused, but others can expect to follow: Will the indictment of Sudan's president for alleged war crimes help or hinder the prospects for peace in Darfur?":http://www.economist.com/world/africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751353ECONOMIA"CNN" informa: "Oil jumps $2 on Iran, storm: Crude prices bounce back from $16 slide as Iran nuclear talks end without agreement and traders fear tropical storm in Gulf of Mexico.":http://money.cnn.com/2008/07/21/markets/oil/index.htm?postversion=2008072115"The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751734&CFID=13935362&CFTOKEN=69812019"El País" de Madrid publica: "El rescate de Fannie Mae y Freddie Mac le costará al contribuyente 25.000 millones de dólares: Según la Oficina de Presupuesto del Congreso.- Los dos bancos hipotecarios siguen su desplome en la bolsa":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/rescate/Fannie/Mae/Freddie/Mac/le/costara/contribuyente/25000/millones/dolares/elpepueco/20080722elpepueco_8/TesOTRAS NOTICIAS"El País" de Madrid publica: "Movilización mundial contra las FARC: Ingrid Betancourt pide en París la liberación de todos los secuestrados. Miles de asistentes a un concierto reclaman el fin de la guerrilla en Colombia":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Ingrid/Betancourt/pide/Paris/liberacion/todos/secuestrados/elpepuint/20080721elpepiint_3/Tes"CNN" informa: "World rallies for FARC hostages' freedom":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/07/20/colombia.hostages.ap/index.html"The Economist" publica: "Iran and America: A surprising move. Why America is sending a top man to talk directly to the Iranians":http://www.economist.com/world/africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11751318
This thesis "Essays on Trade Liberalization and Income Inequality in Developing Countries" is in three essays. The first chapter "Explaining Trade Flows: Traditional and New Determinants of Trade Patterns" deals with the hypothesis that countries trade according to their factor endowments: this is the factor abundance theory of Hecksher-Ohlin. This hypothesis is crucial for the link between trade and inequality. The relation between factor endowments and trade in goods (commodity version of Hecksher-Ohlin) provide mildly encouraging empirical results. But in the analysis of factor service trade and factor endowments (factor content version of HO), the results show that it performs poorly and reject strict HOV models in favor of modifications that allow for technology differences, consumer's preferences differences, increasing returns to scale or cost of trade. In this first paper we test if these "new" determinants help us to improve our estimation of trade patterns in commodities. The results show that HOV is "alive and well" and furthermore that the "new" determinants have not more explanatory power in the period 1980-2000 compared with the period 1960-1980. Nonetheless adding the new determinants of factor content studies help us to improve the prediction of being specialized in different manufactured products. This result was already found by previous studies. That factor endowments matter is especially robust concerning specialization according to human capital endowment. This result is probably attributable to our distinguishing among three sorts of skills. More generally, the results in this chapter provide a further justification for our concentration in the next chapter on factor endowments as factors contributing to explain why trade has different effects on income inequality. The second chapter "Openness and Inequality in Developing Countries: A New Look at the Evidence" deals with the heterogeneity among developing countries concerning factor endowments and the fact that all factor endowments do not benefit of trade openness even when there are important in a country. More precisely in this chapter we extend previous analyses that have relied only on two sorts of labor factor (skilled and unskilled) since we distinguish between two sorts of unskilled labor, non educated and primary educated, arguing that the impact of trade openness according to human capital is a non linear relationship. Indeed, with three types of labor (no education, basic and highly skilled), Wood (1994) argues that openness in poor countries might increase inequalities by helping those with basic education and leaving even further behind those with no education. The results show that trade openness raises income inequalities both for non educated abundant countries and for highly educated abundant countries. Inversely trade liberalization decreases inequality for countries well endowed in primary educated labor. These results have not been established previously. They confirm Wood (1994) framework. Our results suggest that countries with at least 20% of primary educated labor will have decreasing inequalities during their liberalization, whereas countries with at least 20% of no educated labor will have increasing inequalities. In addition, once we control for country specificity we find also that trade increase income inequalities in capital abundant countries which support the HOS model. The third chapter "Trade and Wage Inequality in Developing Countries: South-South Trade Matters" deals with wage inequality and South-South trade. Globalization does not only lead to increasing North-South (N-S) trade, the direction and composition of trade has also changed. More trade is carried out between developing countries, and more developing countries are now exporting manufactures. As developing-country markets become more important for other developing countries and the future trade liberalization will mainly concern South-South trade, we need to examine closely their trade policies and their impact on inequality. First, in accounting for heterogeneity in the South we might discover that upper middle income countries are the "Northern" countries of low income countries and that this South-South trade will increase wage inequality in those middle income countries and decreasing wage inequality in low income countries. In this chapter, we also explore if South-South trade and North-South impact differently on sector technological change, since this may explains a difference in the impact of South-South trade on wage inequality. The chapter establishes several findings. First, we observe that South-South trade increases wage inequality in developing countries, and mainly in middle income countries. Second since S-S trade increases competitiveness in skill intensive products, S-S trade appears to bring technological change more biased towards skill intensive sector than N-S trade. The fact that S-S trade is more skill intensive sector oriented increase wage inequality for all developing countries (included low income countries). Whereas for middle income country the impact of S-S trade on increasing wage inequality is mainly direct (through the fact that they are the North in this S-S trade), for low income countries it is the indirect effect through the sector biased technological change which impact more on wage inequality. ; Cette thèse "Essais sur la Libéralisation Commerciale et le Inégalités de Revenu dans les Pays en Développement" se compose de trois chapitres. La premier chapitre "Explaining Trade Flows: Traditional and New Determinants of Trade Patterns" traite de l'hypothèse selon laquelle les pays commercent en fonction de leur avantage comparative en dotations de facteurs. C'est une hypothèse importante pour le chapitre suivant sur le lien entre commerce et inégalité. Les études empiriques précédentes dans le commerce international ont cherche à établir si les prévisions de cette théorie était confirmée par les données. La relation entre les dotations de facteur et les échanges de biens (version bien de Hecksher-Ohlin) fournit des résultats empiriques plutôt encourageants. Mais dans les études de dotations de facteur et de commerce dans le service des facteurs (version contenu factoriel de HO), les résultats sont faibles et le modèle strict HOV est rejeté en faveur des modifications qui tiennent compte des différences de technologie, différences des préférences du consommateur, les rendements d'échelle croissant ou le coût du commerce. Dans ce premier chapitre nous examinons si ces « nouveaux » déterminants aident à améliorer la prédiction des échanges dans les produits. Puisque la version bien permet d'utiliser de large base de données nous comparons également deux périodes, avant et après 1980. Ainsi nous pouvons évaluer si la théorie des dotations factorielles est « valide et juste » dans les épisodes récents de libéralisation commerciale relativement au passé. Nous utilisons une procédure d'Heckman pour tenir compte des non linéarités dans la relation entre les dotations de facteurs et les exportations nettes et entre l'intensité du commerce et les exportations nettes. Nos résultats prouvent que HOV est « valide et juste » et en outre que les « nouveaux » déterminants n'ont pas plus de pouvoir explicatif dans la période 1980-2000 comparé à la période 1960-1980. Néanmoins l'addition de ces nouveaux déterminants provenant des études de contenu de facteur nous aident à améliorer la prévision de spécialisation dans différents produits manufacturés. Le rôle des dotations de facteurs est particulièrement robuste en ce qui concerne la spécialisation selon la dotation en capital humain. Ce résultat est probablement attribuable à notre distinction parmi trois sortes de qualifications. L'évolution des échanges est également déterminée par l'intensité commerciale, ici la différence en technologie, la politique commerciale, le transport et les coûts de transaction expliquent la différence dans l'intensité commerciale. Plus généralement, les résultats de ce chapitre fournissent une justification pour notre intérêt aux dotations de facteur comme facteurs explicatifs de l'effet du commerce sur les inégalités de revenu. Le second chapitre "Openness and Inequality in Developing Countries: A New Look at the Evidence" aborde l'hétérogénéité parmi les pays en voie de développement dans les dotations de facteur et le fait que tous les facteurs ne bénéficient pas de la libéralisation commerciale même lorsqu'ils sont en dotation importante dans un pays. Puisque nous incluons toutes les sortes de facteurs, nous utilisons l'inégalité globale, mesurée par le coefficient de Gini, nous essayons également de mesurer la politique commerciale plutôt que le taux d'ouverture. Bien que cette approche, en considérant le revenu global, inclut plus de deux facteurs, et étend le modèle traditionnel de HOS, elle semble plus appropriée pour analyser l'inégalité dans les pays en voie de développement car elle inclue toute la population dont une grande partie n'est pas présente dans le secteur manufacturier. De plus elle permet d'inclure des pays à bas revenu alors qu'ils ne sont pas présents dans les études sur les inégalités de salaire. Plus précisément, dans ce chapitre nous approfondissons les analyses précédentes qui se sont fondées seulement sur deux sortes de facteur de travail (qualifié et non qualifié) puisque nous distinguons deux sortes de main-d'œuvre non qualifiée, non instruits et ceux avec un niveau d'instruction primaire, arguant du fait que l'impact de la libéralisation commerciale selon le capital humain n'est pas linéaire. En effet, avec trois types de travail (aucune éducation, de base et fortement qualifié), Wood (1994) argue que l'ouverture dans les pays pauvres pourrait augmenter des inégalités en aidant ceux avec une éducation de base et sans profiter a ceux sans éducation. Ce serait seulement lorsque les plus pauvres deviendraient raisonnablement qualifiés, que les déciles les plus bas commenceraient à tirer bénéfice de la demande accrue de travail. Nous approfondissons également l'approche sur les ressources naturelles en distinguant les ressources en terre des ressources minérales qui sont différemment distribuées parmi la population. Les résultats montrent que la libéralisation commerciale augmente les inégalités de revenu pour les pays abondants en non instruits et pour les pays abondants en main d'œuvre fortement qualifiée. Inversement la libération d'échanges diminue l'inégalité pour des pays bien dotés en main d'œuvre avec une éducation primaire. Ces résultats n'ont pas été établis précédemment. Ils confirment les prédictions de Wood (1994). Nos résultats suggèrent que les pays avec au moins de 20% de travailleurs instruits d'une éducation primaire auront des inégalités décroissantes pendant leur libéralisation, tandis que les pays avec au moins 20% de travailleurs non instruits auront des inégalités croissantes. En outre, une fois que nous contrôlons pour la spécificité de pays nous trouvons également que des inégalités de revenu augmente ave l'ouverture au commerce dans les pays abondants en capitaux ce qui soutient le modèle de HOS. L'implication en matière de politique est que la libéralisation accrue peut mener aux inégalités décroissantes de revenu dans les pays en voie de développement si elle est accompagnée d'une politique d'éducation primaire pour les plus pauvres. Les ouvriers dans les pays en voie de développement doivent acquérir un niveau raisonnable de compétence pour tirer bénéfice de la libération des échanges. Le troisième chapitre "Trade and Wage Inequality in Developing Countries: South-South Trade Matters" traite des inégalités de salaire et du commerce Sud-Sud. La globalisation n'a pas seulement conduit à l'augmentation du commerce Nord-Sud (NS), mais la direction et la composition du commerce ont également changé. De plus en plus de commerce s'effectue entre les pays en voie de développement, et ces pays exportent de plus en plus de biens manufacturés. Le commerce de Sud-Sud explique maintenant environ 40 pour cent du commerce des marchandises des pays en voie de développement et environ 12 pour cent du commerce mondial des marchandises. La libération des échanges a entrainé ce développement, avec des niveaux moyens de tarif autour du tiers de leurs niveaux en 1983. Comme ces marchés émergents deviennent plus importants pour les autres pays en voie de développement et que la libération d'échanges à venir concernera principalement le commerce de Sud-Sud, nous devons examiner de manière approfondie leurs politiques commerciales et leur impact sur l'inégalité. D'abord, en s'intéressant a l'hétérogénéité au sein des pays Sud, nous pourrions découvrir que les pays revenu moyen supérieur sont les pays « Nord » des pays a revenu faible et que ce commerce de Sud-Sud augmentera l'inégalité de salaire dans ces pays de revenu moyen et diminuera les inégalités de salaire dans les pays a faible revenu. Ici c'est simplement une transposition de la théorie commerciale Nord-Sud classique. Ensuite, la libéralisation des échanges avec le Nord ou le Sud pourrait également augmenter l'inégalité parmi des ouvriers si ceux qui ont les qualifications peuvent s'adapter aux nouvelles technologies bénéficiant ainsi de l'intégration économique accrue tandis que les autres n'en bénéficieraient pas. Ici la question porte sur le lien entre libéralisation des échanges, changement technologique et l'inégalité de salaire. Plusieurs études les lient en employant le biais en faveur de plus qualifiés dans le progrès technologique. Cependant Haskel et Slaughter (2002) ont montré récemment que concernant les Etats-Unis et le Royaume Uni c'était biais technologique sectoriel par secteur et non factoriel qui expliquent les inégalités de salaire. Dans ce chapitre, nous adoptons cette approche et nous explorons si le commerce Nord-Sud impacte différemment le biais technologique sectoriel que le commerce Sud-Sud, car ceci peut expliquer la différence dans l'impact du commerce Sud-Sud sur l'inégalité de salaire. Ce chapitre établit plusieurs résultats. Premièrement, nous observons le développement d'une relation type Nord-Sud entre les pays a revenu moyen et les pays a faible revenu. Puisque le commerce Sud-Sud augmente la compétitivité dans les produits intensifs en qualification, le commerce Sud-Sud semble apporter un changement technologique biaisé en faveur des plus qualifiés relativement au commerce Nord-Sud. Deuxièmement la croissance du commerce Sud-Sud augmente l'inégalité de salaire tandis que le commerce au Nord-Sud tend à diminuer l'inégalité de salaire inter-industries. Une partie de cette croissance des inégalités salaire avec le commerce Sud-Sud vient du développement d'une relation type Nord-Sud dans le commerce Sud-Sud qui augmente l'inégalité de salaire dans les pays en voie de développement a revenu moyen. Le fait que le commerce Sud-Sud soit plus oriente vers des biens intensifs en qualification va augmenter les inégalités de salaire dans tous les types de pays en voie de développement (y compris les pays a revenu faible). Cependant pour le pays a revenu moyen l'impact du commerce Sud-Sud sur l'inégalité de salaire est principalement direct (le fait qu'ils soient le Nord dans ce commerce Sud-Sud) pour 90%, alors que pour les pays a faible revenu c'est l'effet indirect, par biais technologique sectoriel, qui impacte davantage sur l'inégalité de salaire.
In this thesis, we consider how underground or alternative cultural activities, which we call off, could work for urban development much as mainstream cultures, or in, do. We propose that underground cultural activities are an important part of the cultural landscape of a city and, in this way, could be considered an important actor of urban development. As many authors have shown, culture is nowadays a key element of urban development. First, in the major urban redevelopment projects of the last two decades, there was often a cultural facility flagship, a museum or convention center for example. It is especially true in the case of waterfront or industrial wasteland redevelopments. Second, the artists are often pioneers in the gentrification process. The presence of artists has become meaningful for a neighborhood and has increased the real estate value of a place. Third, cultural and artistic activities are very important factors in building a positive image of a city. It markets the city as an innovative and creative place, two fundamental qualities essential to success in the global inter-city competition. Indeed, it is argued that a strong and dynamic cultural framework provides many leisure opportunities for inhabitants and tourists. Cultural activities are therefore increasingly becoming a marketing strategy to attract firms and people to visit or to settle down in a particular city; and cultural tourism is an engine for urban tourism. And finally, many predict that cultural activities are going to be one of the most important economical activities in the city, both by creating direct value and employment and by developing the tourist industry. But, most of these authors considered mainstream cultures. Our purpose is to demonstrate how underground cultures could also work with these topics. By underground or alternative culture, we mean all kinds of cultural activities that are not subsidized and that have no commercial value. But, because they are a part of the 'art world' and should not be considered as separate from the mainstream cultural world, we prefer to use another semantic scheme in our thesis. We are using the concept of 'in culture / off culture'(which is used to explain what is happening in the major art festivals). The in is organized and planned, while the off is spontaneous and opportunist; the off is free of commercial, academic or trend constraints, so it is a creative and innovative space; the in draws from the off new ideas and new talents; the off needs the in to build its legitimacy; and, little by little, the off becomes the real festival: the place to show and to be, the real engine of the festival which attracts more people and more artists until a new off of the off appears. In much the same way, in our study we consider underground cultures as "off culture", and mainstream culture as "in culture". Our research is focused on the artistic squats as an example and a syncretism of off culture. Indeed, they can be considered both as the space of the off culture and as the off spaces of culture. This is one of the original features of this research: using artistic squats as a comprehensive key to analyze and understand urban changes. For this reason, we needed to develop an original methodology. We propose to implement three different kinds of methodological research, each focusing on one of the topics already detailed and all based on artistic squats issues. These works will focus on the Parisian case, but also on other European and global metropolis, such as San Francisco, New York, Toronto, Berlin, London,. by our personal experiences or by bibliographic review. Concerning economical issues, we will most likely not implement empirical research, but it undoubtedly would be of some interest to do a bibliographically based comparison with the theory of innovation and creativity. On the other hand, a literature review has been done on the changes in cultural practices and taste and on sociology of art and artists. We will also consider, as a background theoretical framework, 'reflexive modernity', 'aesthetic reflexivity' and 'hypertext society' theories as well as 'networks society' and 'global cities' theories and 'creative city' and 'innovative society' theories in our study. Our three research focuses are the following: - Could off cultures be flagships for urban development? According to many authors, one of the key elements for a successful urban redevelopment project is a cultural flagship. We suggest that this flagship could be an off cultural flagship. Off culture spaces are as meaningful as in culture spaces. We argue that urban planners use off places as a flagship in urban redevelopment strategies. So, how could planners integrate these off spaces in urban projects? We study three urban projects, based on interviews and officials materials analyzes. We are considering a case where planners finally decided to integrate a off space in the urban redevelopment project (Les Frigos in the ZAC Paris-Rive Gauche). The second case (La Chapelle-Stalingrad regeneration project) shows how off culture are used as a tool for planning, by cleaning and securing a decaying area. Off artists become planners' pathfinder. They are symbolic shifter from decay to glamour. Then, the real planning project could start. Moreover, this example puts into relief the role of inhabitants organizations in the cultural-led regeneration planning. Indeed, it seems that culture is the unique acceptable feature for urban projects. What does this culture-oriented claim mean? For whose sake are cultural amenities created? The third project is the Newtown cultural precinct that has been created in Johannesburg (South Africa). In this quite unique urban, social, economic and political context, can culture play a similar role? What are the objectives of such an undertaking? Does this project correspond to the lifestyles and behaviours of the inhabitants? As it is shown with the Parisian example, this kind of urban planning practices are more related to a settlement policy than to a cultural one. - Are off spaces places of gentrification? Following many authors, we are interested in the aesthetic and consumerist explanations of gentrification processes. We propose that off cultures play a role in the gentrification process, and expect that they work by giving a trendy image to a neighborhood, as a creative and bohemian place. So, off cultures could be a meaningful pathfinder of gentrification. To prove our purpose, we implement a methodology based on real estate agents interview. We consider real estate agents as good informers about the evolution of real estate markets and neighborhood social changes. They could help us to understand neighborhood and market changes, to explore the potential for gentrification, and to clarify the role of artists and then of off artists and places in gentrification. To do so, we interview several agents in different neighborhoods, all of them located near artistic squats. At the same time, we realize a statistic analysis of real estate market trends. Nevertheless, the results of the researches are mixed. Local real estate agents use artists as a communication tool. They argue that artists and even off artists create a pleasant atmosphere in the neighbourhood, that could attract other populations. But, real estate statistics do not provide convincing results. The only certainty we can propose is that in general, property prices are not influenced by artistic squats. - Is the off an element of the 'tourist gaze'? We argue that off cultural spaces could be tourist places by corresponding to the 'tourist gaze' expectations. Therefore, we do not analyze the tourist (and then economic) impact of off places, but show that off places are important tourist attractions. To do so, we analyze how tourist guidebooks present a city. Indeed, guidebooks writers give meaning to a place by choosing specific places or things to see, and then by interpreting them for the tourists and sometimes by judging them. In this way, tourist guidebooks could be considered as meaningful pathfinder. Based on a comparison between Paris and Berlin, the analysis of several guidebooks shows main differences between the two cities' tourist image. In the Paris case, artistic squats and other off scenes are almost never described in guidebooks. Off is not a part of the city's experience. On the other hand, according to guidebooks, a tourist in Berlin should not avoid visiting one of the many off places. Off is definitely a local attraction. Moreover, off is the Berlin's taste. As we have showed, our PhD is quite ambitious. But it must be considered not as an exhaustive exercise but as an understanding of contemporary urban society proposal. This study help us to understand how off cultures are a part of the city imaginary, and so, how they give meaning to the city. But we also expect that our concept could be used by other scholars or planners for example to understand how urbanity occurs, how a place becomes trendy, or to put into relief relationships between in and off in other sphere. We expect to deliver some comprehensive keys for urban planners such as contemporary gazers. ; Dans cette thèse, nous montrons dans quelle mesure les pratiques culturelles alternatives, que nous appelons off, participent au développement des grandes métropoles, tout comme cela a été démontré avec la culture institutionnelle, que nous appelons in. Il est couramment admis que la culture est un élément qualifiant dans la concurrence inter-urbaine et est essentielle à la construction de l'image d'une métropole. En effet, la diversité et la qualité de l'offre culturelle et artistique sont des atouts pour attirer des entreprises de pointes dont les cadres sont friands et grands consommateurs de services culturels. D'autre part, l'événementiel culturel est un moteur du tourisme urbain, principalement axé autour du tourisme culturel. Enfin, la culture et l'industrie culturelle représentent aujourd'hui un secteur économique en pleine expansion, et jouent un rôle important dans le développement des grandes métropoles comme Paris, New York, Los Angeles et San Francisco. En terme de développement urbain, ces phénomènes peuvent se manifester de plusieurs manières : • Les lieux culturels sont programmés dans les projets urbains : dans de nombreux programmes de requalification de friches urbaines, de nouveaux équipements culturels et de loisirs ont été aménagés, devenant les portes-drapeaux de la regénération urbaine ; • les artistes sont souvent des pionniers de la gentrification. A la recherche de locaux spacieux, peu onéreux et centraux, ils s'installent dans des quartiers dévalorisés, industriels ou populaires ; et peu à peu, par leur présence, revalorisent symboliquement le quartier, où de nouvelles populations, attirées par la proximité des artistes, viennent s'installer, entraînant une hausse des prix de l'immobilier. Cela a souvent pour conséquence de chasser les populations les plus pauvres dont les artistes eux-mêmes, incapables de payer les nouveaux loyers ; • les espaces d'expression de la culture (musées, galeries, théâtres, patrimoine bâti.) sont les lieux visités par les touristes, devenant les symboles de la ville, reconnus internationalement. Ces observations portent sur ce que l'on peut considérer comme étant la culture institutionnelle, que nous appelons in. Pour notre part, nous proposons que les pratiques culturelles alternatives ou off participent elles-aussi et de manière similaire au développement urbain. Leur présence est révélatrice de la créativité et du dynamisme d'une métropole. Elle est porteuse d'une image positive pour la ville car c'est par la pluralité et la diversité des scènes et des pratiques artistiques que la culture devient un élément de la métropolisation. Nous parlons de culture in et de culture off par analogie aux grands festivals où se côtoient le in et le off. Le in y est programmé et le off opportuniste et spontané ; le in s'enrichit par l'existence du off où, par une plus grande liberté, peuvent se produire les innovations ; le off a besoin du in pour justifier son existence, trouver une légitimité. Et peu à peu, le off prend le dessus sur le in, attire plus de spectateurs, devient le moteur populaire du festival. Ainsi, dans cette thèse, nous postulons que la culture off joue un rôle dans le développement urbain par complémentarité avec la culture in. Pour cela, nous concentrons nos analyses autour des lieux culturels off (comme par exemple les squats d'artistes) pour montrer en quoi ils contribuent à l'attractivité d'un espace métropolitain. En effet, les lieux off sont l'inscription physique dans l'espace urbain de pratiques artistiques off. Ici, ils ne sont pas l'objet de l'étude, mais le fil conducteur, l'analyseur permettant une compréhension nouvelle des évolutions urbaines contemporaines. Dans cette optique, il s'agit de construire une méthodologie adaptée et novatrice en reprenant les trois grands marqueurs du développement urbain que nous avons présentés précédemment. Ainsi, trois axes et méthodes de recherche sont mis en œuvre : • La régénération urbaine. Comment les lieux culturels off sont-ils intégrés à des projets urbains ? Comment deviennent-ils des constituants d'un nouveau quartier ? Comment les aménageurs conçoivent-ils cette intégration ? Nous nous intéressons particulièrement aux discours produits par les différents acteurs impliqués pour justifier, expliquer et valoriser la présence de lieux off dans des projets d'aménagements (par exemple, l'intégration des Frigos dans la ZAC Paris-Rive gauche). • La gentrification. Dans quelle mesure des lieux off (comme les squats d'artistes) participent-ils à la revalorisation symbolique d'un quartier ? Pour cela, avons réalisé une analyse de données statistiques sur le marché immobilier parisien et des enquêtes auprès d'agents immobiliers afin de comprendre la perception, par des acteurs centraux du marché immobilier, de la présence d'artistes dans un quartier. • Le tourisme urbain. Les squats d'artistes et d'autres éléments de la culture off sont-ils des lieux touristiques ? Participent-ils à l'image touristique des villes ? Pour mettre en évidence cela, nous étudions la construction de l'image touristique des villes à travers une analyse sémiotique de différents guides touristiques. En effet, le guide touristique constitue en soi un corpus intéressant, quoique négligé, pour analyser l'image construite d'un lieu. Il ne reflète pas la réalité du lieu, mais construit et est construit par l'imaginaire porté par ce lieu. Au travers ces trois volets, cette recherche montre comment et dans quelle mesure un lieu off, peut participer au développement urbain. La coexistence des cultures in et off est essentielle à l'effervescence créative d'une métropole, à la fois révélatrice et symbole du dynamisme métropolitain.
In this thesis, we consider how underground or alternative cultural activities, which we call off, could work for urban development much as mainstream cultures, or in, do. We propose that underground cultural activities are an important part of the cultural landscape of a city and, in this way, could be considered an important actor of urban development. As many authors have shown, culture is nowadays a key element of urban development. First, in the major urban redevelopment projects of the last two decades, there was often a cultural facility flagship, a museum or convention center for example. It is especially true in the case of waterfront or industrial wasteland redevelopments. Second, the artists are often pioneers in the gentrification process. The presence of artists has become meaningful for a neighborhood and has increased the real estate value of a place. Third, cultural and artistic activities are very important factors in building a positive image of a city. It markets the city as an innovative and creative place, two fundamental qualities essential to success in the global inter-city competition. Indeed, it is argued that a strong and dynamic cultural framework provides many leisure opportunities for inhabitants and tourists. Cultural activities are therefore increasingly becoming a marketing strategy to attract firms and people to visit or to settle down in a particular city; and cultural tourism is an engine for urban tourism. And finally, many predict that cultural activities are going to be one of the most important economical activities in the city, both by creating direct value and employment and by developing the tourist industry. But, most of these authors considered mainstream cultures. Our purpose is to demonstrate how underground cultures could also work with these topics. By underground or alternative culture, we mean all kinds of cultural activities that are not subsidized and that have no commercial value. But, because they are a part of the 'art world' and should not be considered as separate from the mainstream cultural world, we prefer to use another semantic scheme in our thesis. We are using the concept of 'in culture / off culture'(which is used to explain what is happening in the major art festivals). The in is organized and planned, while the off is spontaneous and opportunist; the off is free of commercial, academic or trend constraints, so it is a creative and innovative space; the in draws from the off new ideas and new talents; the off needs the in to build its legitimacy; and, little by little, the off becomes the real festival: the place to show and to be, the real engine of the festival which attracts more people and more artists until a new off of the off appears. In much the same way, in our study we consider underground cultures as "off culture", and mainstream culture as "in culture". Our research is focused on the artistic squats as an example and a syncretism of off culture. Indeed, they can be considered both as the space of the off culture and as the off spaces of culture. This is one of the original features of this research: using artistic squats as a comprehensive key to analyze and understand urban changes. For this reason, we needed to develop an original methodology. We propose to implement three different kinds of methodological research, each focusing on one of the topics already detailed and all based on artistic squats issues. These works will focus on the Parisian case, but also on other European and global metropolis, such as San Francisco, New York, Toronto, Berlin, London,. by our personal experiences or by bibliographic review. Concerning economical issues, we will most likely not implement empirical research, but it undoubtedly would be of some interest to do a bibliographically based comparison with the theory of innovation and creativity. On the other hand, a literature review has been done on the changes in cultural practices and taste and on sociology of art and artists. We will also consider, as a background theoretical framework, 'reflexive modernity', 'aesthetic reflexivity' and 'hypertext society' theories as well as 'networks society' and 'global cities' theories and 'creative city' and 'innovative society' theories in our study. Our three research focuses are the following: - Could off cultures be flagships for urban development? According to many authors, one of the key elements for a successful urban redevelopment project is a cultural flagship. We suggest that this flagship could be an off cultural flagship. Off culture spaces are as meaningful as in culture spaces. We argue that urban planners use off places as a flagship in urban redevelopment strategies. So, how could planners integrate these off spaces in urban projects? We study three urban projects, based on interviews and officials materials analyzes. We are considering a case where planners finally decided to integrate a off space in the urban redevelopment project (Les Frigos in the ZAC Paris-Rive Gauche). The second case (La Chapelle-Stalingrad regeneration project) shows how off culture are used as a tool for planning, by cleaning and securing a decaying area. Off artists become planners' pathfinder. They are symbolic shifter from decay to glamour. Then, the real planning project could start. Moreover, this example puts into relief the role of inhabitants organizations in the cultural-led regeneration planning. Indeed, it seems that culture is the unique acceptable feature for urban projects. What does this culture-oriented claim mean? For whose sake are cultural amenities created? The third project is the Newtown cultural precinct that has been created in Johannesburg (South Africa). In this quite unique urban, social, economic and political context, can culture play a similar role? What are the objectives of such an undertaking? Does this project correspond to the lifestyles and behaviours of the inhabitants? As it is shown with the Parisian example, this kind of urban planning practices are more related to a settlement policy than to a cultural one. - Are off spaces places of gentrification? Following many authors, we are interested in the aesthetic and consumerist explanations of gentrification processes. We propose that off cultures play a role in the gentrification process, and expect that they work by giving a trendy image to a neighborhood, as a creative and bohemian place. So, off cultures could be a meaningful pathfinder of gentrification. To prove our purpose, we implement a methodology based on real estate agents interview. We consider real estate agents as good informers about the evolution of real estate markets and neighborhood social changes. They could help us to understand neighborhood and market changes, to explore the potential for gentrification, and to clarify the role of artists and then of off artists and places in gentrification. To do so, we interview several agents in different neighborhoods, all of them located near artistic squats. At the same time, we realize a statistic analysis of real estate market trends. Nevertheless, the results of the researches are mixed. Local real estate agents use artists as a communication tool. They argue that artists and even off artists create a pleasant atmosphere in the neighbourhood, that could attract other populations. But, real estate statistics do not provide convincing results. The only certainty we can propose is that in general, property prices are not influenced by artistic squats. - Is the off an element of the 'tourist gaze'? We argue that off cultural spaces could be tourist places by corresponding to the 'tourist gaze' expectations. Therefore, we do not analyze the tourist (and then economic) impact of off places, but show that off places are important tourist attractions. To do so, we analyze how tourist guidebooks present a city. Indeed, guidebooks writers give meaning to a place by choosing specific places or things to see, and then by interpreting them for the tourists and sometimes by judging them. In this way, tourist guidebooks could be considered as meaningful pathfinder. Based on a comparison between Paris and Berlin, the analysis of several guidebooks shows main differences between the two cities' tourist image. In the Paris case, artistic squats and other off scenes are almost never described in guidebooks. Off is not a part of the city's experience. On the other hand, according to guidebooks, a tourist in Berlin should not avoid visiting one of the many off places. Off is definitely a local attraction. Moreover, off is the Berlin's taste. As we have showed, our PhD is quite ambitious. But it must be considered not as an exhaustive exercise but as an understanding of contemporary urban society proposal. This study help us to understand how off cultures are a part of the city imaginary, and so, how they give meaning to the city. But we also expect that our concept could be used by other scholars or planners for example to understand how urbanity occurs, how a place becomes trendy, or to put into relief relationships between in and off in other sphere. We expect to deliver some comprehensive keys for urban planners such as contemporary gazers. ; Dans cette thèse, nous montrons dans quelle mesure les pratiques culturelles alternatives, que nous appelons off, participent au développement des grandes métropoles, tout comme cela a été démontré avec la culture institutionnelle, que nous appelons in. Il est couramment admis que la culture est un élément qualifiant dans la concurrence inter-urbaine et est essentielle à la construction de l'image d'une métropole. En effet, la diversité et la qualité de l'offre culturelle et artistique sont des atouts pour attirer des entreprises de pointes dont les cadres sont friands et grands consommateurs de services culturels. D'autre part, l'événementiel culturel est un moteur du tourisme urbain, principalement axé autour du tourisme culturel. Enfin, la culture et l'industrie culturelle représentent aujourd'hui un secteur économique en pleine expansion, et jouent un rôle important dans le développement des grandes métropoles comme Paris, New York, Los Angeles et San Francisco. En terme de développement urbain, ces phénomènes peuvent se manifester de plusieurs manières : • Les lieux culturels sont programmés dans les projets urbains : dans de nombreux programmes de requalification de friches urbaines, de nouveaux équipements culturels et de loisirs ont été aménagés, devenant les portes-drapeaux de la regénération urbaine ; • les artistes sont souvent des pionniers de la gentrification. A la recherche de locaux spacieux, peu onéreux et centraux, ils s'installent dans des quartiers dévalorisés, industriels ou populaires ; et peu à peu, par leur présence, revalorisent symboliquement le quartier, où de nouvelles populations, attirées par la proximité des artistes, viennent s'installer, entraînant une hausse des prix de l'immobilier. Cela a souvent pour conséquence de chasser les populations les plus pauvres dont les artistes eux-mêmes, incapables de payer les nouveaux loyers ; • les espaces d'expression de la culture (musées, galeries, théâtres, patrimoine bâti.) sont les lieux visités par les touristes, devenant les symboles de la ville, reconnus internationalement. Ces observations portent sur ce que l'on peut considérer comme étant la culture institutionnelle, que nous appelons in. Pour notre part, nous proposons que les pratiques culturelles alternatives ou off participent elles-aussi et de manière similaire au développement urbain. Leur présence est révélatrice de la créativité et du dynamisme d'une métropole. Elle est porteuse d'une image positive pour la ville car c'est par la pluralité et la diversité des scènes et des pratiques artistiques que la culture devient un élément de la métropolisation. Nous parlons de culture in et de culture off par analogie aux grands festivals où se côtoient le in et le off. Le in y est programmé et le off opportuniste et spontané ; le in s'enrichit par l'existence du off où, par une plus grande liberté, peuvent se produire les innovations ; le off a besoin du in pour justifier son existence, trouver une légitimité. Et peu à peu, le off prend le dessus sur le in, attire plus de spectateurs, devient le moteur populaire du festival. Ainsi, dans cette thèse, nous postulons que la culture off joue un rôle dans le développement urbain par complémentarité avec la culture in. Pour cela, nous concentrons nos analyses autour des lieux culturels off (comme par exemple les squats d'artistes) pour montrer en quoi ils contribuent à l'attractivité d'un espace métropolitain. En effet, les lieux off sont l'inscription physique dans l'espace urbain de pratiques artistiques off. Ici, ils ne sont pas l'objet de l'étude, mais le fil conducteur, l'analyseur permettant une compréhension nouvelle des évolutions urbaines contemporaines. Dans cette optique, il s'agit de construire une méthodologie adaptée et novatrice en reprenant les trois grands marqueurs du développement urbain que nous avons présentés précédemment. Ainsi, trois axes et méthodes de recherche sont mis en œuvre : • La régénération urbaine. Comment les lieux culturels off sont-ils intégrés à des projets urbains ? Comment deviennent-ils des constituants d'un nouveau quartier ? Comment les aménageurs conçoivent-ils cette intégration ? Nous nous intéressons particulièrement aux discours produits par les différents acteurs impliqués pour justifier, expliquer et valoriser la présence de lieux off dans des projets d'aménagements (par exemple, l'intégration des Frigos dans la ZAC Paris-Rive gauche). • La gentrification. Dans quelle mesure des lieux off (comme les squats d'artistes) participent-ils à la revalorisation symbolique d'un quartier ? Pour cela, avons réalisé une analyse de données statistiques sur le marché immobilier parisien et des enquêtes auprès d'agents immobiliers afin de comprendre la perception, par des acteurs centraux du marché immobilier, de la présence d'artistes dans un quartier. • Le tourisme urbain. Les squats d'artistes et d'autres éléments de la culture off sont-ils des lieux touristiques ? Participent-ils à l'image touristique des villes ? Pour mettre en évidence cela, nous étudions la construction de l'image touristique des villes à travers une analyse sémiotique de différents guides touristiques. En effet, le guide touristique constitue en soi un corpus intéressant, quoique négligé, pour analyser l'image construite d'un lieu. Il ne reflète pas la réalité du lieu, mais construit et est construit par l'imaginaire porté par ce lieu. Au travers ces trois volets, cette recherche montre comment et dans quelle mesure un lieu off, peut participer au développement urbain. La coexistence des cultures in et off est essentielle à l'effervescence créative d'une métropole, à la fois révélatrice et symbole du dynamisme métropolitain.
In this thesis, we consider how underground or alternative cultural activities, which we call off, could work for urban development much as mainstream cultures, or in, do. We propose that underground cultural activities are an important part of the cultural landscape of a city and, in this way, could be considered an important actor of urban development. As many authors have shown, culture is nowadays a key element of urban development. First, in the major urban redevelopment projects of the last two decades, there was often a cultural facility flagship, a museum or convention center for example. It is especially true in the case of waterfront or industrial wasteland redevelopments. Second, the artists are often pioneers in the gentrification process. The presence of artists has become meaningful for a neighborhood and has increased the real estate value of a place. Third, cultural and artistic activities are very important factors in building a positive image of a city. It markets the city as an innovative and creative place, two fundamental qualities essential to success in the global inter-city competition. Indeed, it is argued that a strong and dynamic cultural framework provides many leisure opportunities for inhabitants and tourists. Cultural activities are therefore increasingly becoming a marketing strategy to attract firms and people to visit or to settle down in a particular city; and cultural tourism is an engine for urban tourism. And finally, many predict that cultural activities are going to be one of the most important economical activities in the city, both by creating direct value and employment and by developing the tourist industry. But, most of these authors considered mainstream cultures. Our purpose is to demonstrate how underground cultures could also work with these topics. By underground or alternative culture, we mean all kinds of cultural activities that are not subsidized and that have no commercial value. But, because they are a part of the 'art world' and should not be considered as separate from the mainstream cultural world, we prefer to use another semantic scheme in our thesis. We are using the concept of 'in culture / off culture'(which is used to explain what is happening in the major art festivals). The in is organized and planned, while the off is spontaneous and opportunist; the off is free of commercial, academic or trend constraints, so it is a creative and innovative space; the in draws from the off new ideas and new talents; the off needs the in to build its legitimacy; and, little by little, the off becomes the real festival: the place to show and to be, the real engine of the festival which attracts more people and more artists until a new off of the off appears. In much the same way, in our study we consider underground cultures as "off culture", and mainstream culture as "in culture". Our research is focused on the artistic squats as an example and a syncretism of off culture. Indeed, they can be considered both as the space of the off culture and as the off spaces of culture. This is one of the original features of this research: using artistic squats as a comprehensive key to analyze and understand urban changes. For this reason, we needed to develop an original methodology. We propose to implement three different kinds of methodological research, each focusing on one of the topics already detailed and all based on artistic squats issues. These works will focus on the Parisian case, but also on other European and global metropolis, such as San Francisco, New York, Toronto, Berlin, London,. by our personal experiences or by bibliographic review. Concerning economical issues, we will most likely not implement empirical research, but it undoubtedly would be of some interest to do a bibliographically based comparison with the theory of innovation and creativity. On the other hand, a literature review has been done on the changes in cultural practices and taste and on sociology of art and artists. We will also consider, as a background theoretical framework, 'reflexive modernity', 'aesthetic reflexivity' and 'hypertext society' theories as well as 'networks society' and 'global cities' theories and 'creative city' and 'innovative society' theories in our study. Our three research focuses are the following: - Could off cultures be flagships for urban development? According to many authors, one of the key elements for a successful urban redevelopment project is a cultural flagship. We suggest that this flagship could be an off cultural flagship. Off culture spaces are as meaningful as in culture spaces. We argue that urban planners use off places as a flagship in urban redevelopment strategies. So, how could planners integrate these off spaces in urban projects? We study three urban projects, based on interviews and officials materials analyzes. We are considering a case where planners finally decided to integrate a off space in the urban redevelopment project (Les Frigos in the ZAC Paris-Rive Gauche). The second case (La Chapelle-Stalingrad regeneration project) shows how off culture are used as a tool for planning, by cleaning and securing a decaying area. Off artists become planners' pathfinder. They are symbolic shifter from decay to glamour. Then, the real planning project could start. Moreover, this example puts into relief the role of inhabitants organizations in the cultural-led regeneration planning. Indeed, it seems that culture is the unique acceptable feature for urban projects. What does this culture-oriented claim mean? For whose sake are cultural amenities created? The third project is the Newtown cultural precinct that has been created in Johannesburg (South Africa). In this quite unique urban, social, economic and political context, can culture play a similar role? What are the objectives of such an undertaking? Does this project correspond to the lifestyles and behaviours of the inhabitants? As it is shown with the Parisian example, this kind of urban planning practices are more related to a settlement policy than to a cultural one. - Are off spaces places of gentrification? Following many authors, we are interested in the aesthetic and consumerist explanations of gentrification processes. We propose that off cultures play a role in the gentrification process, and expect that they work by giving a trendy image to a neighborhood, as a creative and bohemian place. So, off cultures could be a meaningful pathfinder of gentrification. To prove our purpose, we implement a methodology based on real estate agents interview. We consider real estate agents as good informers about the evolution of real estate markets and neighborhood social changes. They could help us to understand neighborhood and market changes, to explore the potential for gentrification, and to clarify the role of artists and then of off artists and places in gentrification. To do so, we interview several agents in different neighborhoods, all of them located near artistic squats. At the same time, we realize a statistic analysis of real estate market trends. Nevertheless, the results of the researches are mixed. Local real estate agents use artists as a communication tool. They argue that artists and even off artists create a pleasant atmosphere in the neighbourhood, that could attract other populations. But, real estate statistics do not provide convincing results. The only certainty we can propose is that in general, property prices are not influenced by artistic squats. - Is the off an element of the 'tourist gaze'? We argue that off cultural spaces could be tourist places by corresponding to the 'tourist gaze' expectations. Therefore, we do not analyze the tourist (and then economic) impact of off places, but show that off places are important tourist attractions. To do so, we analyze how tourist guidebooks present a city. Indeed, guidebooks writers give meaning to a place by choosing specific places or things to see, and then by interpreting them for the tourists and sometimes by judging them. In this way, tourist guidebooks could be considered as meaningful pathfinder. Based on a comparison between Paris and Berlin, the analysis of several guidebooks shows main differences between the two cities' tourist image. In the Paris case, artistic squats and other off scenes are almost never described in guidebooks. Off is not a part of the city's experience. On the other hand, according to guidebooks, a tourist in Berlin should not avoid visiting one of the many off places. Off is definitely a local attraction. Moreover, off is the Berlin's taste. As we have showed, our PhD is quite ambitious. But it must be considered not as an exhaustive exercise but as an understanding of contemporary urban society proposal. This study help us to understand how off cultures are a part of the city imaginary, and so, how they give meaning to the city. But we also expect that our concept could be used by other scholars or planners for example to understand how urbanity occurs, how a place becomes trendy, or to put into relief relationships between in and off in other sphere. We expect to deliver some comprehensive keys for urban planners such as contemporary gazers. ; Dans cette thèse, nous montrons dans quelle mesure les pratiques culturelles alternatives, que nous appelons off, participent au développement des grandes métropoles, tout comme cela a été démontré avec la culture institutionnelle, que nous appelons in. Il est couramment admis que la culture est un élément qualifiant dans la concurrence inter-urbaine et est essentielle à la construction de l'image d'une métropole. En effet, la diversité et la qualité de l'offre culturelle et artistique sont des atouts pour attirer des entreprises de pointes dont les cadres sont friands et grands consommateurs de services culturels. D'autre part, l'événementiel culturel est un moteur du tourisme urbain, principalement axé autour du tourisme culturel. Enfin, la culture et l'industrie culturelle représentent aujourd'hui un secteur économique en pleine expansion, et jouent un rôle important dans le développement des grandes métropoles comme Paris, New York, Los Angeles et San Francisco. En terme de développement urbain, ces phénomènes peuvent se manifester de plusieurs manières : • Les lieux culturels sont programmés dans les projets urbains : dans de nombreux programmes de requalification de friches urbaines, de nouveaux équipements culturels et de loisirs ont été aménagés, devenant les portes-drapeaux de la regénération urbaine ; • les artistes sont souvent des pionniers de la gentrification. A la recherche de locaux spacieux, peu onéreux et centraux, ils s'installent dans des quartiers dévalorisés, industriels ou populaires ; et peu à peu, par leur présence, revalorisent symboliquement le quartier, où de nouvelles populations, attirées par la proximité des artistes, viennent s'installer, entraînant une hausse des prix de l'immobilier. Cela a souvent pour conséquence de chasser les populations les plus pauvres dont les artistes eux-mêmes, incapables de payer les nouveaux loyers ; • les espaces d'expression de la culture (musées, galeries, théâtres, patrimoine bâti.) sont les lieux visités par les touristes, devenant les symboles de la ville, reconnus internationalement. Ces observations portent sur ce que l'on peut considérer comme étant la culture institutionnelle, que nous appelons in. Pour notre part, nous proposons que les pratiques culturelles alternatives ou off participent elles-aussi et de manière similaire au développement urbain. Leur présence est révélatrice de la créativité et du dynamisme d'une métropole. Elle est porteuse d'une image positive pour la ville car c'est par la pluralité et la diversité des scènes et des pratiques artistiques que la culture devient un élément de la métropolisation. Nous parlons de culture in et de culture off par analogie aux grands festivals où se côtoient le in et le off. Le in y est programmé et le off opportuniste et spontané ; le in s'enrichit par l'existence du off où, par une plus grande liberté, peuvent se produire les innovations ; le off a besoin du in pour justifier son existence, trouver une légitimité. Et peu à peu, le off prend le dessus sur le in, attire plus de spectateurs, devient le moteur populaire du festival. Ainsi, dans cette thèse, nous postulons que la culture off joue un rôle dans le développement urbain par complémentarité avec la culture in. Pour cela, nous concentrons nos analyses autour des lieux culturels off (comme par exemple les squats d'artistes) pour montrer en quoi ils contribuent à l'attractivité d'un espace métropolitain. En effet, les lieux off sont l'inscription physique dans l'espace urbain de pratiques artistiques off. Ici, ils ne sont pas l'objet de l'étude, mais le fil conducteur, l'analyseur permettant une compréhension nouvelle des évolutions urbaines contemporaines. Dans cette optique, il s'agit de construire une méthodologie adaptée et novatrice en reprenant les trois grands marqueurs du développement urbain que nous avons présentés précédemment. Ainsi, trois axes et méthodes de recherche sont mis en œuvre : • La régénération urbaine. Comment les lieux culturels off sont-ils intégrés à des projets urbains ? Comment deviennent-ils des constituants d'un nouveau quartier ? Comment les aménageurs conçoivent-ils cette intégration ? Nous nous intéressons particulièrement aux discours produits par les différents acteurs impliqués pour justifier, expliquer et valoriser la présence de lieux off dans des projets d'aménagements (par exemple, l'intégration des Frigos dans la ZAC Paris-Rive gauche). • La gentrification. Dans quelle mesure des lieux off (comme les squats d'artistes) participent-ils à la revalorisation symbolique d'un quartier ? Pour cela, avons réalisé une analyse de données statistiques sur le marché immobilier parisien et des enquêtes auprès d'agents immobiliers afin de comprendre la perception, par des acteurs centraux du marché immobilier, de la présence d'artistes dans un quartier. • Le tourisme urbain. Les squats d'artistes et d'autres éléments de la culture off sont-ils des lieux touristiques ? Participent-ils à l'image touristique des villes ? Pour mettre en évidence cela, nous étudions la construction de l'image touristique des villes à travers une analyse sémiotique de différents guides touristiques. En effet, le guide touristique constitue en soi un corpus intéressant, quoique négligé, pour analyser l'image construite d'un lieu. Il ne reflète pas la réalité du lieu, mais construit et est construit par l'imaginaire porté par ce lieu. Au travers ces trois volets, cette recherche montre comment et dans quelle mesure un lieu off, peut participer au développement urbain. La coexistence des cultures in et off est essentielle à l'effervescence créative d'une métropole, à la fois révélatrice et symbole du dynamisme métropolitain.
Transcript of an oral history interview with Maurice Homer Smith, conducted by Jennifer Payne at Colonel Smith's home in Northfield, Vermont, on July 30, 2013, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Maurice "Moe" Smith was a member of the Norwich University Class of 1934 from Morrisville and Hyde Park, Vermont. After graduating from Norwich University, he taught school in Barton, Vermont, for a couple of years before joining the Army and serving in the military from 1940 to 1956. He later returned to Norwich University as an employee, working many different jobs over eighteen years. At the time of this interview, he was Norwich University's oldest living alumnus at age 102. ; Page 1 Colonel Maurice Smith, NU 1934, Oral History Interview July 30, 2013 112 Winter Street, Northfield VT 05663 Interviewed by Jennifer K. Payne Transcribed by Lindsay J. Gosack, February 4, 2014 Edited by C.T. Haywood, '12, January 13, 2015 Jennifer Payne (JP): This is Jennifer Payne with Maurice Homer Smith. The date is Tuesday, July 30, 2013, and we're at his home at 112 Winter Street in Northfield, VT. So let me start with some of the basic questions. I know we've gone over some of this, but this is just for the people who will hear it for the first time. Um, which class, what are you, what is your Norwich class? Maurice Homer Smith (MHS): 1934. JP: And, ah, your date of birth? MHS: 26 July, 1911. [sound of a door opening and closing in background] JP: Which makes you? MHS: 102 JP: 102 MHS: [Chuckles] I'm being interviewed here, FRIEND OF MHS: Go ahead! MHS: Can you stand by? MHS: Sit down. [Introducing someone] This is my buddy. We play cribbage together. [Friend chuckles] FRIEND OF MHS: We met. MHS: Huh? FRIEND OF MHS: I said we've met. JP: We have met. [Moe chuckles] MHS: Oh you have? Oh I did not know that. JP: Um so, um, do you have any other names you are known by? Page 2 MHS: Uh [slightly clears throat] well Moe is most of the names. I, in the, in the three years I was in Japan I was called Hank 'cause when they asked me what my middle name was, which is Homer, it's ugly. That was my father's first name. So I said Henry, so they called me Hank. And so even the official Commanding General Yokohama command wrote me a letter and they knew they called me Hank so he addressed it (this was official mail): Major Henry Smith [laughs and coughs]. JP: So where were you born, Moe? MHS: I was born in Hyde Park, Vermont. JP: Were you born at home? MHS: Yes, yes, I was born at home, in the home. I guess most people were in those days, yup. JP: Yeah. MHS: Morrisville now has a hospital, has Copley Hospital, and if it had it then I'd have been born there in the Copley, but they didn't have it then. JP: When you were at school, what was your major? MHS: In college, [sighs] it was language was one. I had [clears throat] really three majors. You normally don't have three majors, but my academic advisor, K.R.B. Flint, told me, said, "You've got the equivalent of three majors." So there's language, which was Spanish, language, I think social, uh, history, and political science. So I had three majors. He said, "you have enough credit in each one of those to declare a major." So I had three majors. JP: Wow MHS: Normally you have a major and two minors or some combination. But, he said, "You got three majors." [laughs] JP: What was your… I know you've had a number of different jobs, but what do you consider your occupation? MHS: Well, I would say most of my life was the Army. I went in the Army full time. I was on, day one, I was in Fort Knox, was activated on June 15, 1940. And that's when the Armored Force came into being. I was there four days before that and the—I was assigned to the 37th Calvary Regiment, cavalry regiment. So when I got down there my advisor said, "Calvary is out, Armor is in." So he said, "get yourself a place to live, you can't live on the post, we don't have room for you." So I went to Elizabethtown, Kentucky, which is about seventeen miles from the post. And, uh, [laughs] what was I about to say though? JP: Your occupation was in the military.Page 3 MHS: Yeah, was in the military. So I've been in the military, well, sixteen years. I went in in 1940 and came out in '56. JP: Wow. MHS: So it was sixteen years. So I was going, at twenty years, you can retire in twenty years on fifty percent, so that's what I was shooting for. And I was in Chicago at the time and I wanted to stay in. And I liked it, I liked my job, liked my work, liked the people. And my mother called up and said, "If you want to come home," which I didn't want to do, and said, "Your father will sell his shares of the drive in theaters to you." So she wanted me to come home, and so I came home after sixteen years in the Army. And but I didn't really want to. And so I bought out my father's share of the Green Mountain Drive-in Theaters Incorporated and drive-in theaters. The largest one in the state was in Newport and then one in Morrisville. And so that's what I did. And then, then I came down to Norwich, and so but I still owned the theaters, but I took the dividends. I didn't work, never did work at the theaters, didn't have to, so I just took my dividends. At that time I think we got $10,000 a year, which is pretty good money, separate. So I had five incomes: Social Security, Norwich, and I'm full time at Norwich, what was the job I said I had? And I had five jobs either way. And so I had a pretty, pretty nice income, so I was living high on the hog. Sent Bill to Northeastern, my son. He didn't do anything, and he is smart enough to do it, but he didn't. He didn't like it. He came back. He said one semester and said, "College isn't for me." So he went off in carpentry and did his own thing. And that's what he wanted to do, so. JP: Wow. So why didn't you want to leave the military? MHS: I didn't want to leave the military, because like I said I had sixteen years and at twenty years you get two and a half percent a year. So if I stayed in for twenty years, I would have gotten, I was a colonel, I would have gotten fifty percent of a colonel's full pay. The maximum is 75%. You could stay in long enough to get 100%, but it stops at 75%. And I would have gotten four more years. I wanted to stay in, I did not want to get out, but mother wanted me to get out and so I did. But I, I…Chicago was my last duty station and so I think I made a mistake, but it doesn't make any difference. I probably made more money by getting out than I did by staying in, so [chuckles]. JP: So it was the money, it was the income, the plan, yeah. So you were born in Hyde Park and you moved to Morrisville as a youngster? MHS: One year, I asked my mother when we moved, she said, "you were about a year old when you [moved]." Hyde Park is only about three miles from Morrisville. I was born at Hyde Park and a year later, so I grew up in Morrisville. And graduated from Peoples. JP: Academy? MHS: Academy. JP: Yeah, how did you know, in high school, that you wanted to go to Norwich? Page 4 MHS: Well, I did not have any college picked out and my brother was at Norwich, and my folks were paying the way and they said, "You're going to go to Norwich." So I never questioned it because my brother was here already ahead of me. He was two years older than I was and he was already here at Norwich. And they said, "You are going to go to college, you're going to go to Norwich." My brother had two colleges he wanted to go to. One was Georgia Tech and the other one was University of Alabama, and the folks said, "You aren't going to either one of them. You're going to go to Norwich." So my brother was here and my—the three of us, only five of my graduating class at Peoples, and three of us came to Norwich. And so I guess I was destined [laughs] to be a, a graduate of Norwich. JP: So your brother's, your brother's name was…? MHS: Phillip. JP: Phillip. And he was class of…? MHS: He was, well he would have been, he took a, he was four years ahead of me but he took a PG course in high school so he lost a year there. He was really two years ahead of me. He was two years older than me so two years ahead of me. And we both went to, he went to Norwich too, my brother did. But he didn't graduate. We'd have the quiet hours from 7:30 [P.M.] to 9:30 [P.M.], and at 9:30 we could, all hell would break loose in the barracks. The whistles would blow and we would get dragged into our holes, and dragged into your hole, we would get in our rooms and it was quieted down and during study hours it was very quiet and, uh, I don't know what brought that on. What were we talking about? JP: Your brother, your brother being ahead of you at Norwich. MHS: Yeah, he was two years ahead of me. And but he didn't graduate. But during study hours, what he was doing was playing cards. What I did was studying. I said—I was really driven to study. I said, "If I don't study, if I don't succeed, I'm going to be carrying a lunch basket to work. And if there is anything I don't want to do, it is carrying a Goddamn lunch basket, a lunch box." And you will if you don't succeed so I was driven to, for success, and I was, and I graduated number three in my class. [Laughs] I was driven I had a desire to do it I said, "I can't fail, I just got to do it." I dug in. So my brother was playing cards and I was studying, so he didn't graduate he, well I won't say he failed out but I used to do his Spanish. We took a Spanish class together and he would be playing cards and I was studying during all that time. I said, "Phil, I got maybe ten sentences all translated so you can copy them off if you want to learn this." Same Spanish class together. [laughs] JP: Was he playing poker or what? MHS: Oh yeah he was playing any kinds of cards. Probably poker or anything like that. In the barracks, quiet. It was very quiet you couldn't talk above a whisper and if you did like whoever was on guard could hear you out in the hallway, you were placed on report and given demerits. You had, allowed 9, were given 9 merits and for every demerit, like I guess walking on the grass I guess was 2 demerits. And so you could, so of all the years my brother was working towards, Page 5 all the time he was there shoveling horse manure on the Sabine Field and things like that, walking tours or either working tours off, punishment tours. And I only, I was a corporal. I only—one month I went over, I had 10. So I slept in, I mean I couldn't sign out for home, I normally sign out for noon so I just stayed in my room till 2:00, from one till two to get rid of that 1 tour and then I went home that weekend. And that was the difference between my brother and me. He was, my brother was in CMC, Close Military Confinement. And that's 10 demerits, 20 tours and 30 days Close Military Confinement. And that's pretty rough on a cadet. And a lot of them quit when they get that. You have to do something really bad. My brother was, he was a, he broke his collarbone. Harmon was leading a charge in the stable; my brother was riding a horse named Ham, H-A-M. And they were racing, and the horse stumbled and my brother went over, pitched over his head there and it was a mad rash. They made Pathè News, Norwich did, Pathè News. So my brother went over the, stumbled Ham, and landed and broke his collarbone. So he was in the hospital and on the post, the post hospital there. And he went to the sign out, he didn't sign out, he went to the movies and he got a good, that's a no-no. So he got caught, got 10-20-30, 10 demerits, 20 tours, and 30 days Close Military Confinement. It's pretty pretty rugged. So he was in a jam most of the time and I wasn't. I said I was a corporal and all sophomores are corporals, juniors are sergeants if you are made, you are sergeants, and the seniors are officers. That is the way it works up there now, I think, even now. Was in my day. Everybody was a corporal that was made, you were either a private or a corporal. I do not know what percentage probably 20% maybe, or 15%, were non-commissioned officers. So all sophomores, you cannot be over a corporal. A junior, you can be different classifications of different sergeants. And as a senior, then you are a non-commissioned officer in the militia, not the army, in the militia. So that's how it works. JP: What does Close Military Confinement consist of? What did that mean? MHS: Well you're like a prisoner, it's like being in prison. And when you go to meals you have to, there is a pass book on the floor, there would be a desk there and you would have to sign out for your meals and sign in for your meals, just like a prisoner. And you were a prisoner. And you have to copy where you are at all times and have to check in and it's pretty rough, it's pretty rough. And you can't speak to anybody, and the cadets can't speak to you. You are ignored, completely ignored. And I had one when I was up on the staff and his father was a superintendent of schools in southern Vermont. Quite a big shot. And he got on CMC, Close Military Confinement, and I'll tell you, he said, "It's no fun being ignored by the people you can't speak that way and they can't speak to you, like a prisoner." And it is, I guess, pretty rugged. He said, "I just kinda laugh smiling about it." He said, "It's nothing to laugh about it," I said, "that's pretty rough stuff." [laughs] JP: Do you have other siblings? Brothers or sisters? MHS: No, just the, well I had a sister, three years old, and we were close 'cause I was seven, my brother was nine. And so I was there enough to my sister. So I paid attention to my sister, my brother didn't, he was nine when she was three and she got appendicitis and died. She had appendicitis for a week, her face was flushed and everything and the doctors didn't know what was wrong with her! So they had a consultation of doctors, of 3 doctors. So at the consultation one of the doctors said, "I think she has got appendicitis," and that's what she had. So they put Page 6 her in the car, my father took her to Burlington, over the rough roads. The roads weren't like they are now, they were gravel roads, and he complained, my father, about hitting all the bumps and everything. And well they were too late, the peritonitis set in, she took her. JP: So what did your parents do, you said that he had a theater, did they have a theater when you were growing up? MHS: No no, that came later in life. That was when I was in the Army. And I get out in 1956, yeah 1956, well that's right I came down here. No. JP: So when you grew up what did they do? MHS: Well, I taught high school in the Northeast Kingdom as the, who was it they called it that, one of the, they called it Northeast Kingdom it stuck. And so, what were you about to say?1 JP: Oh, just asking what it was like when you were growing up. MHS: Well, I, ask me that again. JP: What did your parents do when you were growing up? MHS: Well, of course my mother was housewife, my father was real estate, real estate. And he'd sell it either on a commission, like someone would have a farm and turn it over to my father and father would find a buyer for it, he would get commission like 5% or 8% of the sale. And so that's what my father did. Real estate. JP: So, your parents helped you to decide to go to Norwich and you liked it? MHS: They didn't, they told me where I was gonna go. I told you my brother wanted to go to Georgia Tech and Alabama, one of those two. And they said, "No, you're gonna go to Norwich." I guess they figured he needed the discipline, the military, the discipline. And when I went, I was only, in Peoples, there was only 30 in my class, 25 girls and 5 boys. So 3 of us, 3 of the 5 boys all went to Norwich. JP: Wow, that's a pretty high percentage. MHS: Yes it is! [laughs] JP: So who was your roommate at Norwich? MHS: My roommate was, well that time, four in a room. So the—it's a big right room and I lived in Jackman Hall, was the dormitory. And the people I graduated—White, June White, Ross Grey, and I graduated from Peoples. So we were there and the fourth one was Bob Washburn, and he was from Massachusetts.2 1 Attributed to George D. Aiken (1892-1984) Vermont governor and senator. 2 MHS might be referring to Leon Morris White and Charles Russell Graves of Morrisville, VT. Page 7 JP: So the people you went to high school with your roommates. MHS: Yeah, yeah. They were. Yeah. JP: Oh that's great. And how did you decide which fraternity to join? MHS: Well I didn't have to make it, my brother was ahead of me, and he was a Sigma Alpha Epsilon, and so I was just automatically. I guess I did get a bed at one of the fraternities and but I could go—I wanted to go S.A.E. anyway. So I was just automatic, I mean, you have to accept the brother if he wants to go. And so I was S.A.E. And S.A.E. is the largest fraternity, in my day, in the country. And they had I think, I think the number was twenty-eight, I think throughout all the whole United States there were twenty-eight universities that had S.A.E. and the next one was Kappa Sigma they had twenty-five chapters. S.A.E. had the most in the nation, had twenty-eight chapters. JP: Wow, and do you remember the song that you sang for Sigma Alpha Epsilon? MHS: Oh yeah. JP: Would you mind singing it? MHS: [Singing] Oh sing for Sigma Alpha Epsilon, (lets see) Oh sing for Sigma Alpha Epsilon, and to Minerva (that's not a good key). Oh sing, Oh sing for Sigma Alpha Epsilon and to Minerva who will lead us on! And to Phi Alpha with her guiding light. To royal sons who fight, fight, fight, fight, fight! And when some day we will tell our sons, about the very best fraternity, oh sing for Sigma Alpha Epsilon, our dear old S.A.E. [laughs] JP: [laughs] That is wonderful; would you like a drink of water? Are you okay? MHS: Yeah I am okay, sometimes your voice is clear but now it's not. JP: That was great. MHS: So sometimes in bed I'll sing, and I'll just sing myself to sleep. I'll hum, and it's pretty good. And this is one of my off days [laughs]. My voice isn't in the singing mode. JP: [laughs] It was wonderful! That was terrific. Do you remember your uniform at Norwich? MHS: Yes, yes. JP: What was it like? MHS: I had my picture in the yearbook when I was a corporal and yes, we had the War Whoop was the yearbook, and I was in there because I was a corporal. And all the non-commissioned officers get special caption, a picture of you and well that's, well I was a corporal. All, well most Page 8 the people, most of them were privates, but the few, I don't know what, 20, 25 or 30% of them are non-commissioned officers and all. Corporal is the highest you can go as a sophomore. If you are appointed, sophomores are corporals, that is all. Sergeants are juniors, and commissioned officers are seniors. So I was a corporal, and a sergeant, and a second lieutenant in A Troop. We were troops then, A Troop, cavalry, horse cavalry. JP: Tell me about the horse cavalry. MHS: Well we had, I don't know how many horses we had. The stables are still up there, the original stables. We would have to, once a week, just like your classroom schedule would meet Monday, Wednesday and Friday or Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday, it was on there. So once a week we had to go out to riding hall, the riding house, they're still down there, think the riding— no the stables, the riding hall is gone. You would go to this riding hall and do all these different formations inside. By the right hand, Hooo! By the left hand, Hooo! [laughs] and that sort of thing. JP: Did you learn how to ride a horse at Norwich or did you know before? MHS: No, I had a pony of my own at home. So I was, I know the head of the horse to the tail of the horse. People came up from Massachusetts and didn't know what a horse was, but I did. I had a saddle horse for two years before I went to Norwich so I was a veteran [laughs]. Most of the people were, didn't know one end of the horse from the other! JP: Do you know what breed the horses were that you had? MHS: Well no, but they were well trained. When you first went for drill, for close order drill, number one, one, two, three, four in a column. For example, so we would be in a line, and they would say, "Fours left, Hooo!" And you, first they would say to you, "Column fours, be one, be in a line. Column one, two, three, four. Column fours turn your head to the right in your line, and now one, two, three," and I would say, "Four, one, two, three, four." The next row, one, goes "One, two, three, four." And the next one, "two, three, four." So when you were in the line, they'll say, like we are marching for chapel they'll say, "Fours left, Hooo!" And we, everybody, the number one would pivot and the other went around and we went around in a column. There was nothing to it, a piece of cake. JP: It must have looked wonderful. MHS: Yes, it was good, it was a, it got the job done. JP: Did you drive a car on campus? MHS: I had a car my senior year. Yes I had a Buick Coupe. You had to be a senior. Underclassmen could not have a car, but that was a senior privilege. You could have a car, so my dad [telephone rings in background for a few minutes] had a Buick Coupe that he gave me. So I had a car which was nice. Because we could go from the barracks to downtown which was, Norwich was about a mile. We would pile in, go down to the movies, then come back. It came in Page 9 kinda handy. And when we got home weekends, we didn't think of hitchhiking, I had a car right there. So with four from Morrisville we would pile in the car and go to Morrisville [laughs]. JP: That must have been grand. MHS: It was good. You had to be a senior to have a car. JP: Now I noticed in the War Whoop that you were an expert swordsman, an expert pistol, and an expert rifle shot. MHS: I was. I think I was a marksman as a rifle, sharp-shooter as a pistol, and an expert in the saber. And the saber course was be these dummies, would be men, you would come galloping down, like a column, and you'd just, you would lunge forward. I said "Geesh, I'll probably break my arm, but well I'll do it because it was what we were supposed to do." Worked like a piece of cake. So it was on a pivot, like a row, and so we go galloping down, we gallop past, take the saber, and jam the dummy and follow it right around. And when we went past it, we would pull it back. And it worked like. JP: Was it a real sword? MHS: Huh? JP: Was it a real sword? MHS: A real? JP: Was it a real sword or like a wooden sword? MHS: Oh oh, it was real, I mean it was-- JP: It was sharp. MHS: Yeah, it was, you got a medal for it. I said I was a marksman with a rifle, a sharp-shooter, a higher class, as a pistol, and an expert in the saber, in the saber course. JP: And you all learned those things at Norwich? Or did you practice as a kid? MHS: At Norwich, yeah. JP: So they taught you all that, they taught you how to be all that. MHS: Yep, learned it at Norwich. You got it at Norwich. So I had on my tunic, I had those medals, three different kinds of medals on my tunic. JP: Very good. So what was it like to be a Rook, I know you've talked about being a senior, but what was it like to be a Rook?Page 10 MHS: Ooh boy was that bad. It really was. You were not supposed to haze, but it was, it was mild hazing, mild hazing. For example, they would say, "alright get the rooks on the floor like a row boat, you are rowing a boat." It was hazing, you were not supposed to haze, but they did. About two weeks, the first game of the season was Dartmouth we always played at Hanover. They never came here, but we went, the whole Corps marched at Dartmouth. We would march, line up on the street there, and then march onto the field. The whole Corps for the game. We were there for two games. We did that with Dartmouth for the first game of the season, and we did it in the state series. Middlebury, Vermont, Saint Michaels, and Norwich. And we'd marched. If we played Middlebury, we would march at Middlebury. Middlebury, I think there, most everybody came here. I know we went there. The whole Corps went to Coast Guard. Had a special train for the whole Corps. The whole Corps went down to New London, Connecticut to play the Coast Guard Academy in football. JP: On a special train? MHS: Yep, a special train yep. JP: That's always been a big rivalry for the Coast Guard. MHS: Yes, it has always been a good rivalry we have had with the Coast Guard. We always had, we have a nice, nice relationship with the Coast Guard. JP: Now you were quite a jumper. MHS: Yes I was. In the pole vault particularly. Well when I went there, in high school we had track and the coach, Coach Baker was my chemistry professor but he was also the track coach.3 And I went out for track, and I had the no form. It was just jump over, jump over any way you can get there, it was no form. He called it no form. He said, "I'll teach you the eastern roll or the western roll." He told me exactly how they went. So [he asked], "Which one do you think you will like to go on." And I said, "Let's try the eastern roll." That is: you don't come charging really fast, you've got to take a little hop, then take six or eight steps so it comes out just right. You know exactly where, and you go to the bar, you kick up like this, over the bar. With this foot, you twist it around so that the bar hits your body instead of your butt. You aren't dragging your butt, and knocking it off with your butt. So you kick up, with the eastern roll, and then do that, and twist your body right around and the bar passes your body. You want to get your butt out of the way. So I was a high jumper and in the pole vault, I did the 12 feet. The standards only went up to 12 feet and I guess they didn't think that anybody could do it, but I did. So I was the, and the broad jump. So every year, from freshman to senior, I got a little more as a sophomore, more as a junior, and more as a senior. I kept going up. So I was quite the track star. JP: You were, you were. MHS: And P.D. Baker was my chemistry professor and he was like a father to me. A wonderful, wonderful man. So he taught me all those things. He knew how they went. I stopped to think 3Perley Dustin Baker, NU 1920 (1897-1995), was dean from 1950-1957, worked from 1920-1962. Page 11 about it, I said, I think if I had chosen, he said, "you can have your choice." He explained how it was and I think if I had taken the western roll, I think I could have probably gotten, I just got a feeling, I could have probably gotten one or two more inches higher with the western roll. But he taught me the roll anyway. I liked P. D. Baker. He was dean there, and it might have been later, anyway, he was like a father figure to me. I guess that about covers it doesn't it? JP: That's great, what did you do for entertainment? MHS: Well we had, I was an S.A.E., as I told you it was the largest fraternity in the country. It had more chapters than any other college [fraternity], of all the colleges. We would have Freshmen Week, which would be around January. Classes were suspended and we would have 3 days, 3 days, on the weekend for just parties, dancing, and doing anything you wanted to do. It was dancing mostly and you would get your date there. And you would look around downtown get a rate or rent if they couldn't travel, if they were out in like Massachusetts. Then the cadet would get a room for their date, for like Freshmen Week or Junior Week were the two big weeks. Freshmen Week and Junior Week. Freshmen Week was around January, Junior Week would be around May I think. So I had, I had a girl, Cotting her name was, Emma Cotting, and I had her down for the weekend. And of course a lot of them, I would say probably about a fourth of the cadets had dates on those big weekends. The others didn't have them. Either they couldn't afford it or didn't do it for one reason or the other. But I did, I had a date down. And she lived right there during those three days, probably like Friday, Saturday, and Sunday or something like that for Junior Week, for Freshmen Week and for Junior Week in May and Freshmen Week was in January I think. And all the classes were off, and the parties were in. I remember I had some money, and I get through the fraternity and they made us, something, your boaters, not the boaters in something. We didn't want them in. So I went down there, this was during Prohibition, picked up a pint of whiskey and I paid $4.00 for it. I got to thinking, I said, "My God, I can't really afford four dollars." That would be quite a few trips to the theater, pay for a lot of the theaters. So I bought it for four dollars, I didn't have a date and so one of the cadets who did have a date said, "I'll give you $3.75 for it, and I said "Sold." So I lost twenty-five cents but I could go to more movies [laughs]. JP: So movies were a big thing? MHS: They were downtown, you had to get downtown. JP: So where did one procure liquor during Prohibition? MHS: Well I didn't ask, we just, we got it through the fraternities. The fraternities would, you would sign up for it and they, somebody would get a bootlegger or something and they got good liquor. Probably went up to Canada I presume, probably and got it. So I said, $4.00 for a pint, or half a pint, or a pint and I, like I said, I said "I can't afford that. I would rather spend the money on movies." So I sold it for $3.75, sold my pint for somebody that had a date. It was worth it. I remember we used to go to Lake Eden, during the summer time. Lake Eden was 2 hours, 17 miles I guess, 15 miles. And Eight Guide Dunbar, a wonderful band, 8 piece orches—geez, they were everywhere, they were from St. Johnsbury, Eight Guide Dunbar. We would go there every week, Lake Eden, to dance. The men would go up separately; the girls would go up separately. Page 12 Almost everybody took a date. The girls would get up there by bus or any way they could get there. And they would sit on one side of the room, and the men would stand up in the back. When they would wind up the music then we would go over and we'd pick out somebody or for dancing on the floor. I remember I was dancing with this girl, probably could have been my date, I don't know, I was dancing with this girl. Anyway, and a lot of stags went up there. So I would see this girl, and she would shake her head no, too. I said the next dance? No. The second dance? [laughs] While we were dancing, you have these singles. So like I said, the girls got there by bus or I don't know. They got there, they got there anyway. [laughs] JP: What kind of dances did you do? Do you remember? MHS: Most of them were, in those days we used to Jump the Hop. We did a lot of turning around. We would dance around or we would dance, dance, and we would dip. Or at Lake Eden we actually jumped. We would have your partner jump right in the air, jump, jump. It looked good from the outside. I said, gee that looks like great fun, so I learned how to do it and we would jump. Just jump with the steps rather than glide. Supposedly we would jump and twist in the air. It was good. JP: And you were a good jumper. MHS: We thought we were hot stuff! [laughs] JP: Do you remember any slang? MHS: Any what? JP: Any slang? Did you guys use slang? MHS: Slang? JP: Slang. MHS: S-L-A-N-G? Slang. JP: Correct. MHS: Oh, yeah I guess we did. The people from Massachusetts used to rip on the Vermonters for the way we, for the slang, for the way we talked. And the New Yorkers talked different, the Massachusetts talked broader. Vermont talks a lot flat, flat and hickish really, and Massachusetts were a little different and New York was different than them, just a little bit as a group you know. The rest of the states, you could tell, you could almost tell a state a man was from, whether he was from New York, Massachusetts or Vermont by just talking to them. And of course we were hicks. Of course, the Vermonters, we would usually take a ripping from the cadets from Massachusetts for the hickish way we talked. We probably did talk like hicks. [laughs]Page 13 JP: Did they call you hicks or anything else? MHS: No, not that I know of. But we, well they might have, might have called us hicks. If they did, they were right. We were hicks. [laughs] We wouldn't deny it. JP: Now was Mike Popowski one of your roommates? MHS: Yes, Mike was a—when you're—all sophomores, if you are promoted in the Corps. I think about probably 25% maybe are promoted, maybe not quite that maybe 20% are promoted. So you are supposed to live, not officers live with officers, if you are officers. Privates, senior privates, lived together. Juniors were sophomores were sergeants, and sophomores were corporals, juniors were sergeants, and seniors were officers. Now what did you ask? JP: About Michael Popowski. MHS: Oh, oh, well so well my room— I was an exception. I came to Norwich as a private. I had been there only one week. The very first week I was called into the commandant's office. You're promoted at the commissioning ceremony in the spring when, before you break up. You have a promotion parade and I wasn't on the list. Well when I got back, the first week of school I was called into the commandant's office and was promoted right there. And of course a corporal had to get his stripes sewn on. All sophomores are corporals, privates, and privates. You are a corporal, you are a non-commissioned officers, juniors are sergeants, and seniors are officers. First lieutenants through, well my day the highest rank was a major, was the highest rank. Later on they became a colonel was the highest in the Corps. But in my day it was a major, one major. Then there would be about four or five captains. It would be A Company, B Company, C Company, and Headquarters Company. They were commanded by a senior, by a captain, a senior cadet captain. They would have a captain of the company, command the company. A first lieutenant would be the second in command. Then you have your, like I was in A Troop, and we would have two, two second lieutenants. I was one of the second lieutenants as an A Troop when I was a cadet there. JP: Was Harmon the commandant when you were there? MHS: Harmon was a commandant my first year and then it was his last year there. My sophomore, junior, senior year was a, Harmon was the, my sophomore year. And, who was it? I can't remember his name now, I'll have to remember it, but my sophomore, junior, senior year, it was a new man that came in. They are Regular Army people. That was a duty. They are Regular Army, and it was a duty assignment. And, let's see, Harmon was a, well he was a captain when I came in there and he yeah, he was, he controlled the—the Army furnishes officers for each, each company, for the whole Corps I think there was 17 officers. We could appoint 17 officers, cadet officers. And they're appointed by a, well, a commission. I don't know as a group, I don't know who picks them out. I never did understand who picked them out. Well I was a corporal as a sophomore, and that's all. You are either a private or a corporal. Sergeants, you are either a private or a sergeant if you are made. And a senior, you are either a private or an officer. In other words, a company would have one captain, one first lieutenant, and two second lieutenants. Now I was in A Troop, so A Troop was in Jackman Hall. We had a captain, a first lieutenant, and two Page 14 second lieutenants in the company. Or then there was a, they didn't call them companies. They called them companies later on— we called them troops. We were a troop, troopers, cavalry. Cavalry called them troops. Infantry called them companies. So my freshman year we were troopers. Now they changed it to companies in the Corps. JP: So did you go on the ROTC Hike of 1932? MHS: Did I do what? JP: Did you did the ROTC Hike of 1932? MHS: The, um, no. The uh, that was the one year they did not have it. But the year before they had the summer hike, and I think the year after. But my year they had to cancel it so we went to Fort Ethan Allen. Before you would arrive in the post, [then] ride horses from the post to Fort Ethan Allen. Well this year, they could they were tight on money or something so they, we did not have that summer ride. I think ours was the only class that didn't. I think the class after us did. So we drove to the fort on automobiles and our parents dropped us off. But all the classes before and after us, they rode. They took this secured route from Norwich to Fort Ethan Allen. But my year we didn't take it, we drove in cars and rode our horses when we got there [laughs]. Or whatever it was we did, I don't know what we did. JP: So when you left Norwich, and you graduated, and you went in to the military? You went straight in? MHS: No, not immediately. I think it was only, it was hard to get in. As I remember only two people in my class got a Regular Army commission. You went into the Regular Army when the rest of us went into the Reserves. So for 95% went into the Reserves, we were reserve officers. We went down every two weeks out of, we didn't get a chance to go on active duty. So we didn't actually get our commissions. We didn't see much active duty. JP: What did you do after you graduated? MHS: Well I taught high school up in Northeast Kingdom in Barton. I taught there for four or five years. Well from '34 through '39, and then in '40 I went into the Army. JP: What caused you to go into the Army in 1940? MHS: Well, I, thank you [someone passes Col. Smith a drink]. Well I wanted to get in, you couldn't get in. It was good pay. So in 1940 apparentlyWashington got some money together and so those who wanted to could volunteer for active duty. That was 1940. So I jumped, and it was good pay. It was a lot better than teaching high school. I started at $900 at Barton, Northeast Kingdom, $900, then $1,000, $1,100, and then $1,200. I got a hundred dollar bump each year so my fourth year of teaching I got $1,200. When I went into the Army, I got a hell of lot more than that. When I was getting $1,200 I was getting $4,500 to $5,000, I got about four times as much in the Army. So I went in the Army, and the activation of the Armored Force. My order said the Page 15 37 th Calvary Regiment. When I put in for active duty they came through. When I got there and reported to the officer in charge, the Regular Army officer in charge, who was a lieutenant colonel I think he was, he said well. I said, "Mine said that I was assigned to a cavalry unit." He said, "Cavalry is out. Armor is in." So on the activation the Armored Force came into being on the 15 of June, 1940. The 1st Armored was at Knox, the 2nd Armored was at Benning. I was the 1st Armored Division on the first day of the activation of the Armored Force. On the ground level. JP: Ground floor. MHS: I was assigned to a, well, reconnaissance company. The recon company, the recon battalion, A Troop. A Company was armored cars. B Company was scout cars, C Company was tanks, which I was assigned to C Company. And D Company was half-tracks. Everyone had their own division type of vehicles and we all had cycles, motorcycles. That's what I was in. I remember we had old horse sheds that had no horses, and that's where we kept the tanks. So when we went to pick up our tanks they said, "Alright, anybody that has ever driven a tank, step forward or turn your name in." You were here to pick up some tanks. There was just a few handful had driven a tank, and so I was not one, but some of the old Army people had driven a tank. So they got enough tanks. They came out of a depot somewhere and so the people who had driven tanks stepped forward and drove the tanks into the motor park which were really converted horse stables. They were, now [instead of] horses there were tanks in there. Same place but different vehicle [chuckles]. JP: What kind of motorcycles did you ride? MHS: What kind of what? JP: Motorcycles. MHS: Oh, I think we had the Indian motorcycle, I think. It was Indian. And well they had the, the first ones we had, oh God it was a pleasure to ride. They were down, you sit right down, you had controls, sit right down. Well I'll be goddamned if they didn't give those up. They got the new ones and they are up in the air. Well Jesus, it's like learning to ride all over again. On those low ones you just sit right down, sheesh, you could just feel it, you melted right into the cycle on the road. You melted. Now you sitting up here and by god, I never did like them. They were hard, and if you got off balance, you would go down, you would fall down on the ground. Then you would have to get up shame-facedly and pick up your cycle and mount it again [laughs]. I remember one exercise we had, we were out in the field and we come riding into this spot and dismount. And somebody on the team would throw you a Tommy gun, through the air. I don't know where it would come from, but they would throw it to you, and you would have to catch it in the air, the Tommy gun. You would blast a couple [gun noises], it would rise up [gun noises], bring it down, you would take 3 or 4 shots and it rises on you. You do not try to hold it down. You know it is going to, so you do it, you let up on the trigger, then get out 3 or 4 more rounds. Page 16 Then it gets to ride up. Just the force of it forces the Tommy gun up. Then we, when we would finish that I would take the rifle and the submachine gun and toss it to the instructor, jump on the motorcycle, and you are gone [chuckles]. That was a test, I mean, I guess all the officers went through it. It was fun, it was fun. I liked it. It was good. JP: What other weapons did you carry? MHS: We didn't carry anything. We, uh, I'll tell you, in Germany General Harmon had the Constabulary. So when I went outside in Heidelberg and yellow, we had yellow shoelaces. We were special. Constabulary was a special group of soldiers. And we were hot stuff, I guess, under Harmon. And was everybody assigned, a quite few. Well I made the cavalry in Germany and uh, is that it? Does that answer? JP: So you were part of Ironsides? And did you take part in any combat action? MHS: Um, you mean real combat? Or, or, we had maneuvers and it was just like combat. I mean it was, it was. Well you are in a war! I remember I was in the recon battalion, reconnaissance battalion. We were deployed down on the line in a big field. We were there, nothing was happening. We were up front cause— we reconnaissance battalion is the forward most unit of a division, of an armored division, is the reconnaissance battalion. And I was a recon battalion. They lead the entire division. The reconnaissance battalion, and I was in recon bat. So we got here on this field here, nothing was happening and we were just holding there, waiting for something to happen. All of a sudden all hell broke loose and tanks just covered that field. I stood there and said, "My god, it was a maneuver." And that field was covered with tanks! I guess, I never saw so much tanks in my life! And I, uh, "Holy Jesus what am I seeing?" I was really captivated by it, I was a, it was a maneuver, it was maneuvers. JP: And where was this? MHS: Jesus. Well I can't remember. I was the 1st Armored and the 1st Armored was at [Fort] Knox. The 4th Armored, I think, was Drum, Fort Drum. 10th Armored was, I was the 1st, 4th, and 10th Armored as they were building up the divisions. They would send the cadre, a pit crew, to form a new division. They were forming new divisions. So I started out in the Armored, the 1st Armored, the very first beginning, the 1st Armored was in Fort Knox where I was. The 2nd Armored was activated on the same day. The first day of the activation of the Armored Force was the 15 of June, 1940. The 2nd Armored was at [Fort] Benning. Then they grew, so they had 18 armored divisions. They have cadre as a shell for the making of all the key positions of a unit. Then they send in recruit fillers, to fill it up to full strength. That's how they would increase. They had an outline, just an outline of key people who would be assigned as the cadre staff. I was the 1st Armored but I was picked as a cadre for 4th Armored Division. So it's a shell of the officers and non-commissioned officers and then the fillers come in and fill it up. And they go on and do it that way with the 18 armored divisions I think. So I was the 1st, 4th, and 10th Armored Divisions. Page 17 JP: So you were stateside. Were you overseas? MHS: Oh yeah, yes I was. That's, that's something. I went, I was overseas. Where the hell was I? Jesus. Goddamn [whispered with frustration]. I was overseas. Europe? FRIEND OF MHS: Moe, What did you train on tanks in Hawaii? You were a trainer, what did you train people [on]? MHS: My job there was to train Marines on the tank mounted flame-thrower. Hell, that was it. That was a school. Each Marine Division had one tank company or battalion, I can't remember which. They would send a whole unit of Marines over to—I was the head of the school at Kolekole Pass, that's where the Japanese flew in, over that cut in the mountains when they bombed Pearl Harbor. And uh, where was I now? FRIEND OF MHS: You were training Marines. MHS: Yeah, I was training Marines and we would set up trebles on the guns, on the flamethrowers. The flamethrowers were co-actually mounted. You would have a 76 sticking on the tank a big rifle, a big, long tube, a 76. And co-actually mounted to that was a flamethrower right beside it, or below it. So you could have your fire power. You're in the tank, you would have the ammunition in the tank. It was underneath the turret floor for your stored ammunition. So they were independent. They could fire, I can't remember how many, rounds of 76 you could fire or you could use the flamethrower. Either one. And we would make our own napalm. It is like a sawdust, soap, chips, I guess like soap. It's like sawdust, looks like sawdust. You can't get it, even a drop of water, or it breaks it down. So you have to be careful that the drums are dry and you had this napalm, that's the sawdust-like stuff, and mix it up, and it's rubbery. And you reach in there and pull it out like that and hold it and let it go a little snap back to base. It was heavy, it was elastic, like elastic. Now that's your flamethrower stuff. And it has to be that way so you can back off your tank, and that thing we couldn't throw a flame and it works out. They would, I wouldn't happen to be with the unit at that time. But the Japanese would hole up in these caves, so we'd get these flamethrowers and since it was almost impossible to dig out, 'cause the side was like a mountain, all rocks. They were inside with peepholes and everything. Hard to dig those people out. So we get these flamethrowers in there and course they had the aperture, they had it open so they could fire. And we would put the flamethrower and probably shoot it, probably, a couple hundred yards. If it was mixed just right, just right, it was like rubber, like rubber, and you could back your tank off and we would, they would, it had to be that particular action. But then they would fire these flamethrowers in these apertures, or whatever you call them, the rock where they fired. And they would put the flamethrowers in there and burn up the oxygen and those Japanese would be dead. D.E.D. Dead [laugh]. And not a mark on them, they wouldn't have a mark on them, but they'd be dead. It would burn up the oxygen in the air in these caves and kill them all. Just, just, just asphyxiated. JP: Where were you during, where were you when Pearl Harbor occurred? Page 18 MHS: I was in Hawaii. I was in Hawaii and I had a school there. I was the head of the school. Head of school on the tank mounted flamethrower and as I said, we work with; we made mostly Marines, training Marines. Those Marines, I couldn't sing their praises enough, the, the [fades out] FRIEND OF MHS: Moe, when Pearl Harbor was bombed, where were you located? Were you still in the States or were you elsewhere? MHS: No, no, no, when Pearl Harbor was, no, no. When Pearl Harbor was bombed I was in Hawaii with the, with the tank mounted flamethrower - FRIEND OF MHS: So you were training Marines. MHS: training Marines. When the peace came they dropped the bomb and so they gave us 48 hours. We had these big, these 55 gallon drums. We had like a mountain of them, just a heap of them. Gasoline rations for the states they sent it to us to burn up in the flamethrowers or whatever it was. It was hard to get gas for use here for the civilians during the war. So we, when the armistice, when they dropped that bomb they sued immediately for peace, so they gave us 48 hours to clear the range. So we had a veritable mountain of 55 gallon drums, long and high, filled with this napalm. And we opened those drums just as fast as we could open them. And we had a veritable pond of that napalm, that rubberized stuff there, and we would back a tank off, put a flamethrower on it and you would have thought the whole island was going up in flames. I mean it was some fire, I'll tell ya. That was the Kolekole Pass. It was a plateau. It was a low cut in the mountains, I said when the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor they came through that pass and I had been there at that time. They flew right over where I had my school. FRIEND OF MHS: So what did you do in Japan? When you went to Japan after the war? MHS: Let's see, I was, Oh! Here is a funny thing. I was, I was an obs-, obscure, obscure major. I'd been there 3 days. Nobody knew me. Hell, there probably a thousand, probably hundreds and hundreds of majors there. It was all in the Far East Command under General MacArthur's Far East, Far East Command. And I'd been there just 3 days and my name came up to be on the General Staff. And I said, "How in hell can I be made? They don't know me!" I said, "I'm the new man here! I am one of hundreds and hundreds of majors and they picked me out. There was a feather in my bonnet and God was with me. God appointed me. God had something to do with that." Three days I was on the General Staff. Seemed pretty good. It was about 18 or 17, we'd have a staff meeting every day. I would be there and it was under, we had reports that came into me and I had a guy in my division that wrote them up and all I had to do was sign them. So I signed them as if they were my reports because I was the head of the division. So, so I signed it, I signed it. I didn't change a word. Call McCarthy, I signed it, sent it up to G3 with my signature. G3 took my name off, put their name on it and sent it up to GHQ Far East Command, General MacArthur's headquarters. It went through all those chains, everybody put their name on it, and I didn't do a thing. I just, tt was all prepared, I never, in all the time I was there, only Page 19 one time there was a paragraph in there that was way off, and I took that out. I said, "By god that's not going to go into the report, that's for goddamned sure." So I took that out. When I said that was my report, when they get it, it was their report to GHQ they passed the line. It was a, I didn't do anything, no really, all I did was look at the reports and send them on up. I did not do anything. But I, it was important because it went to GHQ and the GHQ, when they got through with them, sent the reports to Washington. JP: And after the war what did you do? MHS: After the war I, well I was in Chicago Headquarters, Fifth Army. My mother called up and said, "If you want to come home, your father will sell his shares of the drive-in theaters to you." And I really didn't want to come out, I liked Chicago and I liked my job. I just, I had a good job, and I did not want to leave. I had it made. I had 16 years. All I needed was 4 more years to retire at 50%. Well, mother said, "Your father will sell," So I said, "Well I guess she wants me to get out," so I get out. I really did not want to go, but I got out after 16 years and went home, and bought out my father's shares of the Green Mountain Drive-in Theaters. There was a theater in Morrisville and the largest in the state was in Newport. And we got half. The trade was Canadian trade. They would come down because they did not have any, any, Canada could not have 'em. It was state law, they could not for quite a while, they couldn't have drive-in theaters. So we had a sell out every night and that was a, that was a good payment, but of course we didn't make as much money in those days as they do today. I got $10,000 a year sitting on my butt and doing nothing. [laughs] JP: When did you meet Isabel? When and where did you meet your wife? MHS: I met her before I went into the Army. For 4, 4 or 5 years from '35 to '40, I taught high school in Barton in the Northeast Kingdom. And I taught, coached, I coached and taught for four or five years, I can't remember. 1935 to 1940, and then in '40 I went into the 1st Armored Division at [Fort] Knox. JP: But how did you meet her? Where did you meet her? MHS: Oh my wife? Well we were teaching, teaching school. JP: She was a teacher. MHS: Right. And Issy [Isabel] was home economics, home economics. She graduated from uh, I can't remember the name of the school now. I did know that it was in Massachusetts. She had her degree from a school in Massachusetts. I know where it is but it doesn't come to mind right now what it was. So that's where I met Issy. So Issy was a, we were both teaching school there and we both, we got married. We skipped out one New Year's Eve and got married, came back, didn't tell anybody about it because we weren't supposed to be married, I guess. And we weren't supposed to be I guess. I don't know how they could keep a teacher from, from they could take a Page 20 married teacher or a single teacher. But either way, we got married and didn't tell anybody. Then, then we got out in 1940 and went into the Army. JP: So she couldn't tell she was married because they didn't want women who were married to be teaching. That's why you didn't? Was that it? MHS: I don't know. I don't know. I could never could figure out why didn't want, why they didn't want it. Never could figure that out. But they didn't, anyway, for some reason or another. So then we went to, that's when we were stateside, I was, we were teaching in Barton. So we got married, dropped out of teaching, and I went into the 1st Armored Division at Fort Knox in 1940. JP: Yeah? FRIEND OF MHS: Did you talk about how we ended up at Norwich? JP: No. I'm curious as to how you got from post-World War I [interviewer said one meant two], to Korea and then to Norwich. How did you get to Norwich? And what did you do in Korea? I know those are big questions. MHS: I was in the, ah, I, I, I got out of the Army. Oh! I got out of the Army to buy the theaters, that's why I got out of the Army. Mother said, "If you want to come home, your father will sell you [the theaters]." I didn't want to do it but I did. I got out of the Army and went home and bought out my father's share of the drive in theaters. So I was sitting one day when I got the Norwich Bulletin. I don't know what it's called now. It's a bulletin. It said they are looking for somebody for the commandant's office. It said, "apply to Colonel Black." I said, "Bull, bull, bullshit," I said "I'll jump in my Cadillac and go down and let them see me. I can see them and they can see me." And I did, and I was told by Black that I was one of the, there was only one other, a year later, putting in for my same job and I got it. So I report in as, to Black. Black went up to Harmon and said, "We got a man here on our plea for an assistant commandant." And he said, "He's a Norwich man." And Harmon goes. "Well sign him up and give him three days to get in and get down here." So I was home, I had to clean up and move and everything. So I did and I came down here and reported in in 1940, 1940 1st Armored Division. FRIEND OF MHS: No you started at Norwich in 1950, didn't you? MHS: I started at Norwich… [trails off] FRIEND OF MHS: '56? '54? MHS: In 1940… FRIEND OF MHS: You were in for sixteen years. It would be '56. MHS: Oh yeah. Uh huh. Page 21 JP: You worked seventeen jobs at Norwich for eighteen years, right? MHS: Yeah, yes, yeah. I was— oh here is a funny thing, but it's not really very funny either. One day we had the—I was registrar. I was the first registrar in Norwich history. And Bob Guinn, I knew him, he was a professor when I was cadet. And he wrote the history of Norwich and he said that, "Smith was the first registrar in Norwich history." See before they had the registrar duties, but they partialed all them out amongst different faculty. So they get them all together for the first time and I was the first. And this is in the history. I was first full time registrar in Norwich history. And that was in 1940, yeah 1940, wasn't it? FRIEND OF MHS: It couldn't have been '40, that's when you went into the Army. Sixteen years after that would have been '56 MHS: This was 19… [trails off]… this was, uh, '56 yeah. '56. Yeah '55. '56 was the first year I came to Norwich. Yeah '55-'56 was my first year at Norwich. JP: So, you, you were working on a master's at Columbia before you— MHS: I was uh, yes. I started in and that was, that was a funny thing. I went to one section at Columbia and Columbia had a new deal. It used to be you go to 5 years or 4 years and a thesis. You go to 4 summer sessions and then write a thesis and that was it. Or 5 years without a thesis. Then they finally said, they cut it out and said, all right, you can go 4 years, you can get it in 4 years without a thesis. So I was working towards a Master's Degree at Columbia when I, when I ah. So I got to the next summer, I was waiting to see if I was going to get called into the Army, that was in '39. See if we were called into the Army, I said, I have to make up a decision because after the 4th of July if you go to Columbia, you don't get any credits. You have to be on or before the 4th of July for a full, for the full term. You can miss 2 or 3 days but that was all. And after the 4th of July you could go if you wanted to, but you wouldn't get credit for the Master's Degree. So, where was I now? JP: What was your major? What were you getting a master's degree in at Columbia? What were you studying? MHS: Probably education, I'd imagine. Education. I remember, I remember two of my professors—one was a woman, Doctor Spesicka at Columbia. The other was Doctor Hunt. The one that was the most popular one, he had a theater. We had small classes, 7 or 8 of in the class, but there was this one big class and he was the big, we had it in the theater, about 2 or 3 hundred were in his class. And I can't remember his name! But I remember Spesicka and Hunt. And Issy was there and I took her to class with her one time, when I was working for a master's degree. But it helped, because ah 4, 4 sessions, there used to be 5 and they cut it down to 4. So I was waiting, I said, "Gee I don't want to lose out all around," and I was biting my fingernails wondering whether to – what was it? To decide whether I was going to do something or go back to Columbia? Can't remember what it was. My choice was go to Columbia or Army I guess it Page 22 was. And I said, "I got to make up my mind before the 4 th of July," and it went by. And anyway I went to Columbia anyway, and I got a full year at Columbia. JP: You've had a lot of experience in education. A lot of life experiences with teaching people things and - MHS: The courses that you take in education was dull, dull and meaningless in education. They did not carry any weight, there was no substance to it, education courses. I mean they were stupid, they were dumb. And you had to take 18 hours, you were supposed to have 18 hours to get a, I guess a degree. And ah, I took 2 or 3 courses, and they were stupid! A waste of time! There was a misnomer calling them education courses. They prepared you, they didn't prepare you for anything but took them because they were required and so I went just that one time, and then I went into the Army. I was debating between, I didn't want to lose out on the second term for Columbia, I was biting my fingernails, and I said, "Well it's too late now I have to take what I get," and then my orders came through for active duty. So I played that right. I was lucky [chuckles]. JP: Do you want to take a break now or are you okay? MHS: Oh I'm okay. FRIEND OF MHS: I gotta go along, Moe. Your checks are all set there you have to sign them. MHS: Oh uh, oh the bills. Yeah, okay… come tomorrow, will ya? Okay, you are learning something about me. [chuckles] FRIEND OF MHS: You should tell her all the stories you have about the different generals you have worked for. MHS: Oh yeah, that's right. I have worked for, here is a funny thing. General Newgarden4 had the 10th Armored Division. I was in his division, well he came to the Armored School, and I was, I was something in the Armored School. I was a big, kinda a big wheel. Big wheel. I was a department head and he, everyone, they go to class and then they have to take a 10 minute break and then they go back to class for 50 minutes then 10 minute break. He was a tactics guy, tactics class. So I came up to see him, he didn't know me, I said, "General Newgarden." I said, "You probably don't remember me," (cause he had a division, he didn't know all the people). I said, "I was in your 10th Armored Division!" I said. "I was under your command at one time." So we had a nice chat. I remember his stars were—a pep they call it, a little round thing that clips to your collar, it was gone. And I said, "Gosh I should have fixed that but I didn't." I said, I should have said something, what I should have said was, '"General, your general thing is askew, you lost your pep." And I'd take my pep, "Here take my pep I got another one." That's what I should have done but I didn't do it. I was kind of scared so I let him go with his U.S. dangled Major 4 Major General Paul Woolever Newgarden (1892-1944) Page 23 General. And we talked but he didn't know who I was, so I told him, I said "I was in your division." A lot of officers in a division, you don't get to know them all. FRIEND OF MHS: So you did a lot of, you were in charge of Army training for a lot of , a lot of your career. MHS: Oh yeah, and in Hawaii that's all I did do. And I was the head of the school. FRIEND OF MHS: Who were those, the Spaniards that came, or Spanish speaking group that came? MHS: Oh, well we'd have tourists from all over the country. Colombia, for example, sent two or three different groups at different times. But the colleges all around would send their handpicked people to study our system of education, which was, ah, you could see it! It wasn't that you read something in a textbook and then recite it, but you could see it. It was all hands education. We would take an engine apart and put it together again. Assemble it right on the floor so we, we had engine cells and we would set up engine troubles, trouble shooting, and then the class would come in. We had a little, we had this big dynamometer, a big dynamometer engine in the middle and little cells around there. And we divided, about six officers or noncommissioned officers to a cell and there would be an instructor in there. And depending on whether, maintenance 1, maintenance 2, trouble shooting, so forth and they'd go through that and that'd be one week at each section. And I had the trouble, trouble shooting for over 1 week. So there's 6, 8, I think 8, different sections and then they'd graduate either 6 to 8, they'd graduate after about 2 months. I didn't do it exactly because I can't remember but about 2 months. They would have it on their records that they were graduates of the Tactics Department. The Armored School was the Tank Department, armored cars, tanks, wheeled vehicles, and motorcycles. There were five divisions of the Armored School. It took every, every week, 100, every third class was an officer class. We had an enlisted class, an enlisted class, an officer's class. Enlisted class, enlisted class, an officer's class. So there are 1,200 students at all times in the Armored School. 1,200. So 100 would graduate, 100 would come in. And every third company was an officer's company, so it'd be 300 at any one time, be 300 officers and 900 enlisted men in the Armored School. I had the Trouble Shooting Division. We would have these engine cells, we'd set up troubles on the tank, tank wouldn't start and so they'd figure out why it wouldn't start. And for motorcycles, wheeled vehicles, tank, and halftracks. FRIEND OF MHS: So what happened when the Colombians came to visit? MHS: Well that was, that was a good thing. They, ah, they spoke in English. They came through and they could with just what they could see. I found after, they didn't know what the hell was going on. They didn't! We spoke English and while they could see something, but the instructor - Maintenance 1 or Maintenance 2 or whatever it was - would talk in English and they told me, they [the Colombians] didn't know what was going on. And when they got down to the engine task, I knew that in Spanish, because I took Spanishm, I majored in Spanish in college. So I had Page 24 a corporal, god he was good, he was good. So I had no English-Spanish/Spanish-English dictionary so I had my speech in Spanish. So this, and I had been, I majored in it so I knew quite a few of it but I needed some help in polishing up. So I called this corporal in, he was, god he was a whiz-bang, I'll tell you. So I said, "What's the, what's the word for troubleshooting?" And he said, "There is no word for troubleshooting. It's busca fias look for troubles, that's trouble shooting." And so he helped me with my speech and I memorized it, because I majored in it so I knew quite a bit of it and he filled in the gaps for me cause I had no dictionary. So when the, when the Colombians, when the Brazilians - particularly Eurico Dutra, Chief of Staff of the Brazilian Army - came around, they didn't, they told me, they didn't know what was going on. We just spoke in English. Well when they got up to my place, I delivered it in Spanish they went for their notebooks and started writing like mad. Of the 16 stations, mine was the only one that meant anything to them because they didn't know. My people didn't know Spanish and they'd deliver it in Spanish [means English] but it went over their heads so when I started my speech in Spanish, boy they whipped out their notebooks. I tell you they were writing furiously so it wasn't a complete failure [laughs]. It made me feel pretty good. JP: Thank you. MHS: Any other questions? [laughs] FRIEND OF MHS: Oh. Mike Popowski downtown, his father, what was his association with you? MHS: We were at Norwich together. [At] Norwich noncommissioned officers lived with noncommissioned officers, commissioned officers lived with commissioned officers, privates lived with privates. FRIEND OF MHS: So how did you know Popowski or Pop? What was his nickname? MHS: Well as a sophomore, at commencement the end of my freshman year, my name wasn't on, I was a private. Well I had been there just a week and I was called into the commandant's office the very first week of school and was promoted to, made a corporal. So I was already living with privates. Popowski was a private. There was four of us: Sullivan (an Irish man), Uthenwoldt (a German), and me (English), and Polish, Popowski. We were in Jackman Hall, A Troop, A Troop. We were troops then, now they are, later became companies. It was A Troop and uh… [trails off]5 FRIEND OF MHS: Now did you stay with Popowski all through your school? MHS: So I was a private up until the very first week of school. I wasn't promoted at commencement. So I had my roommates, so when I was promoted to corporal I think I was the only one rooming with privates. All the others were noncommissioned officers with 5 Michael Popowski, George Patrick Sullivan, both Class of 1934 and Fred William Uthenwoldt, jr., Class of 1935. Page 25 noncommissioned officers. And they would keep the privates with their group so they didn't break it up. So I stayed where I was, but I was a corporal. I guess I was the only corporal, noncommissioned officer, who was in with privates, and Popowski was a private. FRIEND OF MHS: So but did you stay with him when you became a junior or a senior? MHS: No, just my sophomore year. And then my junior year it was just two of us. Sullivan, Sullivan I guess it was. I roomed with him from New Hampshire, Berlin, New Hampshire, was my roommate from, to junior and senior year at Norwich. Troops. I can't remember if we were troops. I think they went from, I think my sophomore year they went from troops to companies. They used to be troops for cavalry, cavalry troops. Same number pretty much, and makeup, but they would call them troops. So the band leader, I would take reports, I would be the officer of the day, and I would say, "Report to reveille." And they'd say "A Company present and accounted for. B Company present and accounted for. C Company." And you would say, "Dismiss your troops," if you were the officer of the day. And they would dismiss their troops. Well the band leader, I can't remember his name now, he wanted to call them troops and they were companies. They went from troops to companies. Well he wanted, the Band Company, he wanted to call 'em troops. So when I go out to take a report I say, "Report!" for if you are on duty, if you are the officer on duty for the whole regiment. And then "A Company present and accounted for. B Company present and accounted for," so on and "Band Company present" and, uh so this guy I can't remember his name now said, called it troop, said "A Troop present and accounted for." Well I could have called him on it and say, "Hey look, we are companies now. You will report as a company not a troop." But said, "My god if he wants to call them a troop, I'm gonna let him call it a troop." So he was the only one in the regiment that called his Band Company a troop. Everybody else was a company, and I let it go. I said, "Hell, I don't give a damn if he wants to call his band a troop, I'll let him." Any other questions? FRIEND OF MHS: I can't think of any right off there, chief! MHS: Well, we'll… FRIEND OF MHS: We'll catch up tomorrow. JP: Thank you very much. FRIEND OF MHS: I'm Dick Brockway JP: Brockway, that's right, we met before. I've got a, I can leave a card if you want, I gave Moe a card. Thank you. MHS: You know that, that helped me, that Colombia deal, it was on my, on my record so I got some wonderful assignments. I was, I was on the Armored, I was an obscure major, and I do not know how many majors there were in the Far East Command. I mean hundreds of them, and in three days they picked me out to be on the General Staff. And I said, "By god, I said God is with Page 26 me, God made that appointment." I mean all these majors, and I was an unknown major and they put me on the General Staff. I never could figure that out. [Moe's friend says goodbye] JP: So let's see, you were in, third overseas assignment was the Japan Logistical Command after the war. You were on the Commander General's Staff and you wrote reports that went up to General MacArthur's Headquarters in Tokyo and then to Washington. MHS: It went through channels, through channels. JP: Through channels. So you worked… MHS: In the final, in the Far East Command, MacArthur, MacArthur's headquarters, he was in, so it went to MacArthur's headquarters because he was the Far East Command. He was command of all, all the post caps and stations in the area, Far East Command. MacArthur, and then to MacArthur, my report went to MacArthur's headquarters, Tokyo, and he sent them on to Washington and what they did with them I don't know. JP: So then you went to Chicago? You were in Chicago during Korea. MHS: Chicago was my last duty station. JP: Last duty station. MHS: I was in Chicago. Oh, Headquarters, Fifth Army. I got it in my hat. Headquarters, Fifth Army, and I lived uptown from Chicago. I wasn't down in the loop, I lived a few blocks north, but it was still Army Headquarters. So I was in Fifth Army Headquarters in Chicago. JP: And what did you do there? MHS: I was a, I was a - Command Reports, I managed Command Reports. In other words, feeder reports came into me and I'd give it to my Division Commander whose business it was to write a report. So he wrote up the reports for me. Ah. Month, weekly or monthly reports, I can't remember which, I can't remember if they were weekly or monthly. So they would come across my desk. He would, he was the head of the—I had 4 divisions, 3 or 4 divisions in my company. And his division was to write up what went on in the Fifth Army Area. So they came to me, and I'd read 'em and there was one time that I changed something. I took out a paragraph that didn't belong, I took it out. So they came to me, I signed it as if it were my report, and sent it on to the next echelon of maintenance. And he would read it, and then he would sign it, that means it was his report then, and then it would go on to GHQ, to General MacArthur. And somebody in Special Services, I was in Special Services, in Special Services in the Far East Command would sign it, and then it is his report! Then it went on to Washington. JP: So what was it like when you worked under Harmon at Norwich? Page 27 MHS: I was, it was pretty good. It started out pretty rough, I guess I told you that something was happened. JP: Yes you got in the elevator and it was slow but Colonel Black… MHS: It was good, it was good under Harmon. We went to the uh, we had something at White River Junction, Dartmouth, and uh, at White River Junction, Dartmouth. And I had a big Cadillac and Harmon, I had a carful in my Cadillac there, and I drove with the wives. We drove to White River somewhere, we drove to some headquarters. And uh, [pause] and we met, we had a meeting, a big meeting somewhere. I don't know if it was White River or if it was Dartmouth, could've been Dartmouth. We had a meeting and Harmon rode in. I had Harmon, Mrs. Harmon and the director of admissions and his wife. And I had Issy. Six of us and we went to this, this meeting for the Area Command or something. I can't remember what it was. And Harmon, he was, he could swear quite a bit and he was a, so he made a speech using pretty rough language. Well the Norwich wives knew he spoke that way, and they expected him to speak that way, but the people outside our command didn't, youknow They had their wives there, they were civilian college wives or something like that. And so Harmon said something using his salty language and they sucked in their breath, you know. He could be pretty salty. And Harmon, so on the way back Harmon knew he made a mistake, "Oh god," he said, "I could cut off my tongue for saying what I said." I said, "Well gee General Harmon," I said. "People know you, they expect you to talk that way. If you didn't, you wouldn't be General Harmon. They'd be disappointed." He said, "Yes, they weren't Norwich wives. They weren't all Norwich wives, means there are some Dartmouth wives in there and they're the ones who sucked in their breath at his language." And I had no reply to that, he was right! JP: So you heard quite a bit of salty language. MHS: Huh? JP: So you heard quite a bit of salty language [louder]. MHS: Oh, oh yes. He was a…I remember one time, we were right here, I think I may have told you already. Women were sitting in here, Mrs. Harmon was sitting right here, and maybe not in this chair but in this place. The men were out around here, was it the Norwich community? I guess it was, yeah, high ranking people, Norwich department heads. And so I looked at him and Leona was sitting here, and Harmon you could hear him, god he had a booming voice. And he said, I guess I told you, "I've thrown my leg over many a French lad!" And I said, "My gosh you can hear him!" How you could hear outside and over here, he had a booming voice. Leona sat there and didn't, she knew Harmon, she didn't flick an eyelash. And he didn't care if she did hear, and he was true. He was quite a, as you call it, cocksman? [laughs] JP: I guess when you live in the military and you work with people closely you get to know their personalities. You get to know their good sides and their bads. What is it about Norwich, you Page 28 seem to really love Norwich and the training and the education that you've got. What is it about Norwich, you think, that makes people so loyal and so attached to it? MHS: Well it's the esprit de corps. It's the spirit of the corps. It's the, it's a, now in my day only, I think 2 graduates were accepted into the Regular Army. The rest including me were reserve officers but two, every year, they would take two for the Regular Army commissions. And then I think they dropped that rule. I don't know when they did go about the Regular Army. Oh I know, the reserve officers, I think it was at [Fort] Knox, they had, we were a lot of reserve officers. So they had a special course, and it turned out not to be much, it was a week of special training for the small group that wanted to go into the Regular Army. So a few reserve officers went. I didn't, I wish I had. But it was a short course, it wasn't demanding at all. It was a piece of cake really, and those people who went to that get a Regular Army commission. I was in the whole time on a reserve Army commission. I could just as well done that, and I thought, I said it was gonna involve a lot of work and isn't probably worth it. What I thought, what I heard, it wasn't hard at all, it was a piece of cake really for that week there was nothing to it. You'd get your Regular Army commission. So I went through all those years as a reserve commission. But, got the same pay. Get promotions just the same as everybody else. JP: And you have lived across from Norwich after you retired. So you've been close to Norwich for, gosh… MHS: I was at Norwich for I think 16 years. JP: I think 18, 16 or 18. MHS: I will tell you one thing really gripping. I was registrar. It is recognized that the registrar's duties were fanned out, or under - when I came in it was all coordinated. I was the first registrar as such, full time registrar in Norwich history. Guinn who writes the history told me that. And now where were we? What did you say? JP: Oh, you said you were going to say something gripping about being a registrar. I said you had lived here a long time. MHS: I was the, I was the first registrar in Norwich history. And, well, Dean Perry, and I loved him. Registrar comes under the Dean, he was the Dean and Registrar is under the Dean.6 So the Dean was my boss. So he came in one day. I had the best office in Dewey Hall with a fireplace on it. It was for the Dean but the Dean didn't want it, he wanted to be off the beaten path 'cause he didn't want to be where people were going by his office. He wanted the privacy, so he took the office way down at the end of the hall and I had the spacious office as Registrar, fireplace and everything! Now where was I? 6Col. Lewis Ebenezer Perry, (1899-1963) died on June 7, 1963 on a Friday, at the Cadet Corps Commencement Parade on Sabine Field. Page 29 JP: A gripping story about being registrar. MHS: The Dean came into my office one day and I liked Dean Perry, I guess I loved him really. He was a wonderful, man wonderful man. [Takes sip of water] And he said, "Let's get down to the," he said, "C'mon," I guess I was a colonel, "Colonel," I might have been a lieutenant colonel. "C'mon and we'll go and go down for the alumni parade." I looked at my watch, and I was pretty busy there. And he said, "I know it's early," he said, "but I thought we'd take our time." I said "okay," it made sense to me. So we started out, he started to take his car. I thought, "What the hell is he taking his car for? Jeesh all we have to do is, Jackman Hall is just down the steps and you are there." But, I thought, "Well, we're early, that's why we are taking it." I said to myself, I was talking to myself. "Oh we're early that's why we are." And so we'd go down and take a step, and stop. Take another step, and stop. And we would talk. And what's he going so damn slowly floor. Then again I said, "Well we're early of course." Now there was a reason for us doing that. He didn't feel good, Well, I didn't know that. So two or three different things I didn't question, I said "Oh, well were early we don't have to hurry about anything." So we got down there and I thought, "I'm gonna have some fun today." The Academic Board is the all-powerful board. The Academic Board is the big thing, academic board, department heads mostly make up the Academic Board. So I said, "I'm gonna have some fun with these guys," 'cause I was a colonel, I was a full colonel and they were lieutenant colonels, the department heads were lieutenant colonels. Now they're colonels, but at that time they were lieutenant colonels and I was a colonel. So I said, "I'm gonna have some fun with these guys." So we had to, we were out on Sabine Field, standing back where the tank is, milling around. So we had to march on to the field and they had a seat for us right in the middle of Sa-Sabine Field, seats. So I was to march them down on. I was the Registrar, so I said, "I'm gonna have some fun with these guys." I said, "I'll treat them like recruits." I said, "Alright Academic Board," I said there to the all-powerful board and department heads. I said alright "Academic Board, fall in!" Like they were a bunch of Rookies. I said, "Fall in!" And they fell in, they fell in, they knew what I meant. So we marched in and "I said, 1, 2, 3, 4, 1, 2, 3, 4," but I didn't shout like "1! 2! 3!" Just timed it, 1, 2, 3, 4, so we would be on step but the rest of them aren't supposed to hear necessarily. So we marched on the field, I halted them, and I said, "Fall out" and they fell out and went to the seats. Well, we were, I looked out at the men and the wives were there in the, in the, in the seats, you know out in the stadium, you know, and I looked around and they were laughing. I said "Boy, the girls are having a wonderful time." The wives of the department heads and everything, they were laughing and having a nice afternoon, they were laughing and everything. Well this cadet came up, he got some award, a corporal, he got some award. And it was the awards parade and they had some special academic awards or whatever awards they were. The Dean was pinning them on, Dean Perry, he went out with me, I took him down. I mean I walked down with him. And so he was a, this corporal I guess came up and he was pinning an award on him at the awards parade. And he turned as if to go back, as if he is going to go up into the stands then he Page 30 whirled around again to get back to where he was and he went down in a heap. And I said "Oh God," and I was looking, before that happened I looked and said, "What's that on the back of the dean's neck." It looked like an hourglass of red. I said, "What the hell is that on the Dean's neck?" I said, well, I don't know. So Lillian, his wife, came down crying cause he, I guess he had a little heart trouble but he tried to do, skate, ice skate and everything to stay in shape and to exercise his heart, you know. I didn't realize that till later on. So she came down crying, after they had been sitting there laughing and having a wonderful time. And all of the sudden [snaps] the switch turned and now she was crying. We didn't know it, but he dropped dead, dead on the parade ground. So they got the ambulance, loaded him into the ambulance and took him down here I guess. And ah, so when they went on with the awards parade, finished the parade, I couldn't tell you what happened, I don't think anybody. To hell with this parade, they just took our minds off worrying about the Dean. So when the Public Relations Officer, I didn't know his name, came to the gate we all rushed over to see how the Dean was and he said, "Well he is dead." Oh my God, what a shock. I tell you that, that, that whole summer we went up to Maine, to Popham Beach, and I didn't have any fun at all, really, I couldn't get him off my mind. Oh God, it was terrible. I had a terrible summer. And I remember this time, I went first day registering for classes and everything and I went there, and all of a sudden I got involved, I was in the midst of organizing something, my position there had me organize. And I swear the Lord put his hand on me and said, "Son, forget it." That's how I figured it out, just like turning on the switch I went from a miserable summer thinking about the Dean, I couldn't get him off my mind, and I went there and still felt bad and then bingo, I rolled up my sleeves and went to work. The weight just dropped right off and I said, "My God, the Lord just answered my prayer, I'm healed, I am ready to go to work." It was that fast. And that is when I began to believe in God. And that's how that went. JP: What was the hourglass on his neck? You said there was an hourglass on his neck. MHS: Well I don't know what it was. It was—showed up from the stands. It was red like an hourglass and I said, "I don't know if anybody else noticed it, probably did." I noticed it when I was sitting back there with the Academic Board. And you see, I was on the Academic Board as Registrar, without a vote. Well I didn't give a goddamn whether I voted or not, but I was on the Academic Board without vote, because of my position as Registrar. And so I sat there and looking for anything in particular and I did see that on his neck, and it was bright red, like an hourglass, spider. What's that spider that has an hourglass and is poisonous? JP: Oh, it's a black widow. MHS: Yeah, looked like a black widow spider and I didn't think anything of it, but it showed up and I was kind of, I sat in back and uh, I could see that. Then I poo-pooed the idea, I said, "Oh that's, that's nothing." But then he dropped, of course we didn't know whether he fainted or what it was, he dropped dead, and that whole summer I was, spoiled my summer, spoiled my whole summer. Page 31 JP: Was it a spider on his neck? MHS: I don't know what that was. I don't know what it was. Bright red. And I said "What is that on his neck?" I wasn't going to ask that. Then he dropped, and course we didn't know he died, we thought he could have just fainted, you know, but he dropped dead. And when the Public Relations Officer came through after the parade, I couldn't tell you what went on the parade, I don't think anybody else did either, paid attention to the parade. But they had the awards parade, and then I remember everybody rushed to the gate because the Public Relations man went up the ambulance that picked up the Dean. He came back and we knew he'd have the story on the Dean. So we all rushed to him to see how the dean was, and he said, "He is dead." JP: Oh my goodness. MHS: And let's see. And I remember so plainly. I of course spoiled my summer. That first day I, so I rolled up my sleeves and went to work and it was, I said, "It left me. It stayed with me all summer and bang!" so I turned on a light switch, and I said, "I'm done, I'm through with it, it's done, it's over with it. And I won't grieve no more. I won't grieve anymore." And I didn't and I marveled at what happened because I was—had such a miserable summer and I guess it was just to work, but like turning on a light switch. I went feeling miserable to I said, "I'm healed now, God made that, made that for me," that's what I said [chuckles]. JP: That's nice, that's nice, is there anything else you want to add about Norwich or your service? MHS: I really can't think of, it was important that I almost quit before I started [chuckles]. And Black, Black was—the Corps played tricks on Black7because Black was deaf. He had a hearing thing. He was pretty deaf. He had this hearing thing, he was always twisting it in his ear, everyone knew he was deaf. So they played a trick on him. One time the band was down at the end of the parade so they decided that they wouldn't play it, take their instruments and make believe they were playing and he wouldn't know the difference. So he walks out of here the band appeared to be playing and they weren't and he figured it was his hearing piece and cadets will do those things, you know, when a weakness, they're good at springing in there. [chuckles] They're clever that way JP: They are resourceful. Did you, when you rode horse, at Norwich, in the cavalry training, did you ride Roman style? Did you stand? Did you guys do that thing where you stand on the two horses? MHS: No, they had, no we didn't do that trick riding. We had, it was scheduled like a class, but, or the classes was every other day, meets 3 times a week, this equitation, everybody had to, was 7 LTC John W. Black, USA (ret) Commandant from 1953-1957 Page 32 a class, you got credit for it or met once a week, and that was in the, I guess the riding hall is still down there. Or the stables are there, I guess, not the riding hall is gone, and what you say now? JP: Did you get thrown at all? Or did everyone get thrown? MHS: Oh [clears throat] No. Once we were, we had a night ride and my horse we ended up in a ditch and it just wide enough for a horse and I was—I straddled the horse and I could get out, my feet were pinned in the trench, you know. It was a deep, deep trench, and it was dug, it was a trench I don't know what the purpose of it was. And I kept my feet out because it was wet in there and I got out but my horse couldn't get out. And they got, I don't know how, they got out, I've gone, but they had probably had to dig to get a pathway out, he was wedged right in there and all you could see was his head, [chuckles] head and his rump, with little bit of his rump. And just room enough so he filled that trench right up, you see? So I didn't see what they went through to get him out, of course they finally got the horse out. Now what did you say? JP: Did you get thrown? But it sounds like everybody… MHS: One time I did. I didn't get thrown, but we were galloping toward the, toward the stables and it was a free-for-all and we were going wide open. Well I was riding a horse named Ham, H-A-M, he slipped and he fell, and it landed probably by—my feet were in my stirrups but landed on my leg, but it didn't hurt me. It was a body, you know, soft, just soft and it didn't hurt me at all, didn't even make me lame, it didn't hurt me at all. And I don't know how it did get to stab- going into the stables. And well I was dismounted, because the horse stumbled and fell, so I went with the horse. That was the only time I ever fell off. JP: But the horse fell, yeah, wow. [pauses] You've done a lot of interesting things from flame throwing to… MHS: Probably, you know if you talk long enough, one things leads to another, and you, maybe one or two of them, most important things I probably haven't even mentioned yet, but I, like anybody else, like you or anybody else, you have certain experiences. And if you go off to visit and you come home, your parents want to know what you did, or somebody wants to know what you did and you try to recollect what you did. Things that impressed you. And I said so many things can happen in the situation I was in. I can, one thing can lead to another, probably two or three funny things that happen that I can't remember right now. The art, I went to theater in Morrisville, we called it Bijou Theater and they'd, before the main figure, they needed a comedy, short comedy. One reel, a comedy or a news. So this time I was sitting in the theater the Pathè News came on. It was a Norwich scene, and I said, and I said, I was so surprised, I remember the scene, I said, "I was there!" I don't know if anybody heard me in the theater. And here I was in the theater and here was a scene "I was there! I was there, "I said, "My God, I was there!" It was Pathè News and it was a big news company, worldwide, Pathè News, and somebody like Pathè, P-A-T-H-E, and everybody knew what Pathè News was. And they'd have either that or a comedy. [inaudible] I don't think anybody heard me when I said, "I was there," but I was. Page 33 JP: Where was, what was Pathè News covering? Was it overseas? MHS: It was, it was, they showed the events of Norwich, showed them coming down a steep hill, very steep hill and they're, horses were fighting, you know, as they went. Horses are well-trained, and I guess they have they trust the rider, he knows what he's doing, and they do, they have to trust the rider, so they knew didn't throw anybody, they knew they had to get down, and they were scooting, sliding, they couldn't walk or down or they had to slide down, down they went, dutifully down the steep hill. And Pathè News, which was a big news in those days, it was the big news and they recorded that scene, so that's why I said, "I was there." [chuckles] I was surprised, small world. Well as you try to recollect things, one thing leads, leads to another. If you ask me something, I go off on a tangent and probably have some remarks, yeah [chuckles]. JP: So you worked at Norwich and then you then retired, what did you do after you retired from Norwich? MHS: Let's see now. I retired, oh, I was in, oh I retired from Norwich… JP: In '70….? MHS: Oh I was Norwich for, oh I retired from Norwich, oh I guess went to, let's see. I retired from Norwich, where was I? Where was I living? I was in Chicago when I came home, I was in Chicago and [pauses] oh well I guess I retired. I just retired. Yeah I just retired. JP: So you retired here? MHS: Yeah, I had several incomes. I had 5 incomes, I can't remember all of them—TIA-CREF, a pension, Norwich salary, working at Norwich. And I remember I had 5 incomes. I had a rental income, so I had 5 incomes. So I had a good income, and when I— JP: Did you travel with Issy? Did you and Issy travel to the places? MHS: Well I, when in the Army, yes. Issy went with me. Took about 5 months for a dependent wife down in Japan. A dependent could not go to Japan. They could go to Europe, because that was all settled, but in Japan that came later on. So the wife, so after the war was over in Japan, it took about 5 months to get your dependent wife over. So I was in Japan and Issy joined me in Japan. Well she had a, it was a Washburn, it was teaching school, teaching American schools, just teaching Americans in schools in Japan. No Japanese, American dependents, children. And Issy, they were waiting, Washburn, her husband, she worked in the school system and she knew Issy was a teacher so they desperately need teachers. So I [she] said, "Has Issy got here yet, when's she coming and everything?" So Issy got there 11:00 in the morning and 1:00 she was teaching school, American children [chuckles] and so what we did, we lived—Issy she had a GS-7, that's a federal rating, you know the ratings? And she was a GS-7, which is officer, I mean, so Issy on her own, if she wasn't married to me, well that job she could go to an officer's club. IfPage 34 she was GS-5, she couldn't, but with a GS-7 she could go on her title to an officer's club. So now what were? JP: Issy traveling and teaching in Japan MHS: Yeah. She taught a—I think a graded school, then she had a special class of Japanese. And I didn't think Japanese were very goodly people but by golly, Issy, well she was at the wheel, she had this meeting and she passed out certificates. They passed a certain field in education, she trained them—she was the head of the school system, of that particular school system. And so Issy ran that show and I'm pretty proud of her and by gosh and I sat there and they'd come get their diplomas and oh they were so pleased those Japanese to get their diploma, and I look at them and for the first time I saw a beautiful Japanese girl. Most of them aren't very pretty, but by golly they were that day, I said, "By God, what a beautiful, beautiful girl, they came by me." The Japanese you have to get used to them, they have kind of a flat look like somebody slammed the door on their face or something there they, I couldn't see a pretty one there, but after I'd been there awhile there were some pretty Japanese girls. We had a maid, we were allowed two but we only wanted one. We had a male, he was a handsome Japanese man, young man, but he was a really handsome guy. He wasn't dependable so we let him go, he didn't show up when he felt like it. So we fired him. All we wanted was one anyway, and our quarters was just where we wanted it [phone goes off]. Our quarters were on a block. You could look down south of the yard and see all the shipping in the port. Oh it was a beautiful thing, we were up high and we'd look down and we were, my office was right down at the customs, customs building port of entry in Japan. And we'd, we'd, many a time there would be a cloud, you couldn't see anything, and you'd drive about a quarter or half mile, quarter or half mile, you'd be riding that cloud, when you're in it, you couldn't see much, but it was like a heavy fog. Then you'd come out of it, come out of it there's the blows all laid out for it. It was the headquarters, it was the port of entry for Japan, for commercial shipping, commercial shipping. And I had an office down there. JP: You liked Japan? MHS: I was up on the bluff. Oh I had a real, it was quarters and 388. "Oh I want those quarters." Well what they do, they post them as they come available. I knew 388 had, of all of quarters up on the bluff, way up, looking down, I said, "That is the one I want." Well they'd post - be 5 or 6 housing be available - and when your name got to the top, you got a choice, you take second place, second choice of those say ten or dozen available. And if you didn't take it, you're holding up someone, then your name went down to the bottom of the list. So you, so you couldn't get top and stay in the top. If you didn't take something, holding up for something better, you went down the bottom. So they said you couldn't do that. So I, my number didn't come up and wasn't my time to choose yet and I said, "Oh geez I hope that number doesn't come up too soon." And so my number came up, a group of people for housing, you like to stay there, at such time that you can get housing for you, you had to be there a little while before you got housing, say 10 days or something like that to get housing and that's it, oh man I said, 'Oh God, I Page 35 hope that 388 is there, if isn't I'm screwed, 'cause that's the one I wanted,' and it hadn't been on the list at all, my name was on it, that's where my lame name come up, then you got to choose, and if you don't, then you get down the bottom of the list, so you got to choose, and 'Bam' me, 388, and 'Bam,' just I wanted so I was high on the bluff and I could look down at the shipping and the port, it was way up high on the bluff, oh God it was nice. JP: What port was it, what was the name of the port, do you remember? MHS: The port? JP: Yeah, what town was it? MHS: I think it was the main port of entry, had a big huge beautiful brick building. JP: Was it Tokyo? MHS: Yeah, no, no Yokohama, Tokyo was about 17 miles I think it didn't take long because it had a beautiful, I think, 2 way highway between Yokohama and Tokyo. So you can get to Yokohama, you can be in Yokohama, and you can be in Tokyo in 20 minutes, you couldn't drive very fast. It had this beautiful road but the—I think you're limited 25 miles an hour, and I got stopped once I thought I was staying, and the GI, GI's they wrote me up I guess for speeding, I think I was going probably 26 miles an hour, something like that, and I got a ticket from a GI but he was authorized to do it, he was an MP. JP: What did you drive, what kind of car were you driving? MHS: I had a, I had Buicks, I had a new Buick, I bought a new Buick and two weeks after I bought it, I got my call to report to, I was in New England, in Vermont, to get, Seattle I think it was, a certain time no San Francisco, be in San Francisco. Then when I got in San Francisco, then Roosevelt directed me to Seattle, I got to San Francisco, then for two or three days, then they sent me to Seattle, so I shipped out of, originally it said San Francisco, but they sent me to San Francisco, I waited then they sent me to Seattle and I shipped out of Seattle for Japan, does that answer your question? JP: That's good, so you liked Japan? MHS: Yeah, so my—your car follows you by about 2 weeks so they ship your car but you have to wait about 2 weeks, before your car catches up with you. So I did, so I had a new Buick and I traded every year for a new Buick with the Japanese people, they're nice people and what I did was I'd buy a new Buick after a year I turned it in and they'd give me another new Buick. No deprecation or anything, so I got 3 brand new Buicks at no cost, and when I got home, I sold it for what I paid for it, you couldn't raise the price on a new car. That was a Japanese law, you couldn't raise a price on a new car, you could on a used car. So what they would do is buy a new car, and if you didn't want put it up on the market, then they'd probably double the money, you Page 36 couldn't sell a new car beyond the market price. Well I wanted a, they had 4 Cadillacs, well I guess I was—I was outranked or something another, I didn't get the Cadillac anyways, they only had 4. So I said to the Japanese, I said, 'Don't you now wished now you sold me the Cadillac, because I said I would sold it back to you?' that's what I did with my new Buick. I said I sold it back to you, double your money, and said, 'Yes we could have.' That was—I was too late. [chuckles] Background voice: I'm sorry to interrupt, we're about to leave, and we're about to pull out of the garage. JP: Oh, sure, well, do you have anything else you want to add Moe? MHS: Not unless, you have any questions. JP: I just want to thank you, truly for giving me the time and all this wonderful information. MHS: I like to rehash old times and I have to stop to think, to, you forget these things, but I was, I remember I felt like, I said, 'God's with me and I was an unknown major, and I had been there 3 days, and I was named the General Staff and I said, 'Uh huh,' I said, 'there must be hundreds of majors that would give their ITs to be on the General Staff,' and I was a new major, and somebody God, somebody lead me to them or me, and after 3 days I got a job on the General Staff, and I thank God for that, I said, 'God had a hand in that.' [chuckles] JP: That's certainly true, well you must have been good, [both interrupt] MHS: Oh well, I don't know…
Lo sfruttamento delle risorse naturali ha rappresentato la caratteristica principale dello sviluppo economico e del commercio per la maggior parte della storia mondiale. Attualmente, è generalmente accettato che lo sviluppo economico in tutto il mondo sia la causa dell'esaurimento irreversibile delle risorse naturali, del degrado ambientale e della conseguente minaccia per le generazioni future. Ciò costituisce le ragioni chiave e le sfide per ripensare i modelli economici. Le risorse ambientali sono considerate oggi come beni economici e vengono chiamate "capitale naturale". Questo vale in particolare per i mari e gli oceani. I mari e gli oceani coprono più del 70% della superficie terrestre e sono fondamentali per garantire alcuni dei bisogni fondamentali della società. Contengono il 97% di tutta l'acqua del pianeta e sostengono l'80% di tutte le forme di vita. Questi vasti ecosistemi sono tra i più grandi pozzi di carbonio del mondo, producono la metà dell'ossigeno che respiriamo e sono la fonte primaria di proteine per più di 3 miliardi di persone. I mari e gli oceani sono anche il tessuto di una grande industria che solleva questioni di sostenibilità ambientale e sociale. Quest'ultime sono al centro dell'agenda dello sviluppo sostenibile delle Nazioni Unite (ONU) entro il 2030 e non sono compatibili con un sistema incentrato sull'abuso e sullo sfruttamento dell'ambiente. Una gestione efficiente e sostenibile del capitale naturale degli oceani è quindi un obiettivo politico critico per il processo e il progresso economico. Di fatto, la crescente consapevolezza delle intense pressioni che impattano sul degrado ambientale marino ha portato gli organismi di governance stabiliti negli ultimi decenni a definire strumenti e meccanismi che permettano la conservazione e lo sviluppo più sostenibile del vasto capitale naturale che il mare e gli oceani offrono. Proprio in questa fase di ridimensionamento e di transizione verso una nuova economia sostenibile basata sugli ecosistemi marini, emerge il nuovo concetto della "Blue Economy" (BE). La BE ha recentemente guadagnato una notevole attenzione nelle agende politiche e accademiche, in linea con l'espansione della sua rilevanza rispetto ai settori economici tradizionali. Le strategie di implementazione della BE rientrano negli Obiettivi di Sviluppo Sostenibile (SDGs) delle Nazioni Unite, in particolare l'SDG 14 "Life Below Water". L'SDG 14 mira, tra le altre cose, alla prevenzione e ad una riduzione significativa dell'inquinamento marino, alla gestione sostenibile, nonché alla conservazione delle aree e degli ecosistemi marini e costieri, alla minimizzazione e reversione degli impatti dovuti all'acidificazione degli oceani, a far fronte alla pesca eccessiva, illegale e non regolamentata, all'aumento delle conoscenze scientifiche e al trasferimento di tecnologie marine sostenibili. Come tale, incorporato in queste ambizioni piuttosto all'avanguardia è il principio (e la necessità) che assicurare la crescita economica e l'occupazione devono andare di pari passo con l'imperativo della protezione e ripristino degli ambienti naturali e della lotta al cambiamento climatico. La BE permette di generare valore dagli oceani attraverso l'attuazione di pratiche sostenibili e nel rispetto della loro capacità di rigenerazione. Questo implica che l'impatto della produttività economica generata delle attività umane deve necessariamente garantire la salute e la salvaguardia degli oceani nel tempo. Sia i settori consolidati o tradizionali che quelli emergenti e innovativi della BE offrono importanti fonti di sviluppo economico sostenibile. I primi includono e riguardano le risorse marine viventi e non viventi, le attività portuali, la cantieristica navale, il trasporto marittimo e il turismo costiero. I secondi includono l'energia marina rinnovabile, la bioeconomia e le biotecnologie blu, i minerali marini, la desalinizzazione, la difesa, la sicurezza e la sorveglianza marittima, la ricerca e l'istruzione, le infrastrutture e la robotica marina. Questi settori rappresentano un potenziale significativo per la transizione verso una crescita economica sostenibile, e per la creazione di nuovi posti di lavoro. Ad oggi, i settori tradizionali della BE contribuiscono a circa 1,5% del PIL dell'Unione europea a 27 (UE-27) e forniscono circa 4,5 milioni di posti di lavoro diretti, cioè il 2,3% dell'occupazione totale dell'UE-27. Mentre i settori innovativi emergenti, come per esempio le fonti di energia rinnovabile derivata dall'oceano o le biotecnologie blu contribuiscono alla creazione di nuovi mercati e posti di lavoro. Ciò senza contare gli effetti indiretti e indotti sul reddito e l'occupazione. In questo contesto, la presente dissertazione ha due scopi principali. Il primo, quello di presentare lo stato dell'arte sulla BE nel mondo, mettendo in evidenza le sfide, le opportunità, le tendenze e il potenziale per uno sviluppo sostenibile. Il secondo, quello di servire come uno strumento di valutazione solido e in grado di favorire decisioni informate per definire nuove politiche e iniziative pertinenti. La ricerca si è sviluppata nell'ambito del programma di dottorato industriale Eureka, co-finanziato dalla Regione Marche insieme all'ISTAO - Istituto Adriano Olivetti, una tra le più antiche scuole manageriali d'Italia, fondata nel 1967 dall'economista Giorgio Fuà. Il capitolo I della tesi è una revisione della letteratura che colma il gap su come la BE possa rappresentare un modello di sviluppo economico per le istituzioni e le imprese. Lo fa adottando un approccio esplorativo per la raccolta e la revisione di una serie di contributi scientifici da considerare come più significativi e più rilevanti per analizzare come il concetto di BE si lega alla recente letteratura sullo sviluppo economico. Nello specifico, l'approccio esplorativo è stato progettato sulla base di una serie di criteri individuati in conformità con gli obiettivi dell'indagine: 1) inquadrare e valutare lo stato dell'arte sulle politiche e iniziative intraprese a livello globale; 2) rilevare le criticità e le sfide nell'attuazione di tali politiche e iniziative; 3) identificare le implicazioni e suggerimenti a livello di policy. Il capitolo II contribuisce alla letteratura emergente sullo sviluppo di una BE partecipativa presentando un modello innovativo a quadrupla elica. Questo modello non solo mette in collegamento i governi nazionali con il mondo accademico, le imprese e gli utenti, ma agisce anche come un driver che favorisce l'esposizione internazionale del paese in questo specifico settore. Attraverso un approccio esplorativo basato su una ricerca desk integrata da interviste semi-strutturate con otto esperti, il modello è testato a Qingdao, una città all'interno della Blue Economic Zone nella provincia dello Shandong, in Cina. Nel capitolo III, viene analizzata la risposta cinese alla "Decade of Ocean Science for Sustainable Development 2021-2030", il "Decennio del Mare" delle Nazioni Unite. L'analisi di documenti ufficiali di pianificazione strategica rivelano che i leader politici cinesi attribuiscono grande considerazione e importanza agli oceani per la sopravvivenza e lo sviluppo della società umana. Dal lancio del "Decennio del Mare", che rappresenta un'importante risoluzione adottata delle Nazioni Unite per promuovere lo sviluppo sostenibile degli oceani, nonché la più importante iniziativa che eserciterà un impatto di vasta portata sul progresso della scienza e della governance marina globale, varie iniziative sono state intraprese dalla Cina per sostenere il suo impegno basato sulla cooperazione per la protezione ecologica degli oceani. Il capitolo IV conduce un'investigazione sull'industria della cantieristica navale nella Regione Marche. L'importanza del settore nel tessuto industriale regionale, in particolare nella costruzione di superyacht, ha suggerito un approfondimento mirato a valutare in che modo l'industria cantieristica possa rappresentare un driver per lo sviluppo della subfornitura artigianale, altamente qualificata e tecnologicamente avanzata, che l'ecosistema industriale della regione è già in grado di fornire. Nella stesura di questo contributo, realizzato insieme ai colleghi dell'ISTAO per conto della Fondazione Marche, è stato fatto ampio ricorso ai più recenti studi sulla cantieristica navale. È stata poi realizzata un'indagine di approfondimento che ha previsto una serie di interviste semi-strutturate con i vertici dei cantieri regionali e con una campionatura di subfornitori e aziende più rappresentativi, insieme all'incontro con alcuni testimoni privilegiati del settore. ; Natural resource exploitation has been the main feature for economic development and trade for most of global history. At present, it is generally accepted that economic development around the world is leading to the irreversible depletion of natural resources, environmental degradation and consequent threat to future generations, which are key reasons and challenges for rethinking economic patterns. Environmental resources are considered today as economic assets and called "natural capital". This particularly holds true for the seas and oceans. Seas and oceans cover more than 70% of Earth's surface and are critical in ensuring that some of society's most basic needs are met. They hold 97% of all water and sustain 80% of all life forms on the planet. These vast ecosystems are amongst the world's largest carbon sinks, produce half of the oxygen we breathe and are the primary source of proteins for more than 3 billion people worldwide. Seas and oceans are also the fabric of a large industry that raises environmental and social sustainability issues. These are at the heart of the United Nations (UN) Sustainable Development agenda for 2030 which is not compatible with a system focused on abuse and exploitation of the environment. Therefore, an efficient and sustainable management of oceans' natural capital is a critical policy objective for the economic process and progress. The growing awareness of the intense pressures that cause environmental degradation of the natural wealth highlights the need for a sustainable approach. Governance bodies established over the recent decades have defined tools and mechanisms to achieving a more sustainable development allowing the preservation and sustainable uses of the natural capital. At this stage of economy reframing, a new concept of "Blue Economy" (BE) has emerged to foster the shift towards a new, ocean (marine)-based sustainable economy. BE has recently gained considerable policy and scholarly attention, in line with the expansion of its relevance on the political agenda beyond traditional economic sectors. BE implementation strategies are part of the UN's Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), in particular SDG 14 "Life Below Water" which aims, among other things, to prevent and significantly reduce marine pollution, sustainably manage and protect marine and coastal ecosystems, minimize and address the impacts of ocean acidification, regulate harvesting by ending overfishing and illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing, conserve coastal and marine areas, increase scientific knowledge and transfer sustainable marine technologies. As such, embedded is this quite a cutting-edge concept is the principle (and need) that ensuring economic growth and employment must go hand in hand with the imperative of protecting and restoring nature and fighting climate change. BE enables society to obtain value from the oceans and coastal regions, whilst respecting their long-term ability to regenerate and endure such activities through the implementation of sustainable practices. This implies that human activities must be managed in a way that guarantees the health of the oceans and safeguards economic productivity, so that the potential they offer can be realized and sustained over time. Both established and emerging, innovative sectors are part of the BE and offer important sources of sustainable economic development. The former include marine living resources, marine non-living resources, marine renewable energy, port activities, shipbuilding and repair, maritime transport and coastal tourism. The latter include ocean energy (i.e. floating solar energy and offshore hydrogen generation), blue bioeconomy and biotechnology, marine minerals, desalination, maritime defence, security and surveillance, research and education and infrastructure and maritime works (submarine cables, robotics). These sectors offer significant potential for the transition to a sustainable economic growth, as well as for employment creation. For instance, BE traditional sectors contribute to about 1.5% of the European Union-27 GDP and provide about 4.5 million direct jobs, i.e. 2.3% of EU-27 total employment. Emerging innovative BE sectors, such as ocean renewable energy, blue biotechnology, and algae production are adding new markets and creating jobs. This is without counting indirect and induced income and employment effects. Against this backdrop, this dissertation has two purposes. Firstly, it provides a comprehensive overview of the current state of the BE in the world, highlighting challenges, opportunities, trends, and their potential for sustainable development. Secondly, it aims to provide a stocktaking tool based on solid foundation that will enable both policy-makers and stakeholders to make informed decisions to support relevant new initiatives and policies. This dissertation has been developed within the Industrial Ph.D. program Eureka, financed by the Regional Government of the Marche along with ISTAO – The Istituto Adriano Olivetti, one of the oldest managerial schools in Italy which was founded in 1967 by the Economist Giorgio Fuà. Chapter I of the dissertation is a literature review which fills the knowledge gap on how BE can represent an economic development model for institutions and entrepreneurs. It does so by adopting an exploratory approach for the collection and review of a series of scientific contributions to be considered as most significant and most relevant in addressing how the BE discourse is tied up in recent literature on economic development. Specifically, the exploratory approach was designed based on a set of criteria identified in compliance with the objectives of the investigation: 1) frame and evaluate the state of the art with regards to policies and initiatives undertaken at global level; 2) detect critical issues and challenges in the implementation of policies and initiatives; 3) identify policy implications and suggestions. Chapter II contributes to the emerging literature on the development of a participative BE by presenting an innovative Quadruple Helix model, which not only connects domestic government, academia, firms and users but acts as a driver boosting the foreign exposure of the country in this specific domain. The model is tested in Qingdao, an exemplary city included in the Blue Economic Zone of the Shandong Province, in China, through an exploratory approach based on desk research integrated with semi-structured interviews with eight experts. In Chapter III, the Chinese response to the UN's "Decade of Ocean Science for Sustainable Development 2021-2030" is unfolded based on documentary analysis of official planning and strategic documents. The ocean is considered of great significance by Chinese political leaders to the survival and development of human society. Accordingly, since the launch of the "Ocean Decade", which represents an important UN resolution to promote sustainable ocean development as well as the most important initiative in the coming decade that will exert a far-reaching impact on the progress of marine science and global marine governance, various initiatives have been undertaken by China in order to uphold its cooperation-based commitment to the ecological protection of oceans. Chapter IV makes the case for the shipbuilding industry in the Marche Region, in Italy. The importance of the Marche Region in the shipbuilding industry, suggested a more in-depth exploration to understand what impact the positive performance of the sector can have on the regional industrial system and how it could represent a catalyser for the system of highly qualified and technologically advanced supply chain. In writing this contribution, which was carried out together with colleagues from ISTAO on behalf of Fondazione Marche, I had ample recourse to the latest studies on the shipbuilding industry and carried out a survey investigating the sector in depth. Semi-structured interviews with top management of the most representative regional shipyards and a sample of subcontractors and companies were conducted to witness the growth of the industry. The results of the analysis provide interesting insights for policy-making to support the development of the regional shipbuilding industry and supply chain.
Beninese rice production has a major challenge: produce quality rice in sufficient quantity to meet national needs and thus reduce the quantity of imported rice. There are two weaknesses in achieving these objectives: low productivity and low quality of finished products. Both of these weaknesses are closely linked to the use of quality seeds. Seed is a productivity factor that alone could contribute to 40% of yield improvements (FAO 2008). Seed carries the genetic potential of the variety and largely determines the effectiveness of other inputs and production conditions. Therefore, the seed is one of the essential factors for any plant production system. Other factors such as: adaptation of the variety to the production ecosystem, respect of the production schedule, quality of inputs, production conditions, etc. also largely influence production results. After more than fifty years of extension of certified seed, 'the adoption rate of these seeds remained generally low in Benin, with only 22%' (Kinkingninhoun-Medagbe, 2013). Benin has a significant potential in terms of natural resources that can enable it to ensure its self-sufficiency in rice. Benin's rice production has experienced a significant quantitative increase over the last two decades, from 13 686 tonnes of paddy in 1994 to 281 428 tonnes in 2016 (FAOSTAT, 2018) This significant increase in rice production by more than 20 times in 22 years, is largely due to an increase in cultivated area (8 736 ha to 82 351 ha). The devaluation of the CFA franc in 1994 and the 2008 food crisis were the triggers. Average yields have also increased, but to a lesser extent. They rose from 1.7 t/ha in 1994 to 3.4 t/ha in 2016. This level of yield, however, remains below the world average, which now exceeds 4.6 t/ha but above the average of West Africa which is at 2.09 t/h in 2016, Senegal at 3.9 t/ha and Mali at 3.3 t/ha (FAOSTAT, 2018). There is still room for improvement. The varietal mixture that is observed from the production fields is the main problem that arises through the accessibility of small producers (less than 1 ha) to quality seeds. «96% of rice farmers in Benin have areas of less than one hectare» (Allodehou et al., 2013). This thesis carried out an integrated analysis of seed issues in the value chains of finished products. The general objective of this thesis is to analyze the dynamics within the existing seed systems and to identify improvement options that will facilitate access to quality seeds by small producers. More specifically, this thesis has: i- carried out an analytical inventory of the rice sector of Benin; ii make a thorough diagnosis of the formal seed system of rice; iii- identified seed production and distribution mechanisms in the informal system and the reasons for their persistence; iv- proposed an integrated model for improving the efficiency of the rice seed system in Benin. This research was conducted using a participatory and transdisciplinary approach. It also used a systemic approach based on a holistic analysis approach. Data collection took place in several phases and according to the main objectives of the research. It began with the document overview phase which continued throughout the hall research. An exploratory study of the whole rice sector led us to a diagnosis of the main difficulties or constraints to the development of the different value chains of local rice in Benin. This exploratory study was carried out in 2013 in all the rice-growing basins in Benin. It shows that seed quality (germination rate, varietal purity, adaptation to ecological conditions, drought, disease and yield) is mentioned by producers as one of the main factors of productivity. Processors also identified mixed paddy, including several varieties, as a factor in low milling yield (high break rate). The traders judge the quality of the hulled grain through a visual observation, based on the homogeneity and coloring of the grains, which according to them is largely determined by varietal purity. The varietal mixture gives a bad result in cooking and an unpleasant taste to consumers. Thus, the quality of rice seed affects the entire local rice sector. The participatory diagnosis was conducted in 15 communes distributed in the various rice-growing areas in Benin with the aim of better understanding the functioning of local rice value chains. The results of these investigations show that the measures that have been taken by the government, including the subsidy on seeds, fertilizers and the development of production perimeters, in response to the 2008 food crisis, have boosted paddy production. (73,000 tons in 2008 to 220,000 tons in 2012) and the development of local rice value chains. Several local rice labels have thus emerged. Since 2014, government measures aiming production increase have run out of steam and production is stagnating again. The in-depth studies focused on the operational modes of the seed systems in force and also on specific themes with well-targeted groups of actors in the three departments where research focused on Collines, Zou and Couffo departments. It is the government structures that dominate the formal seed system (SSF) in Benin. Private companies are struggling to establish themselves and prosper in a policy-interventionist environment that subsidizes seeds and creates non-competitive conditions. However, financial analyzes have shown that seed production is twice as profitable as paddy production in lowland and irrigated rice systems, and three times as much in the rainfall system. Seed producers are generally responsible for rice producers organizations. The low use of quality seed continues to find its reasons under conditions of low accessibility. The costs of disposal, the physical availability of seeds, the delay and flow of information on new varieties are often the factors involved. The formal seed system does not adequately meet the expectations of small-scale rice producers in Benin, whereas small-scale producers account for the bulk of domestic production. The modes and conditions of access to informal seeds are more varied (donation, exchanges, loans, purchases) and more adapted to the situations of smallholders. The quality of the peasant varieties meets local social and cultural norms, on the understanding that production is often used for self-consumption. The type of seed used in rice production should, in fact, be determined by the objectives pursued by the consumer rice producer and hence according to the requirements of the target market. The point is that the seed sector does not function as a real value chain serving the key players, the paddy producers and processors, as well as consumers or end users of grain. The development of the contract farming of rice production by rice mills is a condition that evolves towards a seed system integrated into value chains. The integration of seed systems into value chains is the approach that improves the use of quality seed by small producers. The proposed seed model is based on the strengths of the informal seed system, which is supported by a dynamic action-research service that regularly feeds good quality genetic material. This material will be reused for a few years (2 to 3) according to the rules of informal systems before being renewed. ; La riziculture béninoise a un défi majeur : produire du riz de qualité en quantité suffisante pour couvrir les besoins nationaux et réduire ainsi les importations. Deux faiblesses s'opposent à l'atteinte de ces objectifs : la faible productivité et la faible qualité des produits finis. Ces deux faiblesses ont un lien étroit avec l'utilisation des semences de qualité. La semence constitue un facteur de productivité qui à lui seul pourrait contribuer à 40% des améliorations des rendements (FAO, 2008). La semence porte le potentiel génétique de la variété et détermine en grande partie l'efficacité des autres intrants et conditions de production. Par conséquent, la graine est un des facteurs essentiels pour tout système de production végétale. D'autres facteurs comme l'adaptation de la variété à l'écosystème de production, le respect du calendrier de production, la qualité des intrants, les conditions de production, etc. influencent aussi largement les résultats de la production. Après plus de cinquante années de vulgarisation des semences certifiées, « le taux d'adoption de ces semences est resté en général très faible en Afrique, avec seulement 22% au Bénin » (Kinkingninhoun- Medagbe, 2013). Le Bénin dispose d'un potentiel non négligeable en ressources naturelles pouvant lui permettre d'assurer son autosuffisance en riz. La production rizicole béninoise connaît depuis ces vingt dernières années une progression quantitative sensible passant de 13 686 tonnes de paddy en 1994 à 281 428 tonnes en 2016 (FAOSTAT, 2018) Cette importante augmentation de la production rizicole de plus de 20 fois en vingt-deux ans, s'est faite en grande partie grâce à une augmentation des superficies (8 736ha à 82 351 ha). La dévaluation du franc CFA en 1994 et la crise alimentaire de 2008 ont été les déclics. Les rendements moyens ont aussi progressé mais dans une moindre mesure. Ils sont passés de 1,7 t/ha en 1994 à 3,4 t/ha en 2016. Ce niveau de rendement reste cependant inférieur à la moyenne mondiale qui dépasse aujourd'hui 4,6 t/ha mais supérieur à la moyenne de l'Afrique de l'Ouest qui est à 2,09t/h en 2016, Sénégal 3,9 t/ha et Mali 3,3 t/ha (FAOSTAT, 2018). Une réelle marge de progression existe encore. Le mélange variétal qui s'observe depuis les champs de production est la problématique principale qui se pose à travers l'accessibilité des petits producteurs (moins d'1ha) aux semences de qualité. «96% des riziculteurs du Bénin ont des emblavures de moins d'un hectare » (Allodehou et al., 2013). Cette thèse a réalisé une analyse intégrée des questions semencières dans les chaînes de valeur des produits finis. L'objectif général de cette thèse est d'analyser les dynamiques au sein des systèmes semenciers existants et d'identifier des options d'amélioration pour faciliter l'accès des petits producteurs aux semences de qualité. Plus spécifiquement, cette thèse a : i- réalisé un état des lieux analytique de la filière rizicole du Bénin ; ii- fait un diagnostic approfondi du système semencier formel du riz ; iii- identifié les mécanismes de production et de distribution des semences dans le système informel et les raisons de leur persistance et ; iv- proposé un modèle intégré pour une amélioration de l'efficacité du système semencier du riz au Bénin. Cette recherche a été conduite suivant une approche participative et transdisciplinaire. Elle a suivi une démarche systémique fondée sur une approche d'analyse holistique. La collecte des données s'est déroulée en plusieurs phases et suivant les principaux objectifs de la recherche. Elle a commencé par la phase de revue documentaire qui s'est poursuivi tout au long de cette recherche. Une étude exploratoire de toute la filière rizicole nous a conduit à un diagnostic des principales difficultés ou contraintes au développement des différentes chaînes de valeur du riz local au Bénin. Cette étude exploratoire a été menée en 2013 dans tous les bassins rizicoles au Bénin. Il en ressort que la qualité des semences (taux de germination, pureté variétale, adaptation aux conditions écologiques, sécheresse, maladies et rendement) est évoquée par les producteurs comme un des principaux facteurs de productivité. Les transformateurs ont aussi identifié le paddy mélangé, comprenant plusieurs variétés, comme facteur de faible rendement à l'usinage (taux de brisure élevé). Les commerçants, jugent la qualité du grain décortiqué à travers une observation visuelle, basée sur l'homogénéité et la coloration des grains, qui selon eux est en grande partie déterminée par la pureté variétale. Le mélange variétal donne un mauvais résultat à la cuisson et un goût désagréable aux consommateurs. Ainsi, la qualité des semences de riz influe sur tout le secteur de la riziculture locale. Le diagnostic participatif a été conduit dans 15 communes réparties dans les divers bassins rizicoles au Bénin dans le but de mieux appréhender le fonctionnement des chaînes de valeur du riz local. Les résultats de ces investigations montrent que les mesures qui ont été prises par le gouvernement, notamment la subvention sur les semences, les engrais et l'aménagement de périmètres de production, en réponse à la crise alimentaire de 2008, ont stimulé la production du paddy (73.000 Tonnes en 2008 à 220.000 Tonnes en 2012) et le développement des chaînes de valeur du riz local. Plusieurs labels de riz local ont ainsi vu le jour. Depuis 2014, les mesures gouvernementales destinées à booster la production se sont essoufflées et la production stagne à nouveau. Les études approfondies ont porté sur les modes opérationnels des systèmes semenciers en vigueur et aussi sur des thématiques spécifiques avec des groupes d'acteurs bien ciblés dans les trois départements où la recherche s'est focalisée à savoir les Collines, le Zou et le Couffo. Ce sont les structures étatiques qui dominent le système semencier formel (SSF) au Bénin. Les entreprises privées ont du mal à s'établir et à prospérer durablement dans un environnement de politique interventionniste qui subventionne les semences et qui crée de ce fait des conditions non-compétitives. Cependant, les analyses financières ont révélé que la production de semences est deux fois plus rentable que la production du paddy dans les systèmes de riz de bas-fond et de riz irrigué, et l'est trois fois plus dans le système pluvial. Les producteurs semenciers sont généralement des responsables des organisations de producteurs du riz. La faible utilisation des semences de qualité, continue de trouver ses raisons dans les conditions de faible accessibilité. Les coûts de cession, la disponibilité physique des semences, le délai et la circulation des informations sur les nouvelles variétés sont les facteurs souvent mis en cause. Le système semencier formel ne répond pas convenablement aux attentes des petits producteurs de riz du Bénin, alors que ce sont les petits producteurs qui assurent l'essentiel de la production nationale. Les modes et conditions d'accès aux semences informelles sont plus variés (don, échanges, emprunts, achats) et plus adaptés aux situations des petits producteurs de riz. La qualité des variétés paysannes obéit à des normes sociales et culturelles locales étant entendu que la production sert souvent à l'autoconsommation. Le type de semences utilisé dans la production rizicole devrait, en effet, être déterminé par les objectifs poursuivis par le producteur de riz de consommation, et donc selon les exigences du marché visé. Le constat est que le secteur semencier ne fonctionne pas comme une véritable chaîne de valeur au service des acteurs clés, c'est-à-dire les producteurs et transformateurs de paddy, ainsi que les consommateurs ou utilisateurs finaux des grains. Le développement de la contractualisation de la production du riz par les rizeries est une condition qui fait évoluer vers un système semencier intégré aux chaînes de valeur. L'intégration des systèmes semenciers aux chaînes de valeur est l'approche qui améliora l'utilisation des semences de qualité par les petits producteurs. Le modèle semencier proposé se fonde sur les points forts du système semencier informel qui reçoivent l'appui d'un service recherche-action dynamique qui réinjecte régulièrement du matériel génétique de bonne qualité. Ce matériel sera réutilisé pendant quelques années (2à3) suivant les règles des systèmes informels avant de se faire renouveler.
l'Italia è un territorio ricco di testimonianze e bellezze artistiche e archeologiche. Questa tesi va ad inserirsi in un'ottica di conservazione del nostro patrimonio culturale; in questa si vanno ad inserire anche le problematiche di carattere sismico del nostro costruito. In tale ambito di studio è stata focalizzata l'attenzione sulla Certosa di Pisa, un edificio monumentale che costituisce un patrimonio di inestimabile valore e incomparabile bellezza. Il complesso, nato nel 1366, nel corso della sua lunga vita ha visto avvicendarsi periodi fiorenti seguiti da periodi di decadenza, l'ultimo dei quali condusse al definitivo abbandono della Certosa nel 1969 da parte dei suoi monaci. Agli inizi del Novecento, la comunità certosina era ormai ridotta a poche unita e furono costretti a convivere con le istituzioni di passaggio. In questo periodo la Certosa infatti fu occupata dai militari come un ospedale per i prigionieri feriti. Nel 1972, gli ultimi due monaci lasciarono definitivamente la Certosa di Calci, che gradualmente si andò sempre più degradando, al punto che, per la sua sopravvivenza, si decise nel 1979 di destinare alcuni degli spazi dell'ala occidentale del monastero alla realizzazione del Museo di Storia Naturale e del Territorio, inaugurato nel 1986, affidandoli al dipartimento universitario pisano di Scienze della Terra. Questo momento risulta essere molto importante per il mantenimento dell'intero complesso monastico; rimangono però alcune aree attualmente chiuse al pubblico, fortemente degradate, che necessitano di urgente restauro, sia architettonico che strutturale. Si pongono cosi le basi per uno studio e analisi sul tema del recupero, restauro e riqualificazione del Bene, finalizzato a valutare le condizioni di conservazione e la vulnerabilità sismica evidenziando gli elementi di maggiore criticità e fornendo spunti per indagini più approfondite. Tra le aree maggiormente degradate è stata individuata la zona di ambito di studio: il chiostro delle foresterie; Il chiostro delle foresterie, anche detto granducale o del priore, ha avuto una forte trasformazione nel corso tempo. Nel 1384 venne costruito il piano terra del chiostro, andandosi ad inserire in un contesto già delineato e realizzato; La parte superiore fu costruita nel 1471; Nel 1606 cominciarono i lavori di ammodernamento anche nella parte orientale del monastero, con la costruzione della foresteria nuova e di una cisterna. Al piano terra venne realizzata una pilastratura a sostegno del percorso aereo del piano superiore. Questa conformazione, oltre a comportare una diversa organizzazione degli spazi monastici, comporta una nuova distribuzione degli sforzi. Nel 1614 fu eseguito il tamponamento del livello inferiore del chiostro. Nel 1769 sotto il suo priorato fu realizzata la foresteria granducale; per l'esecuzione della foresteria furono demoliti i muri che dividevano una sala ed una camera e costruire tre maschi murari per separare gli spazzi. Venne realizzata la "galleria dei quadri" e una piccola stanza attigua, la cappellina e il terrazzo coperto. Dopo questi lavori si instaurano nuove distribuzioni degli sforzi e un comportamento completamente diverso della fabbrica nei confronti di azioni esterne. Altro problema è stata la realizzazione del terrazzo coperto; essendo un vero e proprio ampliamento della fabbrica realizzato successivamente rispetto alle altre parti del monastero, funziona da "perno" che si oppone alla spinta della parete frontale delle foresterie. Presumibilmente potrebbero essere nati quindi dei cinematismi di rotazione o ribaltamento della facciata laterale che ha come vincolo l'intersezione tra la foresteria nobile e il terrazzo coperto; questo cinematismo potrebbe essere anche parte delle cause delle lesioni nella foresteria granducale localizzate in corrispondenza dell'ammorsamento dei maschi murari di separazione delle sale con la facciata laterale. È stata sviluppata l'analisi dello stato di fatto con la relativa caratterizzazione dei materiali Come strutture verticali sono state individuate le pareti portanti di spessore variabile dai 15 ai 90 cm. Sono presenti due diverse tipologie di muratura; muratura mista in pietre e mattoni e muratura in mattoni pieni; come strutture orizzontali sono presenti solai piani e diversi tipi di volte: volte a crociera, a botte, a padiglione e unghiate. È stato sviluppato anche un rilievo del degrado, il quale ha permesso di individuare le zone più alterate e degradate classificandole. Il Chiostro della Foresteria presenta un esteso degrado su gli elementi costituenti la struttura, sia che siano pareti intonacate, volte a crociera, o colonne in pietra serena. L'intonaco è in buona parte deteriorato con patine, distacchi e mancanze, fino a portare in luce la sottostante struttura. In alcuni casi il degrado è imputabile ad infiltrazioni d'acqua derivanti dalle coperture, mentre in altri punti è dovuto ad interventi di manutenzione realizzati con poca cura, oltre che ad un normale deperimento dei materiali. Il degrado degli ambienti interni, attigui al chiostro, è dovuto principalmente a problemi di umidità ed infiltrazioni di acqua dalle coperture, che stanno provocando evidenti danni sulle superfici affrescate e stuccate delle volte oltre che agire negativamente sulle strutture lignee, provocando marcescenza delle travi. Per tali motivi le zone maggiormente degradate risultano essere quelle prossime alle strutture di copertura. Il degrado si manifesta con macchie di umidità e nei casi più gravi con distacco di intonaco, con efflorescenze ed ossidazioni delle superfici in laterizio, con marcimento dei travicelli e travi. Risulta necessario operare urgenti ristrutturazioni delle coperture per scongiurare maggiori danni, che possono condurre alla perdita definitiva degli affreschi o ad oneri eccessivi per il loro restauro. Questo parte del rilievo, oltre a farci capire quali siano gli interventi più urgenti, ha permesso di individuare possibili meccanismi locali da analizzare. Le Norme Tecniche per le Costruzioni consentono di eseguire per le costruzioni in muratura analisi statiche o dinamiche, lineari o non lineari. L'analisi ritenuta più opportuna per la caratterizzazione della risposta strutturale del complesso architettonico è l'Analisi Dinamica Modale con spettro di risposta. L'analisi dinamica modale dell'edificio è stata eseguita su modello tridimensionale ad elementi finiti ed è stata condotta con l'ausilio del software di calcolo SAP 2000 v.14. Nel modello sono stati distinti e modellati gli elementi costituenti la struttura portante dell'edificio: pareti, pilastri e colonne, orizzontamenti piani e voltati, strutture di copertura e fondazioni. Le pareti in muratura sono state schematizzate con elementi bidimensionali tipo "shell". La modellazione strutturale prevede di rappresentare solamente le porzioni di pareti aventi funzione strutturale, e cioè i maschi murari e le travi di accoppiamento. Gli elementi portanti verticali quali pilastri in mattoni e colonne in pietra sono stati modellati con elementi monodimensionali di tipo "frame", ad ognuno dei quali viene assegnata la sezione e il materiale costituente. Le volte presenti ad ogni piano nel fabbricato hanno geometria molto varia e talvolta complessa, per cui, date le finalità a cui è volta l'analisi, si è preferito fare ricorso alla trattazione delle volte equivalenti proposta da Lagomarsino; sono state rappresentate con elementi piani (shell) di rigidezza equivalente. Le coperture lignee sono state modellate schematizzando gli elementi portanti (travi e travicelli) mediante elementi "frame" di opportuna sezione disposti a rappresentare le orditure (doppie o triple) delle strutture portanti. Infine l'interfaccia terreno-struttura è stata modellata adottando una schematizzazione elastica del suolo alla Winkler con molle di adeguata rigidezza disposte nelle tre direzioni. Come azioni forzanti sono stati inseriti gli spettri di progetto dell'azione sismica in accelerazione orizzontale nelle due direzioni principali x e y. Gli effetti sulla struttura sono stati valutati combinando gli effetti dei primi 150 modi di vibrare con il metodo CQC. I risultati ottenuti dall'analisi dinamica modale mostrano che i primi due modi di vibrare mobilitano una quota rilevante di massa partecipante nelle direzioni x ed y, ed a questi modi sono associate delle forme modali flessionali. Ai modi successivi sono associate forme modali torsionali. Il raggiungimento del'85% di massa partecipante per entrambe le direzioni si ottiene oltre il 100° modo di vibrare. Gli studi svolti sulla struttura in termini di rilievo geometrico, rilievo strutturale ed analisi storico-critica, hanno permesso di acquisire una buona conoscenza del manufatto in esame; Tuttavia, la presenza in molti ambienti di affreschi di notevole pregio storico-artistico ha reso problematica l'esecuzione di saggi necessari a caratterizzare il materiale in opera ed ad identificare la qualità degli ammorsamenti tra pareti; per la natura esclusivamente geometrica delle informazioni in possesso, si dovrebbe rientrare nella classe LC1, tuttavia l'esecuzione di un qualsiasi intervento su una struttura di tale pregio storico, comporterà necessariamente una preventiva campagna di saggi, pertanto in quest'ottica si è scelto di eseguire un'analisi più complessa e porci in classe LC2, adottando il relativo fattore di confidenza pari a 1,20. Le verifiche agli Stati Limite Ultimi sono state effettuate sia in condizione statica che sismica. Le verifiche SLU in condizione statica per carichi gravitazionali ed in assenza di sisma sono state svolte riferendosi alle sollecitazioni derivate dalla combinazione fondamentale; le verifiche SLV (per TR = 712 anni) in condizione sismica sono state effettuate sottoponendo la struttura ad un sisma proveniente sia dalla direzione X che dalla direzione Y, facendo riferimento alle sollecitazioni ricavate dalle combinazioni sismiche. Le verifiche previste per gli Stati Limite Ultimi (sia statici che simici) sono: • pressoflessione nel piano della parete; • pressoflessione fuori piano; • taglio per azioni nel piano della parete (taglio-trazione diagonale e taglio-scorrimento orizzontale). Le verifiche agli SLU eseguite in condizione statica risultano in genere soddisfatte con eccezione di alcuni elementi. La verifica a pressoflessione nel piano può essere ritenuta adeguatamente soddisfatta ad ogni livello della struttura, con alcune singolarità in elementi di piccole dimensioni. Tali punti non sono da ritenersi critici per la sicurezza globale statica. Anche la verifica a pressoflessione fuori piano risulta adeguatamente soddisfatta tranne nei maschi murari che già non soddisfano le limitazioni di snellezza, e risultano quindi maggiormente vulnerabili all'instabilizzazione fuori piano. La verifica a taglio invece presenta un più alto numero di elementi che, in misura maggiore o minore, non verificano le condizioni di scorrimento. Le maggiori criticità si riscontrano nel fronte del chiostro, dove le aperture seriali riducono la sezione netta resistente, ed all'ultimo piano della struttura, dove si localizzano le azioni orizzontali più rilevanti. Le verifiche condotte ad SLV per sisma X e sisma Y mostrano una situazione più gravosa rispetto alla condizione statica. Riferendoci al caso di pressoflessione nel piano si nota che il piano terra e il primo piano riescono a soddisfare adeguatamente le verifiche imposte, in quanto le pareti sono soggette a tensioni normali di una certa entità e momenti sollecitanti non eccessivi. Maggiori problemi si riscontrano al secondo piano dove la combinazione di sforzo normale minore ed elevato momento flettente comporta il non soddisfacimento della verifica. La verifica di pressoflessione fuori piano condotta con il metodo semplificato suggerito da norma mostra in maniera evidente come i maggiori problemi di stabilità fuori piano siano attribuibili agli elementi con elevata snellezza. Inoltre non risultano verificate tutte le pareti dell'ultimo piano poiché, trovandosi a quota elevata rispetto al piano delle fondazioni, su queste agiscono forze sismiche rilevanti. Tuttavia la situazione più critica si instaura nella verifica a taglio delle pareti: la quasi totalità dei maschi murari non riesce a soddisfare le condizioni di scorrimento imposte da norma, sia nel caso di azione sismica proveniente dalla direzione X che dalla direzione Y, denotando una sostanziale inadeguatezza dell'intero complesso ad assorbire le azioni orizzontali generate da un terremoto tipo con periodo di ritorno pari a 712 anni. Le verifiche sui solai piani sono state condotte separatamente rispetto al modello tridimensionale della struttura, facendo ricorso a schemi statici bidimensionali rappresentativi della situazione in esame. Le misure fatte per i solai del lato frontale sono state estese anche per gli altri (attualmente inaccessibili). Sono stati ipotizzati quindi travicelli di dimensione pari a 6x8 cm con interasse di 30 cm, sorretti dalle travi principali di dimensione 20x27cm. Per il travicello è stato adottato uno schema di trave semplicemente appoggiata con carico distribuito, mentre la trave principale è stata schematizzata come trave semplicemente appoggiata con carichi concentrati in corrispondenza dell'appoggio dei travicelli. Per questi schemi sono state effettuate la verifica a flessione deviata, la verifica a taglio e la verifica a deformazione. Le seguenti verifiche risultano generalmente soddisfatte; I travicelli costituenti l'orditura secondaria risultano ovunque verificati, sia in termini di resistenza che di deformabilità. Anche le travi principali soddisfano i requisiti di sicurezza. Tuttavia è da far presente che le verifiche sono state condotte riferendosi alle sezioni degli elementi rilevati in opera supposte interamente reagenti, cioè in condizioni di buono stato di conservazione. Alcuni elementi lignei mostrano un elevato stato di marcescenza a causa delle continue infiltrazioni d'acqua, per cui la sezione resistente dell'elemento risulta notevolmente ridotta. Per questi elementi in avanzato stato di degrado le verifiche condotte non possono essere considerate rappresentative dello stato di fatto. Nelle costruzioni esistenti in muratura il collasso è determinato, più che dalla resistenza ultima della muratura, dalla carenza dei vincoli, da difetti costruttivi, dalla presenza di discontinuità non sempre visibili. Da qui la necessità di affiancare all'analisi sismica globale realizzata con l'ausilio dei software di calcolo, un analisi locale dei possibili meccanismi di collasso. Dall'esame del quadro fessurativo è stato possibile riconoscere meccanismi di ribaltamento composto della facciata; sulle pareti di controvento si individuano lesioni diagonali, con origine in prossimità del fronte e terminanti in corrispondenza delle porte. In corrispondenza delle intersezioni murarie sono presenti lesioni verticali. Il calcolo viene effettuato assumendo lo schema di corpo rigido, e confrontando il valore del momento stabilizzante, dovuto all'azione dei carichi verticali ed alle reazioni esercitate in corrispondenza dei ritegni orizzontali con quello ribaltante dovuto alle azioni orizzontali. Il valore dell'accelerazione orizzontale che porta all'attivazione del meccanismo è di 0.120g, contro un valore di riferimento della PGA (valutata per SLV con TR= 712 anni) di 0.138g. In queste condizioni è quindi possibile l'attivazione di questo meccanismo. L'analisi dello stato di fatto ed i risultati ottenuti dalle verifiche sul fabbricato hanno evidenziato alcune problematiche; saranno quindi indispensabili studi più approfonditi sui materiali degli elementi portanti e sulle loro proprietà meccaniche; si necessita inoltre si indagini inerenti ad una precisa definizione dei carichi gravanti sulla struttura. Lo stato di degrado in cui versa il complesso generato da uno stato di incuria è evidente; Sono presenti infiltrazioni d'acqua in vari punti della struttura; sono pertanto di primaria urgenza provvedimenti volti a consolidare le coperture al fine di non protrarre oltre le perdite subite; in alcune zone infatti sono già in atto i lavori. Dalle analisi svolte seguendo sia un approccio globale, che locale sono emersi elementi di vulnerabilità della struttura; problematiche sono riscontrabili in tutta l'area analizzata; ai piani superiori, dove gli elementi sono soggetti a ridotte compressioni ed elevati momenti flettenti, i maschi risultano eccessivamente snelli e suscettibili ai fenomeni di instabilità fuori piano. Il comportamento nei confronti dell'azione tagliante, in particolar modo nella condizione sismica, risulta abbastanza critico per l'intera struttura. D'altronde questo risultato era prevedibile, essendo questa la maggiore problematica che affligge gli edifici storici in muratura. In relazione alle questioni riscontrate risulta evidente come sia necessario effettuare degli interventi sulle fabbriche al fine di garantirne una migliore risposta strutturale. Un intervento su un edificio tutelato può risultare molto complesso da svolgersi: deve infatti essere in grado di conciliare le esigenze di conservazione con quelle di sicurezza, evitando l'esecuzione di opere invasive; Saranno quindi preferibili interventi di tipo locale che conducano al soddisfacimento dei requisiti richiesti per le azioni simiche.
La escalada del conflicto en el Atlántico Sur ha redefinido su naturaleza. Tres claves geopolíticas ayudan a comprender de forma integral lo que hoy ocurre en esa zona del planeta: lucha por recursos naturales (especialmente petróleo y, en menor medida, riqueza ictiológica), proyección antártica y control efectivo de los espacios territorial, aéreo y marítimo de las islas. La escalada del conflicto ofrece una extraordinaria singularidad, el enfrentamiento de dos orbis pictus enteramente diferenciados. Por un lado, el ejercicio del poder según se ha entendido históricamente, con capacidades políticas, diplomáticas y militares por el lado británico, y la opción argentina por una política exterior y de defensa de carácter pacifista. La larga falta de inversión en el sector Defensa invitan a preguntarse si tal opción es por necesidad o por convicción.IntroducciónLa "Guerra de los 73 días" ocurrida en 1982 entre Argentina y el Reino Unido ha derivado en un conflicto enteramente nuevo, generándose un escenario que ni el Presidente argentino, el general Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri, ni la primer ministro británica Margaret Thatcher pudieron visualizar en su tiempo. La guerra de entonces ha devenido en un conflicto de intensidad variable, pero dotado de una poderosa carga simbólica. Aún más, el rasgo central del renovado conflicto es que los contornos y trasfondos, tanto del diseño reivindicativo de la mandataria Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, como de la línea reactiva escogida por el Premier David Cameron, dejan al descubierto que las prioridades geopolíticas de cada uno de los contendientes son las claves fundamentales para entender la naturaleza del nuevo momentum que vive esta disputa.Esto no significa que durante la guerra de 1982 los elementos geopolíticos hayan estado ausentes y que se hubiese tratado de una acción bélica focalizada en respuesta a una aventura. En 1982 también hubo elementos geopolíticos destacables. El más visible correspondió a ese extraño apoyo de la Unión Soviética y Cuba a la invasión lanzada por Galtieri. Inmerso en la Guerra Fría, donde prácticamente en todos los conflictos se divisaba una raíz, o al menos una buena cantidad de ramas, teñidas por la ideología, el conflicto armado británico-argentino parecía un suceso extemporáneo, fuera de época y espacio. Pero no. Fueron las masivas ventas de granos y carnes argentinas a la URSS (cuya escasez agobiaba ya a la entonces superpotencia), las que motivaron esos extraños alineamientos geopolíticos e hicieron evanescentes las consideraciones ideológicas.La escalada actual, para muchos especialistas algo sorpresiva, deja al descubierto las nuevas variables geopolíticas. Sin embargo, la dispersión de antecedentes y algunas singularidades tienden un ligero manto dificultando su sistematización. El presente trabajo es un esfuerzo que apunta a identificar e interpretar dichas variables geopolíticas (1), recurriendo a un muy vasto conjunto de fuentes secundarias. Se busca también reflexionar sobre las consecuencias que de este conflicto pueden derivar. Dicha reflexión tiene presente el reconocido axioma del general Cañas Montalva: "la geopolítica investiga los imperativos políticos -incluso lo militar, económico y lo social- como base a la orientación del Estado [.en otras palabras.] las armas geográficas para la acción política" (2). La conclusión apunta a ratificar que, sin éstas, no es posible comprender la verdadera naturaleza de este conflicto.La escalada: factores y clavesMirada con prisma geopolítico, la escalada es susceptible de categorizar en tres fases de desarrollo, una de corto plazo, que se vive en estos momentos, y otras futuras con horizontes mediano y lejano, respectivamente.En esta primera fase Argentina se ha planteado como objetivo central impregnar su demanda de un simbolismo dotado de la máxima carga de emotividad. Y ha escogido para su consecución dos rutas de carácter diplomático (3). Por un lado, transformando su causa en casus belli común de todos los latinoamericanos, tanto a nivel de gobierno como de ciudadanía, basado en una idea abstracta –y épica– que acentúe las características de residuo colonial observables en la presencia británica en las islas, a sabiendas que colonialismo e imperio han devenido en términos suficientemente peyorativos. Por otro, optimizando el trabajo en los foros multilaterales. En su esfuerzo, diríamos ad nauseam, por "ganar mentes y corazones" de los latinoamericanos, apelarán, ante todo, a una cuestión obvia a primera vista, como la proximidad geográfica con las islas (a sólo 300 millas de la costa argentina). El titular de Defensa, Arturo Puricelli, definió las líneas argumentativas: énfasis en la importancia del archipiélago para el eje bioceánico y la depredación que estarían sufriendo los recursos naturales argentinos (4). En sus aspectos más ríspidos, durante esta primera fase, la administración cristinista buscará elevar al máximo el costo de mantener esta "colonia". Eso explica las acciones en ejecución: prohibición de amarre en puertos de Argentina y, posteriormente de Brasil, Uruguay, Chile y otros países del Mercosur, aislamiento logístico de las islas y propuesta de prohibición de la conexión aérea. El reforzamiento del simbolismo debería permitir un avance hacia la siguiente fase, que, de acuerdo a las previsiones cristinistas, debería caracterizarse por conseguir que los británicos se sienten a una mesa de diálogo directo. El objetivo final, planteado para la tercera y definitiva fase es obtener una negociación que incluya concesiones "satisfactorias".Por su parte, los británicos privilegian la creación de un ambiente insular de alta seguridad con un importante componente militar y se apoyan en la preeminencia de sus títulos históricos sobre las islas (5). Es dable suponer que sacarán a luz el abandono en que Buenos Aires tuvo a estas islas durante gran parte del siglo 20 (6). De modo marginal irán planteando cuestiones irritantes para los argentinos, como es la petición del pago de un crédito por US$ 45 millones otorgado a Buenos Aires en la década del 70 y que fue utilizado por el gobierno militar de la época para comprar armas ocupadas durante la guerra.El prisma geopolítico permite distinguir, adicionalmente, cuatro factores relevantes para comprender la complejidad que tiene la posición argentina, a saber:a) Inviabilidad del uso del instrumento militar por falta total de inversiones en el sector durante décadas. Cabe destacar que el presupuesto de Defensa es el más bajo de la historia en su relación al PIB, disminuyendo de 3,1% en 1983, es decir después de la "Guerra de los 73 Días" a 0,81% en la actualidad (7). La obsolescencia del material bélico argentino, especialmente de la Fuerza Aérea, hace impensable e impracticable una decisión de este tipo. Este factor actúa como elemento singularizador; aunque escale peligrosamente no hay bases objetivas para un nuevo choque militar.b) Falta de un ambiente ciudadano que favorezca una solución militar , lo cual es observable en un bajo nivel de alistamiento para un emprendimiento de tales características especialmente debido a lo imprevisible del resultado y a que una adhesión extrema a la causa malvinista difícilmente encuentre eco entre las generaciones más jóvenes de argentinos (8).c) Opción de la elite argentina por una política exterior y de defensa pacifista, que confirma la hipótesis subordinada (al otorgar el carácter de convicción) de no utilización del instrumento militar (9). d) Ausencia total del factor sorpresa, tan determinante en la aventura de 1982 bajo el errado supuesto de que Gran Bretaña no reaccionaría militarmente y que había condiciones "objetivas" para que se repitiera aquello que en los estudios internacionales se conoce como episodio Goa, 1961 (10).Para entender los efectos sinérgicos que tienen estos cuatro factores, corresponde adentrarse enteramente en las claves geopolíticas de la escalada, las cuales, además, explican porqué recién hacia el mediano y largo plazo esta disputa irá visibilizando los contornos y trasfondos de los intereses en juego. Eso haremos en la segunda parte. (1)Desde el punto de vista metodológico, un texto guía es el clásico de Michael Klare "Resource wars. The new global landscape of global conflicto". En él analiza diversas fuentes de potenciales conflictos según el estado del arte en materia de prospecciones a la fecha de edición. Sostiene que la disponibilidad y aprovisionamiento de recursos energéticos, como el petróleo, gas, uranio y otros, han ido adquiriendo centralidad en las decisiones políticas de los Estados. Dada la escasez creciente de petróleo y gas que, a diferencia de las existencias de carbón, no se encuentran repartidas de manera uniforme por el planeta, particularmente en Medio Oriente y las tensiones crecientes que se vive en las regiones del mundo con mayores reservas, Gobiernos y empresas están privilegiando la búsqueda de nuevas fuentes de aprovisionamiento en el mundo. (2)Cañas Montalva, Ramón: "Geopolítica oceánica y austral", página 45. (3)Aunque no forma parte de este trabajo el análisis del fortalecimiento del nacionalismo, destacamos, solo con fines ilustrativos, algunas medidas adoptadas por la administración cristinista: a) cambiar la denominación del torneo de Primera División de Fútbol por "Crucero General Belgrano", b) la quema de banderas británicas propiciadas por el grupo político La Cámpora, liderado por el hijo de la mandataria, c) manifestaciones en las afueras de la embajada británica en Bs.As. promovidas también por La Cámpora. (4)"MALVINAS es una causa sudamericana", DEF, s.p. (5)Uno de los trabajos más exhaustivos con apreciaciones históricas y jurídicas neutrales sobre la disputa es el correspondiente a COCONI, Luciana "¿Islas Malvinas o Falkland Islands?. La cuestión de la soberanía sobre las islas del Atlántico sur". Sobre los títulos históricos parece pertinente citar parte de una columna de opinión de BARRE, León "Zoologías cristinistas", El Mostrador, s.p. "Los títulos dan la razón a ambas partes pues dependen del concepto jurídico imperante en cada país. En la América post- Independencia se reconoció el principio uti possedeti juris (poseer lo que se había poseído) lo que deja a la documentación española como punto de partida. Para los británicos, la soberanía se ejerce con la ocupación efectiva, y estas islas, al llegar ellos allí, estaban sin población. Por lo tanto, res nullius. Gran Bretaña fue el segundo país en tener un asentamiento estable ahí, entre 1766 y 1774, y luego las abandonó. El primero fue Francia con Antoine de Bougainville en 1763, que le dio el nombre a las islas y al primer poblado, Port Louis, pero los 150 franceses abandonaron las islas al cabo de dos años y renació la disputa entre británicos y españoles, a la cual se puso término en 1790 cuando ambos firman la Nootka Sound Convention que llevó a los españoles a reconocer la costa oeste de Canadá como británica (por esta razón esa provincia se llama British Columbia) y a los británicos a reconocer las islas de la costa patagónica como española. Por lo tanto —como dice Carlos Escudé— es falaz argüir continuidad jurídica entre el estado virreinal y el estado de Buenos Aires, ni menos derechos sucesorios sobre las Malvinas. Buenos Aires emergió de facto sobre lo que pudo conquistar. Nada más. Muchos son los autores que fundamentan la ausencia total de los límites sur de Buenos Aires. Por eso, al retirarse España en 1811, las islas quedaron sin dueños ni habitantes. Hubo escasos y fallidos intentos de Buenos Aires por hacerse con las islas tras 1811. Hubo uno, inmediatamente ocurrida la declaración de Independencia, cuando se mandató a un grupo de aventureros para tal efecto. El grupo estaba compuesto por franceses más un par de criollos, un pirata estadounidense, otro británico y un jamaiquino. En 1820 mandató a un pirata estadounidense, Danny Jewett, quien rápidamente las abandonó, se cambió de bando (trabajó para los británicos), después para los brasileños, y luego volvió a Buenos Aires. Luego mandataron al aventurero francés Louis Vernet y al criollo Jorge Pacheco, quienes también abandonaron las islas. Por lo tanto, lo que ocurrió en 1833 fue una usurpación británica no contra Argentina (que no existía en esa época) sino contra Buenos Aires, cuya soberanía podría entenderse como legal mas sin derechos sucesorios, sino por haber llegado primero a una tierra sin dueño y sin habitantes. El problema es que no supo ni mantener ni poblar las islas. Luego, viene un larguísimo e inexplicable abandono diplomático de parte de Argentina, sin que se sepa si en ese lapso pretendía recuperarlas. Fue un olvido total hasta el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Suena muy raro que Argentina no haya reclamado estas islas con la gran vehemencia de Galtieri y de Cristina cuando eran potencia, a fines del siglo XIX o a inicios del XX". Barré omite un antecedente relevante que es la oferta hecha por Rosas al banco británico Baring Brothers en 1842 que conminaba a Buenos Aires a pagar un empréstito de 1828, para saldarla mediante la cesión de las islas en cuestión, asunto rechazado por los británicos por considerar que éstas ya estaban en calidad de confiscadas. Ver "En búsqueda de principios estratégicos coherentes" de José Bilbao Richter. (6)Sobre el abandono argentino de las islas es ilustrativa la columna de FRAGA, Rosendo "Malvinas: pasado y futuro", Nueva Mayoría, s.p.: "Una mirada retrospectiva a los dos siglos de historia argentina muestra que la cuestión Malvinas no ocupó un lugar relevante en la agenda política durante los primeros ciento cincuenta años. El líder más relevante de la Argentina conservadora, Julio A. Roca, se limitó como sus antecesores a realizar el reclamo diplomático anual. Lo mismo sucedió en las dos presidencias de Hipólito Yrigoyen, al igual que en las dos primeras de Juan D. Perón. El interés por el tema comienza en la segunda mitad de los años sesenta. Cabe señalar que el canciller argentino que impulsa la primera ley que hace referencia al reclamo por Malvinas en 1967 es Nicanor Costa Méndez -un hombre caracterizado del nacionalismo argentino no peronista-, y el mismo que quince años después dirige las relaciones exteriores durante la guerra por las islas". (7)Datos en FRAGA, Rosendo "¿"Hay un rearme argentino?", Nueva Mayoría, s.p. Analiza un documento elaborado por el diputado Claudio Lozano del Frente Amplio Progresista, donde se señala que si Argentina quisiera recuperar el terreno perdido en materia de equipamiento militar debería priorizar la adquisición de submarinos y de lanchas multipropósito y radarizar la Patagonia. El gobierno británico comparte esta apreciación. En entrevista al diario The Times, el ministro de Defensa, Phillip Hammond recordó que Argentina no ha comprado un avión desde 1982 y que mantiene en operaciones sus viejos Mirage sin capacidad para intervenir militarmente en las islas, DEF "Argentina no es amenaza militar" s.p. (8)BRILEY, Harold "Yes, they have not bananas (in Falkland and in Buenos Aires)", s.p. Briley es un veterano reportero de la BBC, ya jubilado, que cubrió la guerra en 1982. (9)ESCUDÉ, Carlos enumera hitos que fundamentan su hipótesis: reducción del presupuesto militar casi al mínimo necesario para gastos corrientes, reducción casi al mínimo de compras militares, eliminación del servicio militar obligatorio, desmantelamiento de la industria de armamentos, desmantelamiento de proyecto balístico Cóndor II desarrollado en los 80 en sociedad con Irak, adhesión al régimen de control de tecnologías misilísticas, adhesión al TNP y al Tratado de Tlatelolco, "Un experimento pacifista: las políticas exteriores y de seguridad de Argentina en el siglo XXI", página 5. (10)Portugal decidió no actuar cuando 30 mil soldados indios tomaron subrepticiamente el 18 de diciembre de 1961 la ciudad de Goa, último bastión colonial lusitano en el subcontinente. El gobernador portugués general Vassalo e Silva se rindió sin presentar combate y Lisboa optó por retirarse de la zona sin mayores explicaciones. Ver SPRUYT, Hendrix, p.199. Una interesante reflexión con una importante cantidad de datos sobre la visión de los militares argentinos respecto a las islas durante los años 60 y su plan, basado en la lógica de Goa 61, de tomar el control de la isla y deportar a sus habitantes vía Uruguay en COX, Robert "Put the Islanders first: key to the Malvinas/Falkland dispute". Sobre el autorProfesor de Universidad Alberto Hurtado (Chile) Ph.D. en Comunicación (Universidad Carlos IV, República Checa)
El Partido Demócrata ha abierto en Denver (Colorado, EEUU) la convención demócrata, que nombrará formalmente a su candidato para las elecciones presidenciales de EEUU.Uno de los objetivos de los líderes demócratas es poner fin a las divisiones entre los partidarios de Barack Obama, el candidato presidencial del partido, y Hillary Clinton, que fue su principal rival en las primarias.La convención culminará con el discurso de aceptación de la candidatura por parte de Obama, ante más de 4.000 delegados que participan en la reunión. Varios medios informan al respecto: Estuvo nueve años frente a un gobierno cuya legitimidad democrática fue fuertemente cuestionada y, a pesar de eso, se convirtió en uno de los más férreos aliados de Estados Unidos en la "guerra contra el terrorismo". Varios medios informan al respecto:"New York Times": "Biden Meets With Delaware Delegates":http://thecaucus.blogs.nytimes.com/2008/08/26/biden-meets-with-delaware-delegates/?hp"El País" de Madrid: "Una noche diferente para Hillary: La senadora por Nueva York subirá al escenario de la convención demócrata, no para ser aclamada, sino para pedir a sus seguidores que apoyen a Obama": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/noche/diferente/Hillary/elppgl/20080826elpepuint_14/Tes"Michelle Obama apela a la emotividad para presentar a su marido en la convención demócrata. El senador Edward Kennedy, operado recientemente de un tumor cerebral, reaparece en la convención en Denver para apoyar a Obama incondicionalmente - La mujer del candidato, 'plato fuerte' del arranque de la reunión": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Michelle/Obama/apela/emotividad/presentar/marido/convencion/democrata/elpepuint/20080826elpepuint_2/Tes"Una convención para encontrar el espíritu ganador: Arranca con ansiedad y pesimismo la reunión de los demócratas en Denver": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/convencion/encontrar/espiritu/ganador/elpepuint/20080826elpepiint_3/Tes"Obama, aclamado en el primer día de la convención de los demócratas de EEUU": http://www.elpais.com/videos/internacional/Obama/aclamado/primer/dia/convencion/democratas/EEUU/elpepuint/20080826elpepuint_1/Ves/"CNN": "Analysis: Clinton speech was 'generous,' 'authentic'":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/08/27/analysis.day2/index.html#cnnSTCText"Clinton: Obama 'must be our president'":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/08/26/dnc.main/index.html"U.S. Attorney: Threat against Obama not 'operational'": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/08/26/obama.threat/index.html"Le Monde": "A Denver, devant un stade archicomble, Mme Clinton en appelle à l'unité démocrate":http://www.lemonde.fr/elections-americaines/article/2008/08/27/a-denver-devant-un-stade-archicomble-mme-clinton-en-appelle-a-l-unite-democrate_1088419_829254.html#ens_id=1087891"A Denver, les républicains veulent se faire entendre":http://www.lemonde.fr/web/video/0,47-0@2-829254,54-1088627@51-1087891,0.html"China Daily": "Clinton says election isn't about her":http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-08/27/content_6975269.htm"Armed men were no threat to Obama - US attorney": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-08/27/content_6974247.htm"La Nación": ""Obama es mi candidato", dijo Hillary: Hizo un fuerte llamado a la unidad en su esperado discurso en la convención demócrata; "estamos en el mismo equipo" , afirmó":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1043806"La seguridad de Obama, sin amenazas creíbles: No hay pruebas sobre un complot":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1043808"El Universal" de México: "Llega el turno de Biden, vicepresidente de Obama: Su discurso, que pronunciará ante miles de delegados y escucharan millones de estadunidenses por televisión, coronará los trabajos del tercer día de la Convención Dmócrata en Denver": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/533348.html"Hillary muestra grandeza: La ex candidata no dejó duda de donde están sus lealtades y llamó a sus seguidores a votar por Obama": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/58812.html"McCain envía a Denver a "perros de ataque": Mitt Romney encabeza la tarea de criticar al aspirante del partido rival": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/internacional/58807.html"Time": "How Healed is Hillary?":http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1836042,00.html"Clinton Delivers for Obama": http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1836591,00.html"Obama's Slow March to Denver": http://www.time.com/time/politics/article/0,8599,1836226,00.htmlTIME publica página de Internet sobre elecciones estadounidenses: http://thepage.time.com/2008/08/27/roll-call-details-revealed/"El Mercurio" de Chile: "Hillary Clinton fue la protagonista de la segunda jornada de la Convención Demócrata: "Barack Obama es mi candidato, y él debe ser nuestro próximo Presidente"": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/27/internacional/_portada/noticias/B9959663-41B9-4E74-B766-173E237035F3.htm?id={B9959663-41B9-4E74-B766-173E237035F3}"Republicanos arremeten contra Barack y Hillary":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/27/internacional/internacional/noticias/8F35F171-8590-48F2-AEA8-147D3B1CACCF.htm?id={8F35F171-8590-48F2-AEA8-147D3B1CACCF}MSNBC publica página de Internet sobre elecciones estadounidenses:http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/3032553/"Clinton: 'No way, no how, no McCain': Runner-up makes strong case for Obama; gets tough on Republican": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26404528/"The Economist": "Correspondent's Diary: The Democratic National Convention. Daily dispatches from Denver":http://www.economist.com/daily/diary/displaystory.cfm?source=hptextfeature&subjectid=7933598&story_id=11997226#wednesday"Barack Obama: Explaining the riddle. The man who has called himself "a blank screen" is about to take centre-stage": http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11959309"Miami Herald": Publica página de Internet sobre elecciones estadounidenses:http://www.miamiherald.com/democratic_convention/"Los Angeles Times": Publica página de Internet sobre elecciones estadounidenses:http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/washington/AMERICA LATINA"El País" de Madrid informa: "Gustav se acerca a Haití con vientos de 150 kilómetros por hora. Más de 4.000 personas han sido evacuadas en República Dominicana.- El huracán amenaza con alcanzar la categoría 2": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Gustav/acerca/Haiti/vientos/150/kilometros/hora/elpepuint/20080826elpepuint_17/Tes"CNN" anuncia: "Oil price spikes on tropical storm fears": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/08/27/oil.prices.rise.ap/index.html"CNN" anuncia: "Tropical Storm Gustav may regain hurricane status": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/weather/08/27/gustav/index.html"El universal" de México informa: "Deja Gustav 11 muertos en Dominicana y Haití: Unas ocho personas murieron sepultadas el miércoles en un barrio de Santo Domingo por un deslizamiento de tierra antes de que Gustav perdiera fuerza y se debilitara a tormenta tropical la noche del martes": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/533309.html"MSNBC" informa: "Gulf coast prepares for deadly Gustav: Eight people die in Dominican Republic landslide, raising death toll to 11": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26367291/"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "El Supremo de Colombia denuncia un complot del Gobierno. La fiscalía investigará reuniones con emisarios de los paramilitares": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Supremo/Colombia/denuncia/complot/Gobierno/elpepuint/20080826elpepuint_5/Tes"El País" de Madrid publica: "Honduras 'se convierte' al ALBA: El país centroamericano es el primer miembro ajeno a la izquierda que se suma a la alianza regional promovida por Cuba y Venezuela": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Honduras/convierte/ALBA/elpepuint/20080826elpepuint_3/Tes"CNN" publica: "Decapitated bodies found near Tijuana":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/08/26/mexico.violence.ap/index.html"El universal" de México informa: "Pretende Venezuela tener control de acceso a internet: El proyecto de Ley Orgánica de las Telecomunicaciones, la Informática y los Servicios Postales establece que en el país se creará una sola interconexión a internet": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/533349.html"The Economist" analiza: "Brazil: Not as violent as you thought. Contrary to stereotype, the murder rate is falling": http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11975437"Jerusalem Post" anuncia: "Uruguayan president celebrates country's anniversary in J'lem": http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1219572123428&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull"El País" anuncia: "Vázquez celebra el 25 en Jerusalén": http://www.elpais.com.uy/08/08/24/pnacio_365741.aspESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA"China Daily" anuncia: "US, Russia anchor military ships in Georgian ports":http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-08/27/content_6976163.htm"La Nación" publica: "Llegó a Georgia el envío de ayuda humanitaria de EE.UU.":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1043816"Los blogs pisan fuerte en la convención demócrata: Este año fueron acreditados 120 bloggers , un 300% más que en la última edición, en 2004; buscan mayor llegada a los votantes jóvenes":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1043846EUROPAVarios medios informan sobre el conflicto en el Cáucaso:"New York Times": "Russia Backs Independence of Breakaway Georgian Areas":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/27/world/europe/27russia.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin"E.U. Treads Gingerly in Georgia Crisis":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/26/world/europe/26russia.html?ref=world"El País" de Madrid: "Rusia reconoce la independencia de Abjazia y Osetia del Sur. La OTAN rechaza la decisión del Kremlin como una "violación directa" de las resoluciones de la ONU.- Medvédev dice no temer "una nueva guerra fría"": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Rusia/reconoce/independencia/Abjazia/Osetia/Sur/elpepuint/20080826elpepuint_1/Tes"Occidente califica de "lamentable e inaceptable" la decisión de Moscú":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Occidente/califica/lamentable/inaceptable/decision/Moscu/elpepuint/20080826elpepuint_12/Tes"CNN": "Tensions build as U.S. ship arrives in Georgia":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/08/27/russia.georgia/index.html"La Nación": "Moscú redobla su desafío a Occidente: Un gesto de Rusia causa alarma mundial. Anunció el reconocimiento de la independencia de las dos regiones separatistas de Georgia; advertencia por el escudo antimisiles":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1043684"Time": "The New (Old) Russian Imperialism":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1836234,00.html"El Mercurio": "Conflicto en el Cáucaso por Osetia del Sur y Abjasia: Rusia dice no temer a una nueva guerra fría tras reconocer independencia de separatistas":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/27/internacional/_portada/noticias/60E0B79E-37EA-4EB1-8F36-4D20BB7C7317.htm?id={60E0B79E-37EA-4EB1-8F36-4D20BB7C7317}"Rusia dice no temer a una nueva guerra fría tras reconocer independencia de separatistas": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/27/internacional/_portada/noticias/60E0B79E-37EA-4EB1-8F36-4D20BB7C7317.htm?id={60E0B79E-37EA-4EB1-8F36-4D20BB7C7317}"The Economist": "Confrontational Russia: Russia's diplomatic recognition of two breakaway bits of Georgia is more bad news":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11998649&source=features_box_main"Treaty gamesmanship: Not even the Lisbon treaty could create European unity over Russia"http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11986010"Energy security in Europe: Dependent territory. The war in Georgia puts energy security back on Europe's agenda":http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11986026"La Nación" anuncia: "Standard & Poors habla de recesión en España: La calificadora de riesgo informó hoy que el país ibérico tendrá "al menos" dos trimestres de decrecimiento; dijo que las medidas anuncidas por el gobierno impactarán recién en 2009":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1043843"MCNBC" informa: "Karadzic says he has no hope of a fair trial. Presumption of innocence 'reduced to a joke,' he claims":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26409875/"CNN" publica: "Alitalia sale advisers meet with Air France-KLM":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/08/27/alitalia.france.advisers.ap/index.html"El Mundo" de España anuncia: "La tragedia aérea de Barajas se salda con 153 muertos y 19 heridos, varios de ellos graves":http://www.elmundo.es/elmundo/2008/08/20/espana/1219237335.html"EL País" de Madrid informa: "153 muertos en el peor siniestro aéreo de los últimos 25 años: En el avión iban 172 personas.- Hay 19 supervivientes, algunos heridos de gravedad, según confirman fuentes de la Comunidad de Madrid.- El vuelo es el Spanair JK5022 que se dirigía a la isla de Gran Canaria": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/espana/Accidente/aereo/Barajas/hay/varias/victimas/mortales/fuentes/sanitarias/elpepuesp/20080820elpepunac_11/Tes"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Tragedia del Spanair: Aeronave tuvo antes problemas de despegue": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/08/27/internacional/internacional/noticias/8436C926-5B08-4231-9FFD-4046BB7B778B.htm?id={8436C926-5B08-4231-9FFD-4046BB7B778B}"EL Universal" de México publica: "Identifican a 117 víctimas del avionazo en Madrid. Una semana después del siniestro, el jefe del Gobierno español, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, garantizó que los profesionales que trabajan para identificar a los fallecidos están actuando con rigor y diligencia": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/533364.html"El País" de Madrid presente video explicativo sobre la reciente tragedia en Barajas: http://www.elpais.com/graficos/sociedad/Tragedia/Barajas/elpepusoc/20080820elpepusoc_1/Ges/ASIA – PACÍFICO /MEDIO ORIENTE"Time" publica: "N Korea Reneges on Nukes — Again": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1836612,00.html"New York Times" anuncia: "North Korea Makes Plutonium Threat": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/27/world/asia/27korea.html?hp"El País" de Madrid informa: "Corea del Norte frena su desnuclearización porque EE UU le mantiene en el 'eje del mal': Pyongyang considera que Washington ha incumplido el acuerdo alcanzado hace un año al no retirarle de la lista de países promotores del terrorismo": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Corea/Norte/frena/desnuclearizacion/EE/UU/le/mantiene/eje/mal/elpepuint/20080826elpepuint_8/Tes"New York Times" anuncia: "Bomber Kills 25 Police Recruits in Iraq":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/27/world/middleeast/27iraq.html?ref=world"El País" de Madrid informa: "Miles de manifestantes irrumpen en el complejo presidencial de Tailandia: El objetivo de las protestas, pro monárquicas, es acabar con el primer ministro, Samak Sundaravej.- Le acusan de ser un aliado del derrocado Thaksin Shinawatra, acusado de corrupción": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Miles/manifestantes/irrumpen/complejo/presidencial/Tailandia/elpepuint/20080826elpepuint_10/Tes"CNN" anuncia: "Indian state erupts in violence after Hindu shot":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/08/27/india.religion.violence/index.html"MSNBC": "Deadly floods maroon over a million in India: Monsoon toll climbs past 800 after roads to remote northern region flooded": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26419112/"CNN" publica: "Indian army tries to reach 2 million flood victims": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/08/27/india.floods.deaths/index.html"CNN" informa: "Exhausted Dalai Lama cancels world trips": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/08/27/dalai.lama.exhaustion/index.html"MCNBC" anuncia: "Dalai Lama, battling exhaustion, cancels trips: Tibetan spiritual leader to undergo medical tests after feeling 'discomfort'": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26420401/"China Daily" publica: "Two thousand evacuated after quake in Tibet": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-08/26/content_6972869.htm"CCN" publica: "20 dead in Chinese chemical plant explosion": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/08/27/china.blast/index.html"China Daily" anuncia: "Official reaffirms curbing inflation a priority after Olympics":http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-08/27/content_6976177.htm"Time": "Is Pakistan's Zardari Mentally Fit?": http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1836468,00.html"The Economist" analiza: "Pakistan: Breaking up is easy to do": http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11998395&source=features_box_main"New York Times" publica: " Malaysian Opposition Leader Back in Parliamant": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/27/world/asia/27malaysia.html?ref=worldAFRICA"New York Times" publica: "Mugabe Opens Session to Heckles":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/27/world/africa/27zimbabwe.html?hp"MSNBC" informa: "Mugabe says he will form new government: Amid deadlock, Zimbabwe opposition accuses him of abandoning unity talks": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26422675/"CNN" anuncia: "Police seize opposition MPs in Zimbabwe": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/08/27/zimbabwe.arrests/index.html"China Daily" publica: "Hijackers free all Sudanese plane passengers":http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-08/27/content_6975953.htm"La Nación" informa: "Secuestran y desvían un avión sudanés en Libia: Los dos terroristas se entregaron tras más de 20 horas de negociación; la aeronave aterrizó en un aeropuerto militar del país árabe; no hubo heridos":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1043813"CNN" publica: "Sudan hijackers release passengers but not crew": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/08/27/sudan.plane.hostages/index.htmlECONOMIA"The Economist" publica su informe semanal: "Business this week": http://www.economist.com/business/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11990140"El País" de Madrid publica: "Los malos datos de Alemania llevan al euro a su nivel más bajo de los últimos seis meses: La locomotora europea confirma el retroceso del 0,5% del PIB mientras aumenta el pesimismo entre empresarios y consumidores": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/malos/datos/Alemania/llevan/euro/nivel/ultimos/meses/elpepueco/20080826elpepueco_1/Tes"CNN" anuncia: "Oil's bumpy ride driven by dollar": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/BUSINESS/08/26/oil.prices.drop.ap/index.html"Time" publica: "Gustav Concerns Push Oil Above $117": http://www.time.com/time/business/article/0,8599,1836606,00.html
p. 1011-1031: "An act for the King's most gracious, general, and free pardon." ; p. 1003-1006: "An act to enlarge the time limited by an act of the last session of Parliament, for restraining the use of the Highland dress; and to enable heirs of tailzie, guardians, tutors, curators, and trustees in Scotland, to sell lands to the crown." ; p. 991-999: "An act for taking away the tenure of ward holding in Scotland, and for converting the same into blanch and feu holdings; and for regulating the casualty of non-entry in certain cases; and for taking away the casualties of single and life-rent escheats, incurred there by horning and denunciation for civil causes; and for giving to heirs and successors there a summary process against superiors; and for discharging the attendance of vassals at head courts there; and for ascertaining the services of tenants there; and for allowing heirs of tailzie there to sell lands to the crown for erecting buildings, and making settlements in the Highlands." ; p. 983-986: "An act for declaring valid such acts as have been done by Thomas Paulin, as one of the principal land coal-meters of the city and liberty of Westminster, between the twenty ninth day of September last and the eighth day of November following." ; p. 975-978: "An act to indemnify persons who have omitted to qualify themselves for offices and promotions within the time limited by law; and for allowing further time for that purpose." ; p. 967-972: "An act to continue several laws for prohibiting the importation of books reprinted abroad, and first composed or written and printed in Great Britain; for preventing exactions of the occupiers of locks and wears upon the river Thames westward, and for ascertaining the rates of water carriage upon the said river; and for better securing the lawful trade of His Majesty's subjects to and from the East Indies; and for the more effectual preventing all His Majesty's subjects trading thither under foreign commissions; and relating to rice, to frauds in the customs, to the clandestine running of goods, and to copper ore of the British plantations; and for the free importation of cochineal and indico; and for punishment of persons destroying turnpikes, or locks, or other works erected by authority of Parliament." ; p. 959-962: "An act to prevent the return of such rebels and traitors concerned in the late rebellion, as have been, or shall be pardoned on condition of transportation; and also to hinder their going into the enemies country." ; p. 943-954: "An act to continue several laws relating to the manufactures of sail-cloth and silk; to give further time for the payment of duties omitted to be paid for the indentures or contracts of clerks and apprentices, and for better securing the payment of the said duties; and declaring that prize ships lawfully condemned shall be deemed British built ships; and for allowing prize goods to be landed and secured in proper ware-houses, without payment of any duty, until it can be determined whether they are fit for exportation or home consumption." ; p. 935-939: "An act to extend the provisions of an act made in the thirteenth year of His present Majesty's reign, intituled, An act for naturalizing foreign protestants, and others therein mentioned, as are settled, or shall settle in any of His Majesty's colonies in America, to other foreign protestants who conscientiously scruple the taking of an oath." ; p. 911-931: "An act for taking away and abolishing the heretable jurisdictions in that part of Great Britain called Scotland; and for making satisfaction to the proprietors thereof; and for restoring such jurisdictions to the crown; and for making more effectual provision for the administration of justice throughout that part of the United Kingdom, by the King's courts and judges there; and for obliging all persons acting as procurators, writers, or agents in the law in Scotland to take the oaths; and for rendering the union of the two kingdoms more complete." ; p. 903-906: "An act to enforce the execution of an act of this session of Parliament, for granting to His Majesty several rates and duties upon houses, windows, or lights." ; p. 879-900: "An act for vesting in His Majesty the estates of certain traitors, and for more effectually discovering the same, and applying the produce thereof to the use of His Majesty, and for ascertaining and satisfying the lawful debts and claims thereupon." ; p. 871-875: "An act to revive, continue, and amend an act made in the ninth year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the First, intituled, An act for clearing, depthening, repairing, extending, maintaining, and improving the haven and piers of Great Yarmouth; and for depthening and making more navigable the several rivers emptying themselves at the said town; and also for preserving ships, wintering in the said haven, from accidents by fire." ; p. 863-867: "An act for granting a duty to His Majesty, to be paid by distillers, upon licences taken out by them for retailing spirituous liquors." ; p. 835-859: "An act for the relief and support of maimed and disabled seamen, and the widows and children of such as shall be killed, slain, or drowned in the merchants service." ; p. 831-832: "An act for the ease of sheriffs with regard to the return of process." ; p. 807-826: "An act for granting to His Majesty a certain sum of money out of the sinking fund, for the service of the year One Thousand seven hundred and forty seven; and also for enabling His Majesty to raise a further sum of money for the uses and purposes therein mentioned; and for the further appropriating the supplies granted in this session of Parliament; and for applying a certain sum of money, for defraying the charge of the allowances to several officers and private gentlemen of the two troops of horse guards, and three regiments of horse, lately reduced, for the year One thousand seven hundred and forty seven; and for continuing the bounties on the exportation of British and Irish coarse linens." ; p. 799-802: "An act to indemnify persons who have omitted to register their letters of attorney, appointing them agents for prizes, within the time limited by law; and for allowing further time for that purpose." ; p. 791-794: "An act to enable His Majesty to allow to the residuary legatees of Sir Joseph Jekyll, knight, late master of the rolls, deceased, part of the legacy given by his will to the use of the sinking fund." ; p. 775-788: "An act to enable the parishoners of the parish of Saint Andrew Holborn, in the city of London and county of Middlesex, to purchase a convenient piece of ground, for an additional burying-ground, for the use of the said parish; and to enable the said parishioners to raise such sum and sums of money, as shall be necessary for that purpose." ; p. 763-770: "An act for uniting the two colleges of Saint Salvator and Saint Leonard, in the University of Saint Andrews, pursuant to an agreement for that purpose." ; p. 731-759: "An act for continuing the term, and enlarging the powers granted by an act passed in the twelfth year of His late Majesty's reign, intituled, An act for repairing and widening the roads from the city of Gloucester to the city of Hereford; and for repairing other roads in the county of Gloucester." ; p. 727-728: "An act for allowing persons impeached of high treason, whereby any corruption of blood may be made, or for misprision of such treason, to make their full defence by council." ; p. 711-722: "An act to confirm an agreement made by the rector and vestrymen of the parish of Saint James, within the liberty of Westminster, for enlarging the churchyard of the said parish; and for other purposes therin mentioned." ; p. 671-706: "An act for repairing the road leading from Catherick Bridge, in the county of York, to Yarm in the said county; and from thence to Stockton in the county of Durham; and from thence through Sedgefield, in the said county of Durham, to the city of Durham." ; p. 659-667: "An act for founding and building a chapel in Wednesfield, in the parish of Wolverhampton, in the county of Stafford." ; p. 651-654: "An act for reviving and continuing an act passed in the sixth year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the First, intituled, An act for laying a duty of two penny Scots, or one sixth part of a penny sterling, upon every Scots pint of beer or ale vended or sold within the town of Bruntisland, and liberties therof, for increasing the publick revenue of the said town, and for other purposes therein mentioned." ; p. 611-647: "An act for repairing the high road leading from the town of Stockton upon Tees, to Darlington, and from thence through Winston to Barnard Castle, in the same county." ; p. 591-607: "An act for the better securing the payment of shares of prizes taken from the enemy, to the Royal hospital at Greenwich; and for preventing the embezzlement of goods and stores belonging to the said hospital." ; p. 559-588: "An act for repairing the road leading from Cirencester, in the county of Gloucester, to Birdlip's Hill, in the said county." ; p. 539-554: "An act for building a bridge cross the river Thames, from the parish of Walton upon Thames in the county of Surry, to Shepperton in the county of Middlesex." ; p. 531-534: "An act for holding the summer assizes, and sessions of the peace, for the county of Norfolk, in the city and county of Norwich, until a new shire house can be built for the said county of Norfolk; and for building a new shire house on the Castle Hill in the same county; and for raising money on the said county for that purpose." ; p. 519-527: "An act for relief of such of His Majesty's loyal subjects, in that part of Great Britain called Scotland, whose title deeds, and writings were destroyed or carried off by the rebels, in the late rebellion." ; p. 511-514: "An act for the better adjusting and more easy recovery of the wages of certain servants; and for the better regulation of such servants, and of certain apprentices." ; p. 479-506: "An act for the better preservation and improvement of the river Wear, and port and haven of Sunderland, in the county of Durham." ; p. 471-475: "An act for enlarging the term and powers granted by two acts of Parliament, for laying a duty of two penny Scots upon every pint of ale and beer brewed and vended within the town of Dundee, and the liberties and suburbs thereof, for the purposes in the said acts and this present act mentioned." ; p. 459-466: "An act for enlarging the term and powers granted by several acts of Parliament passed for repairing the highways between Wymondham and Attleborough, and from Wymondham to Hetherset, and from the mouth of Wigmore Lane, to Hall Walk Gate in Attleborough, in the county of Norfolk; and for amending the other roads adjoining to the highways directed to be repaired by the said former acts, and making the said acts more effectual." ; p. 439-454: "An act for repairing, improving, and maintaining the publick conduits, and other waterworks, belonging to the town of Southampton ; p. 431-436: "An act for opening, cleansing, repairing, and improving the haven of Southwould in the county of Suffolk." ; p. 395-426: "An act for repairing the road from Sunderland near the Sea, to the city of Durham, in the county of Durham." ; p. 355-390: "An act for repairing the high road leading from the city of Durham, in the county of Durham, to Tyne Bridge in the said county." ; p. 315-350: "An act for punishing mutiny and desertion; and for the better payment of the army and their quarters." ; p. 283-312: "An act for granting to His Majesty several rates and duties upon coaches, and other carriages therein mentioned; and for raising the sum of one million, by way of lottery, to be charged upon the said rates and duties." ; p. 251-280: "An act for repairing the high road leading from the north end of the Cow Cawsey, near the town of Newcastle upon Tyne, to the town of Belford, and from thence to Buckton Burn, in the county of Northumberland." ; p. 227-246: "An act for enlarging the term and powers granted by an act passed in the thirteenth year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the First, for repairing, widening and amending the road leading from Warrington to Wigan in the county of Lancaster; and also for amending and repairing the road leading from a place called Earl's Kill, in Warrington aforesaid, to the toll-bars in Wallgate, in Wigan aforesaid." ; p. 195-222: "An act for enlarging the term and powers granted by an act passed in the twelfth year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the First, intituled, An act for repairing the roads leading from the western part of the parish of Shenfield, to Harwich in the county of Essex, and the road leading from Chelmsford in the said county, to Sudbury in the county of Suffolk, and from Margretting to Malden in the county of Essex, and from Colchester to Langham in the same county; and for repairing other roads adjoining to the same roads." ; p. 179-191: "An act to continue and make more effectual two acts of Parliament; one passed in the twelfth year of the reign of Her late Majesty Queen Anne, and the other in the first year of the reign of His present Majesty, for repairing the highways between the Bear Inn in Reading and Puntfield in the county of Berks; and for amending other roads in the last act mentioned." ; p. 155-175: "An act for continuing the duties upon malt, mum, cyder, and perry, in that part of Great Britain called England; and for granting to His Majesty certain duties upon malt, mum, cyder, and perry, in that part of Great Britain called Scotland; and for applying a certain sum of money therein mentioned, towards the supply for the service of the year One thousand seven hundred and forty seven." ; p. 147-150: "An act to continue, explain, and amend an act made in the last session of Parliament, intituled, An act to enable His Majesty to make rules, orders and regulations, more effectually to prevent the spreading of the distemper which now rages amongst the horned cattle in this kingdom." ; p. 107-143: "An act for repealing the several rates and duties upon houses, windows, and lights; and for granting to His Majesty other rates and duties upon houses, windows, or lights; and for raising the sum of four millions four hundred thousand pounds by annuities, to be charged on the said rates, or duties." ; p. 7-102: "An act for granting an aid to His Majesty by a land tax, to be raised in Great Britain, for the service of the year One thousand seven hundred and forty seven." ; p. 3-4: "An act for the further continuing an act made in the last session of Parliament, intituled, An act to impower His Majesty to secure and detain such persons as His Majesty shall suspect are conspiring against his person and government." ; The paging and caption title of each act follow ; Contains 52 acts, each with a duplicate of the t.-p. quoted. Nos. 15-52 printed 1747 ; Initials ; Blank leaves included in paging ; Mode of access: Internet.
The Central America region is a small market. The region contains around 43 million inhabitants (0.6 percent of total world population) who generate around 0.25 percent of the world's Gross Domestic Product (GDP). While the region has successfully embarked on a regional integration agenda and has strong commercial links with the US, extra-regional trade-mainly with large fast-growing emerging economies-remains a challenge. Export performance is analyzed along three dimensions that, together, give a fairly comprehensive picture of competitiveness: 1) the composition, orientation and growth of the export basket; 2) the degree of export diversification across products and markets; and 3) the level of sophistication and quality of their main exports. This analysis allows exports dynamics at the different margins of trade (intensive, extensive, and quality) to be evaluated and individual countries' to be benchmarked with peers in the Central American region. The results of this report allow policy makers to identify key areas to explore in the overall discussion of export competitiveness in the Central American region. This paper relates to the literature on challenges and opportunities that trade liberalization can bring to the Central American region. Much of the recent literature focuses on the role of the free trade agreement negotiated by Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, with the US.
