Vive la France! French multinationals and human rights
In: Human rights quarterly: a comparative and international journal of the social sciences, humanities, and law, Band 27, Heft 4, S. 1307-1345
ISSN: 0275-0392
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In: Human rights quarterly: a comparative and international journal of the social sciences, humanities, and law, Band 27, Heft 4, S. 1307-1345
ISSN: 0275-0392
World Affairs Online
In: Review of African political economy, Band 32, Heft 104-105
ISSN: 1740-1720
With the UK presidency of the EU Council of Ministers pending (July 2005), EU Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson is coming under increased pressure to modify the European Commission's approach to Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations with African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. Criticism and pressure for change is not only coming from an increasingly vocal and active campaign by non-governmental development agencies in the UK, Europe and Africa (see http://www.stopepa.org/ for details of the campaign), but also from several more official sources. These include the Africa Commission established by prime minister Tony Blair, the inquiry by the House of Commons Select Committee on International Development into EU-ACP EPA negotiations1 and the joint position paper adopted by the UK Department of Trade and Industry and Department for International Development.2
Commissioner Mandelson has responded to this criticism by modifying and extending the rhetoric on the centrality of development concerns to the EC's approach to EPA negotiations. However it is still unclear to what extent the Commissioner's rhetoric is being taken up in practice by EC trade negotiators and EC aid officials. As the Zambian trade minister, Dipak Patel, has recently declared:
what Peter has said in his speech to the LSE [London School of Economics] was excellent, but perhaps his negotiators need to read it more than we do.
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In: Politics & gender, Band 1, Heft 3
ISSN: 1743-9248
Squery about the place of gender and body in the gutter is a painful and contested exercise, especially when the conflict is not closed. Here I wish to come back to some recurring figures of the symbolic use of the body, first and foremost the family and women's bodies in military practices and the speeches of the Palestine wars and Palestinian resistance, and some of their effects. I would discuss the founding war of the State of Israel, the war of 1948 which resulted in the departure of more than 900 000 Arab inhabitants from mandated Palestine, the issue of exile and national mobilisation in Jordan's refugee camps, then the first and second Intifada. ; S'interroger sur la place du genre et du corps dans la guerreest un exercice douloureux et contesté, particulièrementlorsque le conflit n'est pas refermé. Ici, je souhaite revenirsur quelques figures récurrentes de l'utilisation symboliquedu corps, en premier lieu du corps familial et féminin dans lespratiques militaires et les discours des guerres de Palestine et desrésistances palestiniennes, et sur certains de leurs effets. J'aborderaila guerre de fondation de l'État d'Israël, celle de 1948 qui a eu pourconséquence le départ de plus de 900 000 habitants arabes de laPalestine mandataire, la question de l'exil et de la mobilisation nationaledans les camps de réfugiés de Jordanie, puis la première etla seconde Intifada.
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This article delves into the problematic of piercing. In the line of cultural studies, piercing is read as a text that sheds light on societal relationships. Body piercing can be seen as a subculture, rebelling against certain stands of hegemonic groups, but it can also be viewed as another element of "pop" culture, having been assimilated and incorporated by the same hegemonic groups it attempted to question. Therefore, linked to body piercing is the matter of the politics of the body. Like all practices, piercing subdivides and folds, thus allowing it room for revolt. ; Este artículo explora la problemática de la perforación corporal. Usando las teorías de los estudios culturales, la perforación es leída como un texto que manifiesta el carácter de las relaciones sociales. Se puede considerar la perforación como una subcultura que se rebela en contra de ciertos lineamientos de los grupos hegemónicos. Sin embargo, también se le puede ver como un elemento más dentro de la cultura "pop", ya que ha sido asimilada e incorporada por los mismos grupos hegemónicos que trató de cuestionar. Por lo tanto, el tema de las políticas del cuerpo está íntimamente ligado a la práctica de la perforación corporal. Como todo acto, la perforación se subdivide y repliega, dejándole espacio para la subversión.
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The preceding analysis investigated private interest groups' behaviour towards monetary policy makers and central banks, exploring the extent to which they seek to influence monetary policy and their motivations for doing so or not. Where evidence of interest group activity with respect to monetary decisions was found, the study identified the ways in which groups communicate with policy makers. Considering the importance of monetary policies for an economy as a whole and individual firms and households in particular, the low level of interest group activity observed in practice appears puzzling at first sight. However, the theoretical analysis above suggests that there may, in fact, be good reasons for interest group activity to keep a low profile with regard to monetary policymaking. In order to explain the conundrum, a micro-behavioural approach has been suggested with the aim of investigating the basic incentives for individuals and interest groups in the private sector to take political action on monetary questions or to refrain from doing so. The decision whether to take political action or not has been presented as a cost-benefit analysis, weighing the expected benefits of identifying, aggregating and mediating individual and group interests against the potential costs. The determinants of costs and benefits have been analysed with respect to the issue, institutional, and group contexts from which they originate.
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Significant concern about the harm to the environment caused by the disposal of hazardous wastes and detrimental materials abounds. In response, regulators around the globe have struggled to develop environmental liability regimes that effectively remediate contaminated sites. Regulators in the United States, the European Community, and Japan have addressed environmental contamination concerns by adopting the polluter pays principle as a core component of their domestic environmental liability regimes. The polluter pays principle demands that the polluter bear the burden of remediating the waste it generates. The impetus for adoption of the polluter pays principle in the United States, the European Community, and Japan is somewhat unclear. Certain sources and trends, however, have likely contributed to and informed the principle's adoption. These sources include the prevalence of international treaties, the increasing availability of information concerning the environment, domestic and foreign laws that influence the conduct of other countries, nongovernmental organizations that exert pressure on regulatory bodies, bilateral and multilateral development institutions that condition their lending practices on the friendly treatment of the environment, and the growing standardization of environmental policies worldwide. This Note addresses these sources, and explores the manner in which they have influenced and encouraged the United States, the European Community, and Japan to embrace the polluter pays principle as an effective tool to achieve environmental waste remediation.
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The questioning of how public investments decisions are made leads to a two-level problematic. On the one hand, public decision makers have constrained resources that they have to use the best way they can. On the other hand, by choosing between alternative investments projects, decision makers are revealing priority choices between different stakes. So, decision makers have to face with two kinds of issues: spending with special care constrained resources and making the most acceptable decisions they can. In France, for several years, cost benefit analysis has been used to take into account the first issue. The second issue has lead the legislator to rule public expression and stakeholders involvement. This has been a long process made of more or less successful trials. The purpose of this article is to examine how the use of cost benefit analysis interacts with the practice of public debate and stakeholders' participation. In Section 2 (after an introductory section), we will define more precisely principles of cost benefit analysis. In Section 3, we will see how stakeholders' participation has been progressively ruled in France. Then we will study the difficulties to conciliate cost benefit analysis and stakeholders' participation. At last, we will give some suggestions for conciliating legitimacy and rationality in public investments decisions making processes. .
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University's of Klaipeda students' today's culture research is described in the article, data, got in the end of 2002 y., in compared to data, got in the end of 2004 y. National upbringing's dimension is analyzed. Conclusions 1. In two years' time social trauma in Lithuania influence to academic youth has decreased: established, e. g., that there are a one third less students, who liked Lithuanian nation at the same time estimating it negative; the amount of students, who are favorably disposed towards their own nation, increased by one third. 2. It showed up, that fathers educate their children more patriotically than mothers; unfortunately, men do not socialize with children enough. 3. It was ascertained, that it is hard to educate youth patriotically because of the particularity of work in high school, but students' national optimism can be raised. 4. Lithuanian schools do not manage to indoctrinate love to native land worth - it stays in the last place between the students in the first courses and is important only for every fifteen student. With reference to working practice, it can be stated, that this worth should be indoctrinated from as early as possible, even before school. Despite the agitations, specific to international political unions, it is necessary to impose patriotic education course for pedagogical profile specialities' students in Lithuanian high schools.
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The authors trust that the concept of the breakthrough of the strategic management and its implementation, as discussed by them, will be in contrast to the rhythm of the "life cycle" and will contribute to the avoiding of the extreme negative results of the development by the preliminary prediction of potential, often unavoidable, dangers and by the provision of measures to neutralise the negative factors. To put the strategic effect into practice, it is important to channel the efforts in the following directions: • to prioritise strategic aims; • to define the modernising role of the state; • to construe the system of strategic state govern ment; • to work out a new approach to the necessity of holistic thinking, and to design the perspective of coherence of the components of the whole, even under the dominating chaos conditions; • to look for strategists in a complex combination of researchers - politicians - officials that rejects any formal subordination; • to foster the activities of "thing-tanks". The authors also suggest initiating a wider discussion on the following subject: should Lithuania, that is not characterised by high developmental standards, follow the well-trodden path of highly developed countries in order to achieve the irreversibility of the development, or are any other scenarios of catching-up with them a possibility?
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This article was published in the serial, Die Erde - Journal of the Geographical Society of Berlin and is available here with the kind permission of the publisher. ; Through his work on the social and cultural politics of landscape and representation Denis Cosgrove has established an approach to cultural geography that is firmly rooted within the tradition of the humanities. Studying the historical and symbolic meanings of landscape in a Western European tradition that stretches from early Renaissance Italy to the modern world, his main books include 'Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape' (1984), 'The Iconography of Landscape' (1988) and 'The Palladian Landscape' (1993). More recently, he has explored the workings of mapping and cartography in 'Mappings' (1999) and 'Apollo's Eye: A Cartographic Genealogy of the Earth in the Western Imagination' (2001). The following interview conversation, conducted during the Hettner Lecture in Heidelberg on 30th June 2005, aims at offering insights into the interrelations of Denis Cosgrove's biography and his scholarly work. Drawing upon Livingstone's approach of considering the interplay between biography, place and scientific practice in order to achieve a deeper understanding of his oeuvre (Livingstone 2002), we hope that our interview contributes to ongoing discussions on Cosgrove's approach to cultural geography and stimulates an interest in rethinking different ways of practising cultural geography.
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In: Ab imperio: studies of new imperial history and nationalism in the Post-Soviet space, Band 2005, Heft 4, S. 361-373
ISSN: 2164-9731
SUMMARY:
The report on the first year of the collaborative project between Kazan State University and Rutgers University (USA) contains information about the program of academic exchanges, the development of the multidisciplinary Center for Democratic Education in Kazan, the new courses prepared within the framework of this partnership (reflecting the main thematic priorities of the project essential to understanding the transition to democracy in Russia today: federalism, ethnicity, nationalism/imperial history, and gender). The report illuminates the work of the Seminar in Kazan and presents the program of the November 2005 Faculty Seminar "Political Demobilization, Managed Democracy, and the Prospects for Civil Society in Russia". The report also discusses the practice of independent external peer-reviewing of the new courses developed by Kazan project participants, which helps to spread the Kazan-Rutgers academic dialogue outside the limits of these two academic communities, thus enriching both of them. Finally, the report includes individual reflections of Kazan scholars who visited Rutgers and observed another academic culture and another type of relationships between the society and the university. For more information on the project, its resources in Kazan and the events planned for the remaining part of the program please refer to the Project's administrator in Kazan, Aigul Sabirova: moon_k@inbox.ru .
This book, co-authored with Ian Baucom and edited by David A Bailey, is the outcome of a lengthy period of research into the last twenty years of Black Art in Britain. It focuses particularly on the Thatcher period and the explosion of the Black Arts Movement in the wake of civil unrest and rioting in a number of British cities. The book is extensively illustrated bringing together a dialogue between leading artists, curators, art historians, and critics including Stanley Abe Jawad, Adelaide Bannerman, Allan deSouza, Kobena Mercer, Yong Soon Min and Judith Wilson. Combining cultural theory with anecdote and experience, it examines how the black British artists of the 1980s should be viewed historically and explores the political, cultural, and artistic developments that sparked the movement. It reviews practice in the context of public funding, and the trans-national art market and its legacy for today's artists and activists. The volume includes a unique catalogue of images, a comprehensive bibliography, and a series of descriptive timelines situating the movement in relation to relevant artworks, films, exhibitions, cultural criticism, and political events from 1960 to 2000. The book has become an established point of reference for the study of Black Art and cultural developments of Braitain during the period. In March 2007 it was awarded the INIVA Historians of British Art Book Prize.
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