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1 Introduction: Foreign Policy Change, Tim Haesebrouck and Jeroen K. Joly -- 2 Belgian Foreign Policy. In Foro Interno, Inferno?, Jeroen K. Joly and Tim Haesebrouck -- 3 Czech Foreign Policy After the Velvet Revolution, Zdeněk Kříž, Martin Chovančík and Odřich Krpec -- 4 Danish Foreign Policy: Continuity and Change in the Post-Cold War Period, Henrik Larsen -- 5 Finnish Foreign Policy: Pragmatic Adjustment to a Changing World Order, Tapio Raunio -- 6 French Foreign Policy: Make France Great Again, Friederike Richter and Martial Foucault.-7 German Foreign Policy, Patrick A. Mello -- 8 Italian Foreign Policy: Still the Days Seem the Same?, Fabrizio Coticchia and Valerio Vignoli -- 9 Dutch Foreign Policy: Staying the Course Amid a Changing World, Niels van Willigen -- 10 Polish Foreign Policy: From 'Go To' Player to Territorial Defender, Laura Chappell -- 11 Spanish Foreign Policy: Navigating Global Shifts and Domestic Crises, Eduard Soler i Lecha and Esther Barbé -- 12 British Foreign Policy Since the End of the Cold War, Andrew M. Dorman.-13 Conclusion: Grasping Foreign Policy Change, Klaus Brummer and Kai Oppermann.

Introduction i. - PART I . THE SHAH AND KHOMEINI REVOLUTIONS. - "Church" and State in Modernizing Society: The Case of Iran 9. - Iran's "White Revolution": A Study in Political Development 16. - Iran's Revolution: Patterns, Problems, and Prospects 33. - Who Lost America? The Case oflran 50. - PART I I . REVOLUTIONARY FOREIGN POLICIES. - Khomeini's Islam in Iran's Foreign Policy 71. - Iran: Burying the Hatchet 94. - Iran's Foreign Policy: Contending Orientations 111. - Iran's Export of the Revolution: Its Politics, Ends, and Means 128. - The Shifting Premise of Iran's Foreign Policy: Toward a Democratic Peace?. - Reflections on Iran's Foreign Policy: Defining the "National Interest" 160. - Ideology and Pragmatism in Iran's Foreign Policy 184. - Reflections on Iran's Foreign Policy: Spiritual Pragmatism 196. - PART I I I . SECURITY I N THE PERSIAN GULF. - Security in the Persian Gulf 215. - The Strait of Hormuz: The Global Chokepoint 229. - Shiism in the Persian Gulf 240. - Sociopolitical Change in the Gulf: A Climate for Terrorism? 263. - PART I V . INTERNATIONAL LAW AND DIPLOMACY. - Who Started the Iran-Iraq War? A Commentary 287. - Iran's Hostage Crisis: International Legitimacy Matters 307. - PART V . THE SHAH AND ISRAEL, KHATAMI AND BUSH. - Iran and the Arab-Israeli Conflict 319. - Iran, Democracy, and the United States 335. - Afterword 353. - Appendix: The Role of Iran in the New Millennium-. - A View from the Outside 359

Public opinion is central to representation, democratic accountability, & decision making. Yet, the public was long believed to be relatively uninterested in foreign affairs, absent an immediate threat to safety & welfare. It had become conventional to say that "voting ends at water's edge." We start the examination of the scholarly understanding of the role of foreign affairs in public opinion & voting at that low point of view. Much subsequent development saw an increasing degree of holding & using of attitudes & beliefs about foreign affairs among the public. Moving in parallel with developments in political psychology, theoretical & methodological advances led to an increasingly widely shared view that the public holds reasonably sensible & nuanced views, that these help shape their political behaviors, & that these, in turn, help shape & constrain foreign policy making. References. Adapted from the source document.

Although most policy studies argue there has been no influence of Islam on Indonesia's foreign policy, the foreign relations of the Republic of Indonesia during the revolution for independence provide a counter-example. Because of the greater role for society in conducting, rather than just influencing, foreign relations, Islam was used as a key element in Indonesia's diplomatic efforts in the Arab world between 1945 and 1949. This led to several key, early successes for Indonesia on the world stage, but changing circumstances meant that relations with the Arab world and thus the place of Islam in foreign policy were no longer prominent from 1948.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 shattered numerous assumptions about the drivers of Russian foreign policy, posing a fundamental challenge to the Russia studies community. Against this backdrop, the article centers on the imperative to reflect how we think and examine Russian foreign policy amid considerable transformations in the country's international as well as domestic realities. This contribution does so by reviewing and critically reassessing past accomplishments and shortcomings within the field of Russian foreign policy research, evaluating their pertinence in a post-2022 context. Focusing on the scholarly work done with regard to Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the study demonstrates that the literature suffers from the inertial tendency of offering old answers to new questions, suggesting potential avenues for further scholarly work on this topic.

As Chief of State and head of government, the President is the epicenter of the management of American external relations and the formulation of foreign policy. Not only does he welcome the leaders of other countries who come on summit visits, receive personally the diplomatic emissaries of foreign governments accredited to the United States, and participate in many other formal diplomatic functions, but he also is responsible for executing those segments of the law that pertain to international affairs, for appointing United States diplomats and communicating with other governments, for making treaties, and for initiating and enunciating foreign policy. Addressing himself to the last of these, President Truman cryptically declared: "The President makes foreign policy." Dean Rusk later commented that this "is not the whole story," but "it serves very well if one wishes to deal with the matter in five words."

'Vor dem Hintergrund der Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands, des Zusammenbruchs des äußeren und inneren Imperiums der UdSSR und schließlich des Endes des Kalten Krieges untersucht diese Studie die Praxis der sowjetischen Außenpolitik in den Jahren 1985 bis 1991. Angesichts der dramatischen Realität versucht sie die von verschiedenen Wissenschaftlern geforderte Mehrebenen-Analyse anzuwenden. Sie stellt: 1. die sowjetische Außenpolitik dieser Jahre dar und versucht 2. deren Logik auf der Folie von Elementen des neuen Denkens, der Faktoren von Glasnost und Perestrojka sowie - last but not least - von Institutionen und Personen nachzugehen.' (Autorenreferat)

This paper inquires into the overall picture of the Turkish foreign policy toward Western Balkans, and especially Albania, on the geopolitical plan. It explores the new Turkish policy principles, Davotuglu's strategic vision, and the extent to which the geopolitics of both Turkey and Albania inform Turkish foreign policy. This paper also delineates the perceptions of Albania towards Turkey's foreign policy and contradictions of the same policy. According to Davutoglu, the architect of Turkish foreign policy, Turkey is a Middle Eastern, Balkan, Caucasian, Central Asian, Caspian, Mediterranean, Gulf and Black Sea country, can simultaneously exercise influence in all these regions and thus claim a global strategic role, rejecting the perception of Turkey as a bridge between Islam and the West, as this would relegate Turkey to an instrument for the promotion of the strategic interests of other countries. To achieve this, Turkey should capitalise on its soft power potential. Davutoglu argues that Turkey possesses "strategic depth" due to its history and geographic position and lists Turkey among a small group of countries which he calls "central powers". Taking such a role Turkey has also great interest in Albania as it is considered the best state to promote Turkish interests within the Western Balkan region. However, there are several obstacles limiting Turkey's full penetration into the Western Balkans.