PRIZE NUMBER. ' APRIL, 1906 ¥OL. XI¥. HO. 2 GETTYSBURG COLLEGE GETTYSBURG, PA. M*Uft«0ftNMtf \m**nmm***mh*m*m EBTT«aBVRaMKEW8» PRIHT, , r HELP THOSE WHO HELP US. The Intercollejlate Bureau or Academic Costume. Cotrell & Leonard, ALBANY, N. Y. Makers of Caps, Gowns and Hoods to the American Colleges and Universities from the A tlan-- tie to the Pacific- Class contracts a specialty, Rlcia. G-owxis fcr tlxe ZF-u.lpit a-zid.Beaaels.- Seniors Going into Business or Technical Work should write us to-day for full information concerning desirable posi-tions in all parts of the country. We already gave 1,2:51 definite places for College, University and Technical School graduates to be-gin work in July or September and the list is growing daily. A choice of the beat opportunity is yours if you write us at once, stating age, course taken, practical experience if any. and line of work preferred. ^5e3a.n.s37-l-va.ziia. B'ld.g-., I»ls.ila,«a.elp3a.ia" ^a,.- Offices in Twelve Other Cities. Come and Have a Good Shave, or HAIR-CUT at Harry B. Seta's BARBER SHOP 35 Baltimore St. BARBERS' SUPPLIES A SPECIALTY. Also, choice line of fine Cigars. R. A. WONDERS Corner Cigar Parlors. A full line of Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, etc. Scott's Corner, opp. Eagle Hotel GETTYSBURG, PA. Pool Parlors in Connection. IF YOU CALL ON C. A. Bloehe*, deuueler, Centre Square, He can serve you in anything you may want in REPAIRING)- or JEWELRY. i WE RECOMMEND THESE FIRMS. Established 1867 by Allen Walton SJfc Allen K. Walton, Pres. and Treas. Kobt. J. Walton, Superintendent. Hummelstown Brown Stone Company and Manufacturers of BUILDING STONE, SAWED FLAGGING, and TILE, WALTONVILLE, Iade in his image thou must nobly dare The thorny crown of sovereignty to share. Think not too meanly of thy low estate ; Thou hast a choice ; to choose is to create." THE MERCURY. 43 SONG OF THE WAITERS. BY ROE EMMBRT, '06. OH, we belong to the boarding-house, The boarding-house caf£, Oh, we don't bother with etiquette, For manners are in the way ; If you've got the " mon " you steps right in, And every man has his say ; You pays yer cash, And you gets yer hash, At the boarding-house cafe\ We brings yer in and we sets yer down, At the boarding-house cafd ; You bows yer face and you says yer grace,. If it happens to be yer way ; When you ask for bread look out for yer head',. And keep it out of the way, For we slings 'em down, And don't pass 'em around, At the boarding-house caf£. And we ain't a first class restaurant, At the boarding-house cafe ; We've just a common eatin-hou.se And there's no champagne-frappe Yer soup comes hot, right out of the pot, But it ain't no consomme ; But it goes to the spot, And yer gets a lot, At the boarding-house cafe. Oh, we feeds ten dozen students, At the boarding-house cafe ; Oh, we piles it in their faces, Just three times every day ; We starts 'em in for breakfast With some shredded, flaked, baled hay ; For dinner its mash, For supper its hash, At the boarding-house caf£. 44 THE MERCURV. O'1) things look mean and they ain't too clean, At the boarding-house cafe ; When the outfit ain't too dirty, Why you bet we lets 'em lay, For we feeds the college students And they don't care anyway ; They pays their cash, And they gets their hash. At the boarding-house cafe. A MODEL Y. M. C. A. BUILDING. G. E. WOLFE, '09. By the death of Sir George Williams, which occured some weeks ago, the world was newly reminded of the great organi-zation, the Young Men's Christian Association, which he es-tablished sixty-one years ago. In these years the Association has undergone such a great transformation that today it is a mighty factor for good every-where, devoting itself to a broad and diversified development of young men and boys and engaging in many enterprises for general social advancement. The most characteristic monu-ment to the memory of this noble man will be found not in St. Paul's Cathedral, where his body will lie, but in the Association buildings which have been erected all over the world for the carrying on of its great work. It is the purpose of this paper to sketch what the writer, and others who have seen it, consider a model Association building. No one walking down one of the principal streets, in the not far distant city of Lancaster, could fail to observe this model Young Men's Christian Association building, for it occupies one of the most imposing corners in the city, and is of consider-able size; the main building being four stories in height, 180 feet long by 63 feet wide, and extending, together with the an-nexed gymnasium, practically the length of a half-square. The external appearance of the building is also such as to at-tract notice, distinguished as it is for its beauty of architecture THE MERCURY. 45 and material. One's first impressions, then, on entering the building, are very pleasing, and, as one continues to make an inspection of it throughout, these first impressions invariably continue with the spectator. A marked- feature of the internal appearance of the building is its cheerfulness—it has a homelike air. The fact that care and taste has been exercised in the arrangement of every part is clearly in evidence. ' The walls throughout the building are hung with some of the most beautiful pictures that are to be had—fine reproductions of famous paintings, most of them, framed in neat, substantial frames ; all of them the gift of one of the city's most generous educators. These are not only pleas-ing to behold, but also make interesting and inspiring subjects for study. The attractive paper on the walls also adds greatly to the cheerfulness of the interior of the building—the designs in some of the rooms being quite rich—as do also the furnish-ings, which are elegant and serviceable. In fact, the internal appearance of the building,is all that one could desire. But the purpose to which every part of this splendid Asso-ciation building is dedicated is the thing that will interest one most, when making a tour of it. The basement is the first de-partment- visited,-and ihe first objects there to claim one's at-tention are the Twin Regulation Howling Alleys, the Manual Training Room, which is well equipped for practical work, and the Locker Rooms. The Swimming Pool, 40 feet long by 18 feet wide and 3 1-2 to 6 1-2 feet deep, the seven beautiful marble and nickeled Shower-Baths, constituting a most elegant bath equipment; the Boiler Rooms, Workshop and Store Cel-lars are also located on this floor. On the first floor are seven Store Rooms, the rentals of which contribute materially to the financial needs of the Asso-ciation, and the splendid Gymnasium with 2806 feet of floor space, equipped with the best appliances for health and devel-opment. The second floor is the working floor of the Association and contains the Reading Room, which is open to all the men of the city; the Library with its 8000 volumes; Member's and 46 THE MERCURY. Ladies' Parlors; the main floor of the Auditorium, which has a seating capacity of 835 ; and the Reception Halls and General Offices. On the third floor are located the Banquet Halls; a suite of rooms given over entirely to boys' work; the Bible Study Room; Committee Room; Auditorium Gallery; Magazine Closets and Kitchen. The fourth and top floor contains the Dormitories, the com-fortable rooms of which are furnished and maintained by the Ladies' Auxiliary; Educational Class Rooms, where young men can and do increase their store of learning in various branches.; Camera Dark Room, where the developing, toning, printing and mounting of pictures can be done most conven-iently ; and Boys' Printing Office. The value of this beautiful building is over $200,000, but the fact that it stands for all that is best in the physical, mental, social, and moral development of manhood, is what gives it its true worth. It provides an ideal place for the boy, as well as the young man, who is seeking to improve his spare moments, and who recognizes the value of association with his fellows in a healthful atmosphere. Though it is not by any means a mere place of amusement, it does furnish that which is most beneficial in this direction ; indeed the Association puts forth definite effort along this liner- to offset, if at all possible, the tendency of so many young men to gratify this element of their character in unclean places, the number of which in a city es-pecially is far too great. As an example of what is being done: in addition to the approved games constantly available, and the Star Course of entertainments, the Auditorium every Saturday evening during the winter season throws open its doors to the crowds, and furnishes most excellent entertainment in some form or another. The Physical Department in Association work today receives special attention, and this building providing as.it does the best gymnasium and apparatus obtainable, together with a most competent instructor, is there to offer men who need it the best possible means for scientific body building and health producing THE MERCURY. 47 work and there are many such, who from long hours in the office, behind the counter or in the study are forced to cry out for some sort of vigorous recreation. The Swimming Pool not only provides a luxury, which one must have enjoyed to ap-preciate, but is also an ideal place to acquire the fine art of swimming at any season of the year. However, all the various phases of Association life in an As-sociation building, interesting as they are, cannot be touched upon here, but it does seem in.place to express finally the hope that, especially in view of the fact that the Young Men's Chris-tian Association of Gettysburg College is striving to have a building of its own and thus increase its sphere of usefulness, this little description of a model Association building may arouse a deeper earnestness on the part of our students and friends to the extent that the time for the erection of the build-ing which will meet our needs here may be hastened. The necessity tor such a building is obvious, and it is to be hoped that all are interested. AMERICAN HUMORISTS. THOMAS E. SHEARER, '07. AMERICAN literature from its very beginning has had a delicate and exquisite humor. Who that has read the works of Washington Irving, the Father of American Litera-ture, has not been charmed with his humor? The same ques-tion might be asked concerning the works of J. Fenimore Cooper, the Founder of American Romance, and also of the earlier writings of Lowell, such as the " Biglow Papers," or his " Fable for Critics." Dr. O. W. Holmes acquired fame as a humorist from his Breakfast Table series, and even Hawthorne, with his " undercurrent ot melancholy and serious thoughtful-ness," has given glimpses of the higher and brighter side of life. Yet in this earlier period it would hardly have been predicted that there would ever be a class of writers who would make it a business to excite the laughter of the public. But the pro-fessional humorist made his appearence in the early '5o's, in 48 THE MERCURY. the persons of Benj. P. Shillaber and Frances M. Whitcher, of " Widow Bedott" fame. The former known to the public as " Mrs. Partington," was a very popular humorist. He was born in Portsmouth, N. H., in 1S14. For some years he was connected with various periodicals, and afterwards (1852) pub-lished " Rhymes With Reason and Without." This was fol-lowed by " Liie and Sayings of Mrs. Partington," " Partington-ian Patchwork " and " Ike Partington and His Friends." The droll sayings and blunders of " Mrs. Partington," drew smiles to the gravest of faces and made her a conspicuous character. Scarcely less prominent and slightly preceding her in time, was " Widow Bedott." Her quaint humor and playful descriptions of country life and society brought the writer immediate fame. " Widow Spriggins," added to the " Widow Bedott Papers," increased her fame. This authoress was born in Whitesboro, N. Y. in 1811 and died in 1852. Closely following these was a great number of humorists, among whom Samuel L. Clemens, Chas. Farrar Browne, Henry W. Shaw, Marietta Holly and E. William Nye are the most noted. Samuel L. Clemens, or-Mark Twain, as he is better known to the public, was one of the most successful of professional humorists. He was born in Florida, Mo., in 1835. He early learned the printing trade, was pilot on a river steamboat from 1855-*6i, when he became private secretary to his brother who then held a government position. He afterwards lived in Cali-fornia and in Hawaii, and later in Hartford, Conn., where he attained fame as a humorous lecturer. In the field of author-ship his broad humor soon gained for him a wide circle of readers. His most successful work was " The Innocents Abroad" published in 1869. Other well known works are " Adventures of Tom Sawyer," " Huckleberry Finn," etc. A good example of his humor is his story of playing jokes on a guide. The party was traveling in Italy, and after they had noticed the satisfaction the guide took in exciting their emotions, they never took any interest in anything. The doc-tor asked the questions, as he could keep his countenance, and ' MHBMMHHHHHMHHH1 THE MERCURY. 49 I looked more like an inspired idiot than any of the others. " It comes natural to him," said Mark. When the guide showed them relics of Columbus, none of them had ever heard of him, and so it was of everything else. " The guide was bewildered, nonplussed," he continues. " He walked his legs off, nearly, hunting up extraordinary things, and exhausted all his inge-nuity on us, but it was a failure; we never showed any interest in anything. He had reserved what he considered was his greatest wonder till the last—a royal Egyptian mummy. He took us there. He felt so sure, this time, that some of his old enthusiasm came back to him." " See, gentelmen !—Mummy ! Mummy !" The eyeglass came up as calmly, as deliberately as ever- « Ah what did I understand you to say the gentleman's name was ?" " Name ? he got no name ! Mummy !—'Gyptian mummy!" " Yes, yes, born here ?" " No, 'Gyptian mummy." " Ah just so. Frenchman, I presume ?" ■• No !—not Frenchman, not Roman !—born in Egypta !" " Born in Egypta. Never heard ot Egypta before. Foreign locality, likely. Mummy—mummy. How calm he is—how self possessed ! Is—ah—is he dead ?" " Oh, sacte bleu ! been dead three thousan' year!" The doctor turned on him savagely: " Here now, what do you mean by such conduct as this ? Playing us for Chinamen because we are strangers and trying to learn ! Trying to im-pose your vile second-hand carcasses on us ! Thunder and lightning! I've got a notion to—to—if you've got a nice fresh corpse, fetch him out!—or, by George, we'll brain you !" " Artemis Ward," as Chas. Farrar Browne is known, was a natural born humorist. Humor seems to have been his birth-right. It came from him as naturally as water flows from a spring. It sparkled in his conversation and gleams forth from all his writings. He was born in Maine, in 1834, and at an early age went West to make his fortune. After roving about for some time he entered newspaper work, contributing de- f I 5° THE MEKCURV. scriptions of an imaginary travelling menagerie, under the style of " Artemis Ward, Showman," while on a lecturing tour he had an opportunity to study the Mormons, and soon after, his book " Artemis Ward Among the Mormons," appeared. He was fond of giving himself the character of a showman and mingling lessons of good common sense with his droll witti-cisms. As such a character he tells the following experience with a " Woman's Club." " I pitched my tent in a small town in Injianny, one day last season, and while I was standin' at the dore takin' money a deppytashun of ladies came up and sed they was members of the Bunkumville Female Reformin and Wimins' Rites Asso-ciashun, and they axed me if they cood go in without payin.'" " Not exactly," sez I, " but you can pay without goin' in." " Dew you know who we air?" said one of the wimin—a tall and feroshus lookin' critter, with a blew kotton umbreller under her arm—" do you know who we air, Sir? " " My impreshun is," sed I, " from a kersey view, that you are females." " We air, Sur," sed the feroshus woman, " we belong to a Society whitch beleeve wimin' has rites—whitch beleeves in razin' her to her proper speer-—whitch beleeves she is endowed with as much intelleck as man is—whitch beleeves she is trampled on and aboozed—and who will resist hence4th and forever the encroachments of proud and domineerin men." During her discourse, the exsentric female grabbed me by the coat koller and was swinging her umbreller wildly over my head. " I hope marm," sed I, starting back, " that your intentions is honorable ! I'm a lone man hear in a strange place. Be-sides, I've a wife to hum." " Yes," cried the female, " she's a slave! Doth she never think of throwin' off the yoke of tyrinny and thinking and votin' for herself!—Doth she never think of these here things?" "Not bein' a natural born fool," sed I, by this time a little riled, " I kin safely say that she dothunt." - i THE MERCURY. 5 l "Oh what, what," screamed the female, " 0, what is the price that woman pays for her experiunce ! " " I don't know " sed I; " the price of my show is 15 cents pur individooal." " & can't our society go in free?" asked the female. " Not, if I know it," sed I. " Crooil, crooil, man ! " she cried and burst into teers. . " Won't you let my darter in ? " sed another of the exsentric females, " O, please let my darter in—she's a sweet gushin' child of nature." " Let her gush ! " roared I, as mad as I could be at their tarnal nonsense, " let her gush " whereupon they all sprung back with the simultaneous observashun that I was a Beest. " My female friends," sed I, " be-4 you leeve, I've a few re-marks to remark ; way them well. The female woman is one of the greatest institutions of which this land can boste. It's on-possible to get along without her. She is good in sickness— good in wellness—good all the time. O woman, woman," I cried, my feelin's worked up to a high poetick pitch, " you air an angel when you behave yourself, but when you take off your proper apparail & (metyforicolly speakin') get into panyloons— when you desert your firesides, & with your heds full of wimin's rites notions go round like roaring lions, seeking whom you may devour somebody—in short, when you undertake to play the man, you play the devil and air an emfatic noosance. " My iriends," I continued, as they were indignantly departin,' " way well what A. Ward has sed." Marietta Holley was a writer who saw the humorous side of things wherever one was to be found, and she presents it to her readers in the most agreeable manner. Her humor is with-out any apparent effort or anything that is far-fetched. It flows along in a natural spontaneous way that is delightful. Miss Holley was born near Adams, N. Y. In her early years she began to write sketches, poems and essays, some of which were published in a local paper and gave indications of the future success of the writer. Her first real literary effort appeared in a Philadelphia magazine under the pen name \1 S'< THE MERCURY. " Jemyme." After this she used the name of "Josiah Allen's Wife," by which she is now best known. It is said that her first book was refused by the publishing house, but that one member of the firm assumed the responsi-bility of bringing it out, and did so with eminent success.* Af-terwards, she published " My Opinions and Betsy Bobbet's" which was so successful that since then her books have been in constant demand. " Samantha at the Centennial" and " Sweet Cicely, or Josiah Allen's Wife as a Politician," both had large sales, but her most successful book was " Samantha at Saratoga" for which she received $ 10,000 before it was pub-lished. Nearly, one quarter of a million copies of this book have been sold. Owing to their length no example of her writings can be given here. Her biographer, however, says, " Her humor is of the wholesome type, imbued with common sense and she never provokes laughter at anything which is good. Ratherr in the most playful and laughter provoking manner, does she hit off the follies and foibles of society. She can see some-thing humorous in almost every person, every snatch of con-versation and every style of dress." Edward William Nye was a writer of humorous sketches. He is known to the public as " Bill Nye," the signature under which his articles were published. He was born in Shirley, Maine, in 1850. While he was yet a child the family moved to the West, and he received his education at Falls River, Wis, Later he went to Wyoming where he studied law and was ad-mitted to the bar in 1876. At an early age he began to con-tribute humorous sketches to the papers. For some years he was connected with various western journals and it was while he was editor of the Laramie "Boomerang" that his fame spread beyond the confines of the West. He finally settled in New York, where he contributed to the " World " and to some other prominent papers. He made a lecturing tour through Europe, and on his return lived at Ashe-ville, N. C, where he died in 1896. His writings have been — HBHMMM BHMHP If THE MERCURY. 53 published in book form under the titles—" Bill Nye and Boom-erang," " The Forty Liars," " Baled Hay," and " Remarks." He says the discovery of New York occurred in this man-ner : " About this time a solitary horseman might have been seen at West Two Hundred and Ninth street, clothed in a lit-tle brief authority, and looking out to the West as he petu-lantly spoke in Tammany dialect. As he stands there aboard of his horse one sees that he is a chief in every respect, and in life's great drama would naturally occupy the middle of the stage. It was at this moment that Hudson slipped down the river from Albany, past Fort Lee, and, dropping a knickle into the slot at One Hundred and Twenty fifth street, weighed his anchor at that place. As soon as he had landed and discovered the city, he was approached by the chief, who said :." We gates. I am on the the committe to show you our little town. I suppose you have a power of attorney, of course, for dis-covering us?" " Yes," said Hudson. " Very good," said the chief, as they jogged down town on a Sixth Avenue elevated train towards the wigwams on Four-teenth street. " We do not care especially who discovers us so long as we hold control of the city organization. How about that, Hank ?" " That will be satisfactory," said Mr. Hudson, taking a pack-age of imported cheese and eating it, so they could have the car to themselves. Thus was New York discovered via Albany and Fort Lee, and five minutes after the two touched glasses, the brim of the Schoppin and the Manhattan cocktail tinkled together, and New York was inaugurated." There yet remains space, to say but a few words about " Josh Billings " and to give his " Letter to Farmers." Henry W. Shaw, or " Josh Billings," was the son of a Massachusetts Congressman and was born April 21,1818, He entered Hamil-ton College but soon tired of college life and ran away to the West. There he led a roving life, at one time he was a coal-dealer ; again, he was a farmer, and then he became a steam- 54 THE MERCURY. boat captain. He finally settled in Poughkeepsie, N. Y., as a real estate agent and auctioneer. The quaint spelling he adopted has had much to do with the popularity of his productions. He wrote an " Essay on the Mule" which received no notice; then adopting dialectic spel-ling his " Essa on the Muel, by Josh Billings," was reproduced in halt the papers of the country. His homely humor, plain common sense and droll manner, made him popular as a lectuier. Among his publications are— " Josh Billings on Ice ; " " Every Boddy's Friend ;" " Trump Kards ; " and " Josh Billings Allminax," which continued for ten years with a circulation of over one hundred thousand copies a year. He died in Monterey, Cal, in 1883. LETTER TO FARMERS. Beloved Farmers : Agrikultur iz the mother ov farm pro-duce ; she is also the step.mother of garden sass. Rize at half-past 2 o'clock in the morning, bild up a big fire in the kitchen, burn out two pounds ov kandles, and greeze yure boots. Wait pashuntly for dabrak. When day duz brake, then commence tew stir up the geese and worry the hogs. The happiest man in the world iz the farmer; he rizes at 2 o'clock in the morning, he watches for dalite tew brake, and when she duz brake, he goes out and stirs up the geese and worries the hogs. What iz a lawyer ?—what is a merchant ?—what is a dok. tor?—what is a.minister?—I answer, nothing. A farmer is the nobless work ov God ; he rizes at 2 o'clock in the morning, and burns out a half a pound of wood and two kords ov kandles, and then goes out tew worry the geese and stir up the hogs. Beloved farmers, adevv, JOSH BILLINGS. S THE MERCURY. 55 THE USE OF ROUTINE. E. VICTOR ROLAND, '07. THERE has never been an age when activity so pervaded every phase and condition of life, as in our present age. Whether we take a view of the industrial world, with its varied enterprises, or survey the broad field of intellectual pursuits, we behold every successful and renowned man actively engaged in his particular work. This must needs be true of every in-dividual, whether he be farmer or manufacturer, lawyer, preacher, or what not. We live in an age of great things, and consequently great things are expected of us, and in order that we may not be a disappointment to ourselves and others we must follow out some system or. routine of work. It shall not be our purpose to speak of the use of routine in the many pursuits of life, where it must necessarily be followed, if suc-cess is sought, but to consider it in relation to education and its importance in student life. A splendid example of routine is found in almost all of our schools and colleges. Take for instance the system followed out in every well regulated public school. The child takes up the study of certain branches, and continues these from day to day and from term to term, until he is able to take up other studies, ior the development of his higher faculties, and thus he continues until he has prepared to enter college, where the course is continued on the same plan. Just what routine should be adopted by the student when he enters college is hard to map out, but it is most essential that every college man adopt some routine to be followed out in his daily life. Now in order that one may not err in the mapping out of this daily plan of action there are three things that he must realize. First, that he has come to college above everything else to be a Christian man. Secondly, that he has come to college to acquire the training, that comes from the pursuit of such.studies as the curriculum offers. Thirdly, that there are various outside activities of the col-lege life that he must help maintain. r; I 56 THE MERCURY. Now as to the first. How is the student to maintain his Christian life, and raise it to a higher standard ? There seems to be only one reasonable way to do this, and that is to set apart a portion of every day, for the study of God's Word, and the cultivation of the secret prayer life. The college man has peculiar temptations, and it is only by following out the above plan, that he can hope to combat successfully with them. 'Twill not be necessary to say to the one who follows out the above plan, that he should attend as many of the religious services associated with the institution, as are possible. So then we will consider this as the first step toward a successful routine. It would hardly seem necessary to say that every student who enters college, should pursue energetically the studies composing the regular course. It is only through this plan that he can ever expect to become a learned man. Taking for granted, that every student realizes this, there might be added a word in regard to how these studies should enter into the day's work. Every lesson should have a certain portion of the day in which to be gotten out, and if possible nothing else should be allowed to interfere. It might be added here, that a portion of every, day could be well used, if it were allotted to the study or reading of good literature. It is fitting also to say that some portion of the day, should be allotted for glancing over the daily newspapers. And now we come to the consideration of the outside work of college life, such as the literary societies, the college publi-cations, the musical clubs, and the various athletic sports. How much time a student can devbte to such matters, will de-pend largely on his ability to get out his required work. The ordinarily intelligent student will have some time to put on such work, and so he should help in whatever field he is fitted for. Every student should engage in some form of athletics, if it is possible lor him to do so, as all decent sports, will aid in giving him a strong body, which is the best condition for a free and healthy mind. It is a sad thing that many students do not realize the importance of the exercise of their physical organism, and thus quite a few leave college physical wrecks. ■■■■■Hi THE IVfERCURY Entered at the Postoffice at Gettysburg: as second-class Matter VOL. XIV GETTYSBURG, PA., APRIL, 1906 No. 2 Assoi tale Editors GEO. W. KESSLER, '08 J. K. ROBB, '08 EDMUND L. MANGES, '08 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, LITT.D. PROF. G. D. STAHLEY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Editor-in-chief WARD B. S. RICE, '07 Exchange Editor THOS. E. SHEARER, '07 Business Manager THOMAS A. FAUST, '07 Ass't Bus. Managers. HENRY M. BOWER, '08 H. WATSON DAVISON,- '08 Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cent3. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. WE consider it no little pleas-ure to send to our readers, this month, a double prize number, consisting of the inter-collegiate oratorical prize oration, and the Senior Graeff prize essay. By these we are enabled to judge our position among the institu-tions of our rank, and to become acquainted with the merits and qualities of orations and essays which are worthy of reward and applause. 58 THE MERCURY. MUCH interest has been shown of late by the members of the literary societies. Some of the students are just beginning to realize the invaluable, practical benefits that are derived from this line of work. We note, with pleasure, a great im-provement in the work of the members and particularly of those who have been most active. It is this unceasing toil, this ever readiness to act, that has raised the plain of the achieve-ments of the societies so much nearer that of their ideal. The one great object of the societies is to create a desire in the hearts of their members for better and higher achievements in the literary field. We study our text books so that we may develop our minds, cultivate our intellects, and broaden our sphere of thought, but how are we to impart our knowledge to others, unless we learn to give expression to our.thoughts. If we should study our text books from now until eternity, what would we get ? Theory, that's all, simply theory. It is very good as far as it goes, but it doesn't go very far unless we are able to put it into practice. Be practical, are the key-words to success. By continued application we develop our intellect, but what will this development avail us unless we rightly direct it. The literary societies are the practical agents whereby an ease of speech and clearness of expression is at-tained. If you don't believe it, try it. Thousands of others have done so, and are now at the top of the ladder above the wrangling of the rabble. We congratulate the societies upon the rapid strides they have made toward excellence in every branch of their work, and, in the literary field, among the students, we hope soon to see even greater activity. * * * 1 GETTYSBURG has again triumphed. It was not on the ath-letic field ; it was not a victory over brute muscle and brawn ; but we are gratified to say that it was in the intellectual arena that she has shown her strength. One of Gettysburg's sons has brought honor to his Alma Mater from a field from which heretofore she has retreated in defeat, though honor-able, and each time with a firmer determination to finally con-quer. Her earnestness has now been compensated, and the THE MEKC'JRV. 59 victorious ivy of the 1906 inter-collegiate contest waves over her head. This victory, which several times has been on the point of being ours, but is now a reality, should be a stimulus to every loyal Gettysburg student. It should be our purpose to hold that which has been placed in our hands; it should be an at-tainment to which all should turn with that firm determination which is characteristic of final success. Then let us all realize the situation and prepare ourselves to contend with the future. Our chance will be small, if we put too much confidence in letting tomorrow care for itself; or if we attempt, in the very latest hour, to make a dash, for there is much truth in a bor-rowing from Hare : " Nothing bursts forth at once, the light-ning may dart out of a cloud ; but the day sends forth his bright heralds before him to prepare the world for his coming." We hope, fellow students, that you will not regard this lightly; for we know that these things are not mere chance, but the re-sults of careful and steady preparation. Nor do we believe that we are hoping for impossibilities, for we are confident that there are those in our midst who can again lead the Orange and Blue to victory. EXCHANGES. We acknowledge the receipt of the following exchanges: The Amulet, The Haverfordian, The Scio Collegian, The Sus-quehamia, Juniata Echo, The Forum, The Manitou Messenger, The Red and Blue, Augustana Observer, The State Collegian, The Dickinsonian, The College Student, The Drury Mirror, The Monthly Bulletin, Temple Echos, The Lesbian Herald, The Philomatliean Monthly, The Mountaineer, The Augsburg S. S. Teacher, The Star and Sentinel, The Gettysburg Compiler, and the Western Maryland College Monthly. The College Student contains a very readable essay on " Chas. Lamb—His Personal Qualities, His Dictaion and Rank as a Critic." The writer treats his subject systematically and the result is a unity which is very pleasing. 60 THE MERCURY. " American Students in Christian Mission " in The Philo-mathean Monthly contains some concise statements concerning the great Student Missionary Conventions. There have been five such conventions in America. The first was held in Cleve-land, Ohio, in 1891, and was attended by 680 delegates ; the second, at Detroit, Mich., enrolled 1325 delegates; the third was at Cleveland again, with 2221 delegates ; at the fourth, at Toronto, Canada, there were 2957 delegates and at the fifth, at Nashville, Tenn., their number was almost 5,000. The Augustana Observer this month is below par. Neither of its two articles are up to the standard, although one is writ-ten by an alumnus. Just the reverse is The Manitou Messen-ger. Its neat appearance is pleasing and the contents are in keeping with the appearance. The review of " Tito Melema " and the article on " Joan of Arc " are both good. We find The Red and Blue especially attractive this month. " The Sketch Book " is a novel feature, but highly entertaining. The article " The Lure of Bohemia " was read with profit and enjoyment. Prize Contest Essays are usually very profitable reading, but there is one in The Sitsquehanna entitled " Conrad Weiser— The Patron of two Races " that makes us wonder if the prize is not a booby affair. From all appearances the essay seems to be a compilation of heterogenous sentences, nearly every one of which is placed in a separate paragraph regardless of content. We trust there are other competitors, for we should not like to see a prize of any value and honor won by such an essav. PATRONIZE OUR ADVERTISER'S • i FURNITURE Mattresses, Bed Springs, Iron Beds, Picture Frames. Repair Work done promptly. Under-taking a specialty. * Telephone No. 97. £9C. E- Bender 37 Baltimore St., Gettysburg, Pa. The Windsor Hotel 1217=2 Filbert St., Philadelphia. Headquarters for Students. Thoroughly Renovated, Refurnished and Remodeled FRANK M. SCHEIBLEY, Manager. Graduate of Lafayette College 1898. A. G. Spalding & Bros. 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n/a ; Timeline of key events: March 2011: Anti-government protests broke out in Deraa governorate calling for political reforms, end of emergency laws and more freedoms. After government crackdown on protestors, demonstrations were nationwide demanding the ouster of Bashar Al-Assad and his government. July 2011: Dr. Nabil Elaraby, Secretary General of the League of Arab States (LAS), paid his first visit to Syria, after his assumption of duties, and demanded the regime to end violence, and release detainees. August 2011: LAS Ministerial Council requested its Secretary General to present President Assad with a 13-point Arab initiative (attached) to resolve the crisis. It included cessation of violence, release of political detainees, genuine political reforms, pluralistic presidential elections, national political dialogue with all opposition factions, and the formation of a transitional national unity government, which all needed to be implemented within a fixed time frame and a team to monitor the above. - The Free Syrian Army (FSA) was formed of army defectors, led by Col. Riad al-Asaad, and backed by Arab and western powers militarily. September 2011: In light of the 13-Point Arab Initiative, LAS Secretary General's and an Arab Ministerial group visited Damascus to meet President Assad, they were assured that a series of conciliatory measures were to be taken by the Syrian government that focused on national dialogue. October 2011: An Arab Ministerial Committee on Syria was set up, including Algeria, Egypt, Oman, Sudan and LAS Secretary General, mandated to liaise with Syrian government to halt violence and commence dialogue under the auspices of the Arab League with the Syrian opposition on the implementation of political reforms that would meet the aspirations of the people. - On October 26, the Ministerial Committee held discussions in Damascus with President Assad. - The establishment of the Syrian National Council (SNC) in Istanbul, the first opposition coalition of different groups, but failed to gain international recognition because of deep divisions. November 2011: Syrian government agreed to implement a new Arab Action Plan (attached) endorsed by LAS Ministerial Council to end all acts of violence, release detainees, withdraw Syrian military and armed forces from cities, and ensure freedom of movement for journalists and observers throughout the country. -LAS Ministerial Council suspended the membership of Syria (November 16), and imposed economic sanctions (November 27) and some member states withdrew their ambassadors from Damascus, as it failed to comply with the Action Plan. December 2011: Negotiations with Damascus were resumed and an agreement is finally reached on the implementation of the Action Plan. LAS Observer Mission was deployed in Syria to monitor the implementation of the plan (December 24). - The Mission later submitted a report (attached) covering the period from 24 December 2011 to 18 January 2012 in accordance with the mandate conferred by the protocol concluded between the Syrian government and LAS. The report was divisive among the members of the Arab League, as it blamed both the regime and the opposition for the violence. January 2012: LAS Ministerial Council adopted resolution 7444 (attached) which called on the Syrian President to immediately hand over power to his deputy in order to begin the process of a political transition, which would include negotiations with the opposition, the formation of a national unity government, and the holding of elections. The resolution also, requested the Chair of the Arab Ministerial Committee and the Secretary General to brief the United Nations Security Council on the developments and get it to endorse the plan. - On January 22, Saudi Arabia withdrew its monitors, followed by the other GCC members on January 24. - On January 28, the Secretary-General of LAS announced the suspension of the activities of the observer mission, given the serious deterioration of the security situation. - On January 31, Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jabr Al-Thani, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Qatar, Chair of the Arab Ministerial Committee and Dr. Nabil Elaraby, Secretary General of the League of Arab States briefed the Security Council (attached) on Arab efforts and called on the council to adopt a draft resolution submitted by Morocco, supporting Arab League resolution 7444 (which called on the Syrian President to hand over power to his deputy) February 2012: - On February 4, Russia and China vetoed a draft Security Council resolution (attached), tabled by Morocco (the Arab member of the Security Council) and others. - On February 12, the Arab League adopted its resolution 7446 (attached), practically "transferring the file" to the United Nations Security Council. - On February 16, the issue was taken to the General Assembly, which adopted its Resolution 66/253, calling-among other things- for the appointment of a Special Envoy. - On February 23, former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan was appointed as the Joint Special Envoy (JSE) of the United Nations and the League of Arab States on the Syrian crisis, to facilitate a peaceful Syrian-led and inclusive political solution. - On February 24, and upon the initiative of President Sarkozy of France, the first meeting of the Group of Friends of the Syrian People was held in Tunis, with the participation of more than 60 countries and representatives from the United Nations, the League of Arab States, the European Union, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the Arab Maghreb Union and the Cooperation Council for the Arab Gulf States to discuss the worsening situation in Syria. The group noted the Arab League's request to the United Nations Security Council to issue a resolution to form a joint Arab-UN peacekeeping force following a cessation of violence by the regime, and called on LAS to convene a meeting of all disparate opposition groups to agree on a clear statement of shared principles for a transition in Syria. The meeting recognized the SNC as a legitimate representative of Syrians seeking peaceful democratic change. Text of the Conclusions of the Meeting. March 2012: The SNC formed a military council to organize and unify all armed resistance. - The JSE, Kofi Anan, submitted a six-point peace plan to the UN Security Council (which the council adopted in April in its resolution 2042), that called for commitment to a Syrian-led political process, achieve an effective United Nations supervised cessation of armed violence in all its forms by all parties, ensure provision of humanitarian assistance, intensify the release of arbitrarily detained persons, ensure freedom of movement for journalists and respect the freedom of demonstrating peacefully. It was later approved by the Syrian government, and the opposition remained skeptical. April 2012: United Nations Supervision Mission in Syria (UNSMIS) was established by United Nations Security Council resolution 2043 (attached) initially for a 90-day period, to monitor a cessation of armed violence in all its forms by all parties and to monitor and support the full implementation of the Joint Special Envoy's six-point plan on ending the conflict in Syria. June 2012: The Action Group for Syria, with the participation of the Secretary Generals of the United Nations and the League of Arab States, the Foreign Ministers of China, France, Russia, United Kingdom, United States, Turkey, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar and the European Union High Representative for Foreign and Security Policy, chaired by the JSE, met in Geneva and adopted the Geneva Final Communique (attached) which called for the establishment of a transitional governing body, with full executive powers, as part of the agreed principles and guidelines for a Syrian-led political transition. July 2012: The Syrian Opposition meeting was held under the auspices of LAS in Cairo, and reached an agreement on a national compact and a detailed transition plan. The two documents complemented the guidelines and principles laid out by the Action Group in Geneva. August 2012: UNSMIS mandate came to an end owing to an intensification of armed violence and use of heavy weapons. - Prime Minister Riad Hijab defected, and US President Obama's first direct threat of force against Syria, if Assad's regime deploys or uses chemical or biological weapons, calling such action a "red line" for the US. - Joint Special Envoy, Kofi Annan announced his resignation because of the Security Council failure to reach binding resolutions; Lakhdar Brahimi succeeded Annan as the Joint Special Representative of the United Nations and the League of Arab states for Syria (JSR). September 2012: Egypt hosted the high level preparatory meeting of the regional Quartet on Syria on September 10, which included Turkey and Saudi Arabia key backers of the Syrian Revolution, and Iran the major supporter of al-Assad regime, in an initiative to bring together regional powers to voice their positions on how to end the Syrian conflict. - On September 17, the Quartet's ministerial meeting took place in Cairo; Saudi Arabia opted out while Iran proposed a peace plan which called on all parties to cease violence and stop all financial and military support to the opposition, and suggested the deployment of observers from the quartet's nations to Syria. The participants failed to reach an agreement. October 2012: a four-day ceasefire attempt was announced towards late October, in respect to Eid al-Adha Holiday, which was breached on the first day in Homs, Aleppo and Damascus. November 2012: National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces (SOC) was formed in Qatar, responding to repeated calls from their Western and Arab supporters to create a cohesive and representative leadership, it excluded Islamist militias. December 2012: US, Britain, France, Turkey and Gulf states formally recognized SOC as "legitimate representative" of the Syrian people. January 2013: the Emir of Kuwait hosted the first pledging conference on Syria, international donors pledged more than $1.5bn to help civilians affected by the conflict in Syria. March 2013: LAS Ministerial Council adopted resolution 7595 (attached) to recognize SOC as the "sole legitimate representative" of the Syrian people and called on the SOC to establish an executive body to take up Syria's seat. April 2013: Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, leader of the Islamic State, released a recorded audio message announcing Jabhat al-Nusra as an extension of al-Qaeda in Iraq and Syria. The leader of al-Nusra, Abu Mohammad al-Joulani, refused the merger. Divisions among the jihadists emerged. - Hezbollah's involvement deepened when it led the ground assault on Al-Qusayr, a Sunni town in Homs province by the Lebanese border. August 2013: The Assad regime was accused of using chemical weapons in Eastern Ghouta to kill hundreds of civilians. The government denied using chemical weapons. President Obama sought congressional authorization for the use of force. September 2013: UN Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2118 (attached) requiring the Syrian regime to dismantle its chemical weapons arsenal by mid-2014, and avoid military strikes. December 2013: US and Britain suspended "non-lethal" support for rebels in northern Syria after reports Islamist rebels seized some bases of Western-backed Free Syrian Army. January 2014: the Geneva II Conference on Syria was held in Montreux on January 22, and attended by 37 states, 4 organizations and both Syrian parties. Iran was invited by SG Ban Ki- Moon on January 19, the Opposition declared its refusal to attend if Iran was not excluded, the US viewed Iran's invitation "as conditioned on Iran's explicit and public support for the full implementation of the Geneva Communique"; Iran refused any preconditions to the talks, and refused to endorse the Geneva Communique specially the transitional governing body. February 2014: two rounds of negotiations to discuss: 1- ending violence and 2-combating terrorism, 3-transitional governing body, national institutions, and 4- national reconciliation and national debate. The Syrian government refused to discuss a transitional government and insisted on discussing combating terrorism. The talks came to a halt. May 2014: JSR Brahimi announced his resignation because of the lack of progress and failure to agree on an agenda. - Iran proposed a political settlement of four points; a comprehensive cease-fire at national level, forming a national unity government consisting of the regime and the internal Syrian opposition, by transferring presidential powers to the government whereby the government will enjoy wide-ranging powers in years to come, and preparation for presidential and parliamentary elections. - Syrian rebels withdrew from the Old City of Homs, under an Iranian brokered deal and facilitated by the UN, after three years of Syrian government bombardment and siege. June 2014: President Assad held presidential elections, he was re-elected for another seven-year term allegedly winning 88.7% of the votes. July 2014: UN Secretary-General announced the appointment of Staffan de Mistura as his Special Envoy for Syria (SE)- NOT as a joint envoy with LAS. August 2014: US-led coalition began its airstrikes against the Islamic State in Iraq and expanded its strikes to Syria the following month, focusing on the city of Raqqa. September 2014: SE held his first round of consultations with concerned capitals, since taking up his office, it included his a visit to Damascus where he met with President Assad, senior officials and the tolerated internal Syrian opposition. October 2014: SE focused on establishing a series of local ceasefires, "freeze zones", starting with Aleppo, which aimed at the de-escalation of violence and allowance of the return of normalcy to it. February 2015: SE briefed the Security Council members on the 17th, announcing Syria's willingness to halt all aerial bombardment over Aleppo for a period of six weeks. It was not clear when would the freeze go into effect, reporting that a date would be announced from Damascus. June 2015: Egypt hosted the second Syrian Opposition meeting in Cairo, which excluded the National Coalition and announced a new road map to resolve the crisis which did not abolish Assad's government. July 2015: SE announced that his office would facilitate intra-Syrian working groups to generate a "Syrian-owned framework document" on the implementation of the Geneva Communiqué. Main themes of the groups were Safety and Protection for All, Political and Constitutional Issues, Military and Security Issues, and Public Institutions, Reconstruction and Development. September 2015: Russia conducted its first airstrikes against IS in Syria. The US and the Syrian Opposition claim it is targeting rebel-held areas instead. October 2015: First meeting of International Syria Support Group (ISSG) took place in Vienna, it included China, Egypt, the EU, France, Germany, Iran, Iraq, Italy, Jordan, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom, the United Nations, and the United States. They agreed on a nine-point plan, but still had substantial divisions on the future of Assad. It was the first time Iran and Saudi Arabia were brought to the same table. November 2015: Second meeting of the ISSG was held in Vienna adding LAS to its members. They set a time frame to prepare for a parallel ceasefire and political process by January 2016 that would lead to credible, inclusive and non-sectarian governance within six months, followed by the drafting of a constitution and elections within 18 months. Jordan was tasked to develop a list of groups and individuals identified as terrorists, and Saudi Arabia to hold a meeting to unify the Syrian opposition and prep for the talks with the government. December 2015: - Syrian political and armed opposition factions met in Riyadh, to agree on a common position to negotiate with Syrian government, and resulted in the formation of the High Negotiating Committee (HNC). The main Kurdish group was excluded, while Islamist hardliners such as Jaysh Al-Islam and Ahrar Al-Sham were present. - The Secretary General of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) joined the follow-up meeting of the ISSG in New York, Saudi Arabia and Jordan briefed the group on their tasks. There was no agreement on the list of identified terrorists, especially with Russia's insistence on adding Ahrar Al-Sham to the list, which is considered pivotal to the unified Opposition bloc. - UN Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2254 (attached) which reaffirmed the road map set out by the ISSG and urged the Support Group to apply pressure on the Syrian parties to put an immediate end to the indiscriminate use of weapons against civilians, and allow unimpeded access to humanitarian aid convoys. January 2016: the SE sent out invitations to the Syrian participants, in accordance with the parameters outlined in Security Council resolution 2254, to start on the 25th with proximity talks and had expected to last for six months. The HNC requested assurances of goodwill from the government as precondition to beginning of talks, such as release of prisoners or lifting of sieges. February 2016: Talks were delayed and lasted two days before they were suspended for three weeks. - The ISSG met on the margins of the Munich Security Conference and decided that humanitarian access will commence same week of meeting to besieged areas, and an ISSG task force would elaborate within one week modalities for a nationwide cessation of hostilities. - The US and Russia announced the adoption of the terms for a cessation of hostilities in Syria, and proposed that the cessation of hostilities commence at 00:00 (Damascus time) on February 27, 2016. The cessation of hostilities does not apply to "Daesh", "Jabhat al-Nusra", or other terrorist organizations designated by the UN Security Council. - The Security Council endorsed the announcement in its resolution 2268 (attached). March 2016: SE announced March 9 set as target date of resumption of talks in Geneva. On March 14, SE resumed the intra-Syrian proximity talks in Geneva, which mainly discussed procedural matters to reach a shared list of principles and relied on Security Council resolution 2254 as its agenda. - SE briefed the Security Council on the cessation of hostilities which lowered overall levels of violence and more than 238,000 people had been reached with humanitarian aid. - On the same day, President Putin announced the withdrawal of most Russian forces from Syria, after it had largely fulfilled their objectives in Syria, and SE stated that it would have a positive impact on the negotiations. - On March 17, the PYD announced the establishment of a federal system in Kobane, Afrin and Cizire cantons in northern Syria, and its Constituent Assembly of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria-Rojava (DFNS) announced its final declaration. Both the Syrian government and other opposition affiliates denounced the plan, as well as the United States. - On March 24, the SE ended the first round by submitting a paper on the commonalities between the Syrian sides regarding the future of Syria and would help structure the next round that would address political transition. - Syrian government forces retook Palmyra from the Islamic State, with Russian air assistance. April 2016: The SE paid visits to Amman, Beirut, Damascus and Tehran ahead of the new round of talks. - The third round of proximity talks were set to start on April 13, which coincided with the parliamentary elections in the government-controlled areas in Syria. The SE met with the High Negotiations Committee delegation (Syrian Opposition) in Geneva and was expected to meet with the Syrian Government delegation within the following days. - During the 13-27 April round of negotiations, the SE developed a Mediator's Summary that identified eighteen points necessary to move forward on political transition arrangements. - on April 28, airstrikes in Aleppo on al-Quds hospital supported by both Doctors Without Borders and the International Committee of the Red Cross, which killed dozens of civilians and medical personnel. May 2016: The Security Council adopted unanimously resolution 2286 (attached) which called for the protection of civilians and medical facilities during armed conflict. - On May 4, the US-Russia brokered a 48-hour ceasefire in which helped reduce the violence, and was later extended for another 72 hours. - On May 9, France held a ministerial Friends of Syria meeting in "Paris Format", attended by the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, Italy, the European Union, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Turkey and Jordan, and issued a statement that called on the resumption of negotiations, unimpeded access of humanitarian assistance and the implementation of international law obligations to the protection of civilians. - Later on the same day, the United States and Russia issued a joint statement on Syria to reconfirm their commitment to intensify their efforts to implement a nationwide ceasefire and promote humanitarian assistance in accordance to security council resolution 2254. - On May 17, the fourth meeting of the ISSG took place in Vienna and reaffirmed its determination to strengthen the cessation of hostilities, to ensure full and sustained humanitarian access in Syria, and to ensure progress toward a peaceful political transition. Australia, Canada, Japan, the Netherlands and Spain joined the group. June 2016: The SE announced that the time is not yet right for a resumption of the intra-Syrian talks because of the escalation of violence in Aleppo, Idlib, Latakia and other rural areas around Damascus, but the intention is to begin an official third round as soon as possible. - Riad Hijab, the Coordinator of the Opposition High Negotiations Committee, proposed a nationwide truce throughout the month of Ramadan. - On June 16, Jan Egeland Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria announced that 16 of the 18 besieged areas have been reached since the humanitarian taskforce started in late February. - On June 21, the SE briefed the United Nations General Assembly on the situation in Syria regarding the cessation of hostilities and humanitarian assistance access, as for the resumption of talks, it is yet to be decided and the OSE currently holds technical meetings with the parties on core issues. July 2016: - On July 6, the Syrian army declared a three-day nationwide "regime of calm" in respect to Eid al-Fitr holidays nonetheless pro-regime forces continued to engage in clashes and airstrikes across the country, particularly near the flashpoints of Damascus and Aleppo City. - On July 14, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry met with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow to discuss a proposal for bilateral military cooperation in the Syria; The proposal calls for the establishment of a 'Joint Implementation Group' (attached) based in Amman, Jordan to "support deliberate targeting" of Syrian Al-Qaeda affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra and "maximize independent but synchronized efforts" against ISIS in Syria, according to a draft memorandum leaked by the Washington Post. - On July 25, Stephen O'brien, the Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, briefed the security council (attached) on the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Aleppo due to the escalation of violence over the Castello Road, the last access route in and out of eastern Aleppo, and the continuous attacks on medical facilities. O'brien called on the security council not to allow turning Aleppo into another besieged area where 250,000 to 275,000 people reside, and called to establish a weekly, 48-hour humanitarian pause to enable humanitarian aid deliveries across borders. - On July 28, the Russian Minister of Defense Sergei Shoigu announced, right after the Syrian government announced it has cut off the Castello Road and encircled the city of Aleppo, setting up three humanitarian corridors in Aleppo City to allow in food and medical aid, and help people flee the besieged city; the fourth corridor would be established in northern Aleppo near the Castello Road to allow the withdrawal of armed insurgents, and appealed to the Syrian government to provide guarantees to the amnesty provided to rebels to lay down their weapons. - On the same day, Abu Mohammed al-Julani, Jabhat al-Nusra's Leader announced split from al- Qaeda and mentioned that its new name would be Jabhet Fateh al-Sham, in order to get the group off the terrorist list and "to remove the excuse used by the international community – spearheaded by America and Russia – to bombard and displace Muslims in the Levant: that they are targeting al-Nusra Front, which is associated with al-Qaida". - On July 29, the SE commented on the Russian initiative in a press stakeout, that it should take into consideration a few improvements such as putting the 48-hour humanitarian pause into place on a sustainable basis irrespective of the humanitarian corridors; and suggested "to actually leave the delivery of aid through corridors to the UN and its partners"; and stressed that civilians should leave voluntarily, and given the option of leaving to areas of their own choice. August 2016: - On August 1, a Russian helicopter was downed near Saraqeb, in rebel-held Idlib province, on its way back to Russia's main air base in Hmyeim in the western province of Latakia, killing the five Russian military personnel on board. The downing of the helicopter marked the single deadliest event for Russia since its air campaign began in Syria on September 29, 2015. No group claimed the shooting down of the helicopter. - Since then, Russian warplanes conducted retaliatory airstrikes against several small opposition-held areas in the vicinity of Saraqeb. Syrian rebels accuse Russia of using incendiary munitions while conducting airstrikes against Idlib City on August 7, suggesting that Russia intended to achieve punitive and deterrent effects against opposition forces in the province. - In the early weeks of August, rebel forces launched a major assault, known as the "battle for Aleppo", on government-held southwestern towns of Aleppo City, to break the siege, and control supply lines in the south connected to eastern Aleppo. They claimed breaking the siege and capturing Ramouseh Artillery Academy, parts of the cement plant and Khan Touman-Ramouseh road. Intense fighting between warring parties continues to claim control over previously lost vicinities. - On August 9, Russian President Vladimir Putin met with Turkish President Recep Tayip Erdogan in St. Petersburg, after the Turkish President officially apologized for the downing of a Russian military aircraft on June 27, 2016, and announced during a press conference that they discussed lifting of Russia's ban on imports of Turkish products, resumption of charter flights, the Turkish Stream project, Syrian settlement, and anti-terrorism efforts. - On August 10, Lieutenant-General Sergei Rudskoi, a senior Russian Defence Ministry official, announced a daily three-hour ceasefires in Aleppo, starting August 11, to allow humanitarian convoys enter the city safely, and would run from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. local time. - On August 16, the Russian Ministry of Defense announced that Russian aircrafts took off from Iranian airbase Hamedan to carry out airstrikes on ISIS and Jabhat al-Nusra-held facilities in the provinces of Aleppo, Idlib and Deir ez-Zour. - On August 18, the SE adjourned the HTF meeting as humanitarian convoys could not reach any of the besieged towns during the month, and called for at least a 48 hour humanitarian pause in Aleppo to deliver UN humanitarian assistance, through the Castello Road, to all parts of Aleppo City. - Also, on August 18, the Syrian government forces, unprecedentedly, launched strikes against Kurdish forces in Hasakeh in Northern Syria, after pro-government National Defense Forces (NDF) were engaged in clashes with the military wing of the Kurdish Workers Party, known as Asayish. The Syrian government claimed that "Asayish had escalated their acts of provocation attacking state establishments, stealing oil and cotton, disrupting examinations, carrying out abductions, and causing a state of chaos and instability, in addition to targeting positions of the Syrian Arab Army which required a suitable response by the Army as it targeted the sources of artillery fire and the gatherings of armed elements responsible for these criminal actions." - On August 19th, while the Kurdish fighters pushed back government forces and their allies, the Pentagon threatened to shoot down Syrian government aircrafts as they pose a threat to the US Special Forces deployed in the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) area. - On August 21, it was announced that a truce agreement had been reached between YPG and NDF, through Russian mediation, to start on August 21, 2016 at 17:00, which involved evacuating the wounded and transporting them to hospitals in Qamishli, and restore the situation to how it was prior to the clashes and hold talks on August 22 to resolve the remaining unresolved issues. - On August 22, most likely the ceasefires agreement failed as fighting escalated. - On August 24, Turkey and the International Coalition Air Forces launched "Operation Euphrates Shield" offenses to support the Free Syrian Army aligned with U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces SDF against IS militants in Jarablus, in northern Syria. - On August 26, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, addressing a joint press conference after their meeting in Geneva, announced that they failed to reach a breakthrough deal on military cooperation and a nationwide cessation of hostilities in Syria, saying they still have issues to resolve before an agreement could be announced. - On August 27, Kurdish militias targeted Diyarbakir airport in southeast Turkey, near the borders with Syria. Turkey retaliated by warplanes and artillery on targets held by Kurdish-backed forces the following day, despite US pentagon's criticism of the fighting. September 2016: - On September 4, Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildrim announced that Turkish military forces and Ankara-backed Free Syrian Army (FSA) had successfully purged the border region, from Azaz to Jarablus, from "terrorist organizations." - On September 9, the US and Russia reached a deal which called for a nationwide ceasefire in Syria, and unimpeded humanitarian access to all besieged areas starting on September 12th. If sustained for seven continuous days, the U.S. and Russia would establish a Joint Implementation Center (JIC) in order to share intelligence and coordinate airstrikes against both ISIS and Jabhat Fateh al-Sham (formerly Jabhat al-Nusra). - On September 21, the cessation of hostilities deal was implemented with regular violations, while the Syrian government continued to block humanitarian access to opposition-held districts of Eastern Aleppo City despite the agreement. - On September 17, the US-led coalition accidentally launched an air strike on Syrian government forces in Deir ez-Zour. - On September 19, a UN humanitarian convoy was shelled near Urum al-Kubra near Aleppo, killing 20 humanitarian aid workers and drivers, and destroying 18 out of 31 trucks. The US blamed Russia and the Syrian government for the attack; the latter declared unilaterally the end of the ceasefire agreement. - On September 20, the UN temporarily suspended its humanitarian aid to Syria after the attack, while international powers failed to reach a consensus to restore the ceasefire during an acrimonious UN Security Council Meeting on September 21st as well as two separate meetings of the International Syria Support Group on September 20 and September 22. - On September 22, the Syrian government announced a new military offensive in the rebel-held eastern Aleppo, and further escalation in a bombing campaign by Russian and Syrian airstrikes that had already intensified the day before. - On September 25, the Security Council Meeting discussed the recent escalation of violence in Aleppo after the Syrian government announced its intention to retake all of Aleppo City, and the SE called on the Security Council to "to press for a cessation of violence, and for the protection of civilians, and the civilian infrastructure; secondly to press for weekly 48-hour pauses in the fighting to ensure that the United Nations and its partners can reach eastern Aleppo, without preconditions from either the Government or the Opposition; and thirdly to press for medical evacuations of urgent cases." - On September 27, the Syrian government launched a large scale ground offensive in eastern Aleppo, and state media announced that it recaptured the central district of Al-Farafirah northwest of the Aleppo Citadel. - On September 29, the YPG set conditions to participate in operations to seize IS-held Raqqa City: the US provides arms to the YPG, recognizes its autonomy of the Federation of Northern Syria, and ensures that the Syrian Kurds are officially invited to participate in peace talks. October 2016: - On October 1, continuous airstrikes in eastern Aleppo damaged a major hospital codenamed M10, which was partially closed because of the raids. - On October 2, Stephen O'brien, the Under Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, urged warring parties and their supporters to bring about a cessation of all hostilities, a medical evacuation system for eastern Aleppo, and regular unimpeded humanitarian access to eastern Aleppo, and he reiterated his plea to the Security Council for a 48-hours weekly humanitarian pause in fighting, at the very least. - In an official statement, the Syrian Army offered amnesty to fighters and their families to leave Aleppo under guarantee of safe passage to other rebel-held areas, after the Syrian regime forces recaptured strategic areas on the northern outskirts of the city. - On October 3, the EU announced an emergency humanitarian initiative for Aleppo, in cooperation with the United Nations and civil society organizations, in order to facilitate the urgent delivery of basic life-saving assistance to civilians in eastern Aleppo, and ensure medical evacuations with focus on women, children and the elderly. The EU has mobilized 25 million euros to support its humanitarian partners' response to cover medical, water and sanitation, and food assistance in Aleppo. The HNC issued a statement welcoming the European initiative to protect civilians in Aleppo. - The Security Council began negotiations over a draft resolution, circulated by France and Spain, which demanded all parties to the Syrian conflict "implement and ensure full implementation of cessation of hostilities, including an end to all aerial bombardments", and called on the US and Russia to "undertake joint efforts to stabilize the situation in Syria, with special measures for the Aleppo region", as well as the UN Secretary-General to propose options for a UN-supervised monitoring mechanism of the ceasefire and to "take further measures" in case of non-compliance of any party, without invoking chapter 7 of the UN Charter. The French Foreign Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault headed to Moscow and Washington to push for a vote on the draft resolution. - The United States suspended talks with Russia on trying to end the violence in Syria and accused Moscow of not complying with its commitments under the ceasefire agreement and would withdraw all personnel that were dispatched to prepare for military cooperation with Russia. - On October 4, Prince Zeid Ra'ad, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, warned over the use of incendiary weapons in Syria, and demanded bold initiatives such as limiting the use of the veto by the permanent members of the Security Council to refer the situation in Syria to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Russia rejected Zeid's call. - The Russian Defense Ministry declared its deployment of S-300 missile system to its Tartus naval base in Syria. - On October 6, the SE offered in a press conference to escort up to 1000 al-Nusra fighters to bring an end to the bombardment by Russian and Syrian forces to Idlib or anywhere else of their choice. While the Russian Defense Ministry announced it would shoot down US-led coalition jets if the US launches airstrikes against pro-government forces in Syria, after American officials had discussed using limited airstrikes to force government forces to halt its raids on Aleppo. - On October 7, Russia called for a Security Council emergency meeting to hear the SE's briefing (attached) on the situation in Aleppo, while the Russian Parliament ratified Moscow's deal with Syria on its "indefinite" deployment of forces. - On October 8, the Security Council held a meeting on Aleppo, and voted on the Russian-drafted resolution calling for the revival of the ceasefire deal, without mention of ending military fights in the city, and on the French-drafted resolution. The French draft received eleven votes in favor, China and Angola abstained, while Russia and Venezuela voted against. The Russian text only received four votes in favor of China, Egypt and Venezuela, Angola and Uruguay abstained, while the remaining nine council members voted against. - On October 9, France announced its intention to call the ICC for war crimes investigation in Syria, and shall contact the ICC Prosecutor on how to launch these investigations, putting into consideration that the only way is through the Security Council referral, which had been vetoed before by Russia in May 2014. - On October 13, the Deputy Special Envoy for Syria Ramzy Ezzeldin Ramzy confirmed the Syrian Government's approval of the October aid plan and for convoys to reach 25 of 29 besieged and hard-to-reach areas across Syria, but not to eastern Aleppo and three parts of the rural Damascus province. - On October 15, US Secretary of State John Kerry hosted a meeting on Syria in Lausanne, with the participation of Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and seven foreign ministers from the region, from Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Qatar, Jordan and Egypt, with the presence of the SE. The meeting failed to reach a joint statement on how to end the bombardment of Aleppo or on the aid delivery to the besieged towns. - On October 16, the UK's Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson held a meeting with his US, French and German counterparts and "like-minded" Gulf Arab states on the Syrian conflict in London. The UK and the US announced their consideration of imposing more sanctions against Russia and the Syrian Government to halt their ongoing raids on Aleppo. - On October 17, the European Council condemned the Syrian regime and Russia for their deliberate and indiscriminate bombardment of civilians and infrastructure in Eastern Aleppo, and called for a monitored cessation of hostilities, lift of sieges, and a nationwide sustainable humanitarian access. - On October 18, the Russian Minister of Defense Sergei Shoigu announced the cease of Russian and Syrian airstrikes on Aleppo to hold an 8-hour humanitarian pause on October 20th, in order to allow civilians and medical evacuations through six humanitarian corridors, and expected militants would withdraw with their weapons through two corridors, one via the Castello Road and the other near the souq al-Hai area in the south of the city. It was later announced that the eight-hour pause will be extended to eleven hours for four days. The armed opposition groups (AOGs) rejected the proposal in a joint statement claiming that "the initiative came at the same time as forced displacement operations are being carried out by the Assad regime in the Damascus suburbs of al-Mouadamiya, Qudsiya and al-Hama, and before that in Daraya." - On October 20, in conclusion of the EU summit, the EU failed to reach an agreement on imposing sanctions on Russia for the escalation of violence in Aleppo, and stated that "the EU is considering all available options should the current atrocities continue." The unilateral ceasefire took effect, and the Syrian Army declared that it would last for three days while artillery exchanges erupted around a crossing point near the rebel-controlled Bustan al-Qasr district shortly after the pause began. The Secretary-General and the SE briefed the General Assembly in an informal session on the situation in Syria, in response to an initiative led by Canada, after the Security Council failed to take action to end the aerial bombardment on Aleppo and revive peace efforts. - On October 21, the United Nations Human Rights Council held a special session on the deteriorating situation of human rights in Aleppo, upon the request of Britain (letter attached) that was submitted on behalf of a core group of 11 Western and Arab states. The Council adopted a resolution by a 24 in favor vote, seven against and 16 abstentions. It urged "the immediate implementation of the cessation of hostilities, and demanded that the regime and its allies put an immediate end to all aerial bombardments of and military flights over Aleppo city. The Council demanded that all parties, in particular the Syrian authorities and its supporters, promptly allowed rapid, safe, unhindered and sustained humanitarian access, including across conflict lines and borders." The Council further "requested the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic to conduct a comprehensive, independent special inquiry into the events in Aleppo, and identify all those responsible for alleged violations and abuses of international human rights law. It further requested the Commission of Inquiry to support efforts to ensure that perpetrators of alleged abuses and violations be held accountable, and to provide a full report of the findings of its special inquiry to the Human Rights Council no later than its thirty-fourth session." - On October 22, the humanitarian pause expired without any evacuations made and without further renewal despite the UN request. No medical evacuations had been made as no security guarantees had not been granted as requested by the UN. - On October 23, Turkey intensified its strikes targeting IS militants and Kurdish YPG forces in the town of al-Bab, in an attempt to sweep them away from its borders. The Turkish-backed FSA gained control over three areas of Tuways, al-Gharz and Tlatinah south of Akhtarin in northern Aleppo two days later. - On October 25, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Bogdanov stated Moscow's willingness to restore the ceasefire in Aleppo and that the Western-backed opposition forces should be separated from terrorist groups in order to be able to move forward; after the UN had blamed all parties for the failure of evacuating injured people in Eastern Aleppo during the three-day ceasefires and called for "a permanent and comprehensive ceasefire so that life-saving humanitarian activities, including medical evacuations, can resume," meanwhile the Syrian Ambassador to Moscow ruled out any opportunity to restore the ceasefires. - On October 26, a school in the village of Haas, in rebel-held Idlib, was hit by a raid of airstrikes, causing the death of twenty-two children and six teachers. The UN Secretary-General called for an immediate investigation on this attack, as it could amount as war crimes if deliberate. Russia denied its responsibility and claimed that the damage was not consistent with an airstrike. - On October 27, Virginia Gamba, the head of the UN-OPCW Joint Investigative Mechanism, presented the mechanism's findings to the Security Council. The report indicated that of the nine cases the JIM investigated, the Syrian regime used chlorine gas against civilians in three cases and the IS used mustard gas in one case. In the remaining five cases, the JIM investigated allegations that the government dropped chlorine bombs in rebel-held areas. While the JIM could not make a conclusive determination in three of these five cases, it was able to establish that government airstrikes had occurred and the presence of a toxic substance, but it was unable to fully determine the link between the two, or the actors responsible. Russian Ambassador Vitaly Churkin questioned the JIM's findings, and expressed reservations over the US-draft resolution to extend the mandate of the mechanism for another year, which would end on 31 October 2016. - The EU added ten top Syrian officials to its sanctions list who are held responsible for "violent repression against the civilian population in Syria." - On October 28, Syrian rebels relaunched Aleppo counter-attack aiming to break the siege imposed on Eastern Aleppo. The factions included the FSA and Jaish al-Fath targetting government-held Western Aleppo. - Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem met with his Russian and Iranian counterparts in Moscow to discuss counterterrorism, the cessation of hostilities and improvement of humanitarian operations, and the resumption of the intra-Syrian talks. The three ministers held a joint press conference following their meeting. - On October 30, SE condemned Syrian rebels for the indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas in Western Aleppo, raising the number of casualties in the last 48 hours. - On October 31, the Security Council extended the mandate of the UN-OPCW JIM until November 18, 2016. November 2016: - On November 1, in a teleconference with the leaders of the Russian Armed Forces, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu mentioned that Russia had halted air strikes on eastern Aleppo for 16 days, following western criticism over a Russian-Syrian government assault that killed civilians and destroyed infrastructure. - On November 2, DM Shoigu announced that it would enforce a 10-hour humanitarian pause in Aleppo on November 4, to allow civilians and fighters to exit the city through eight safe corridors. - On November 4, despite the announced unilateral ceasefire in Aleppo, there were no sign of civilians or fighters leaving the city, and opposition fighters vowed to continue fighting to break the siege. - On November 6, the SDF declared the launch of Operation "Wrath of the Euphrates" in the IS capital of Raqqa, which aimed at surrounding and isolating the city as an initial phase, in coordination with the US-led coalition airstrikes. The SDF had rejected any Turkish role to liberate the city. - On November 8, the Russian Defense Minister Shoigu announced that the first attack from the Admiral Kuznetsov, the aircraft carrier, and heavily armed escort ships were to bomb rebel positions in Aleppo. - On November 10, Jan Egeland, Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria, declared in a press stakeout following the weekly HTF meeting that Eastern Aleppo had run out of food rations, and that the UN had proposed an initiative of four elements which included delivery of food and medical supplies, medical evacuations and access for health workers. - On November 11, the OPCW Executive Council condemned all parties for the use of chemical weapons in Syria, after voting on a US-tabled text in a closed session. The text was supported by 28 members, including Germany, France, the United States and Britain; it was opposed by Russia, China, Sudan and Iran, and there were nine abstentions. - On November 15, Russia launched its "major operation" targeting the IS and Jabhat al-Nusra's positions in Idlib and Homs provinces. Heavy airstrikes and barrel bombs pounded Eastern Aleppo after the pause declared by Russia and the Syrian Government on October 18. It is considered the first mission operated from the aircraft carrier Admiral Kuznetsov. - The Third Committee of the UN General Assembly adopted a draft resolution tabled by Saudi Arabia on the human rights situation in Syria, by a vote of 116 in favor, to 15 against with 49 abstentions. It called upon the Syrian regime and the IS to cease using chemical weapons, and stop their attacks on civilians. - On November 17, the UN Security Council adopted the US-draft resolution to extend the mandate of the UN-OPCW Joint Investigative Mechanism to 18 November 2017. - On November 20, Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem held talks with the SE in Damascus, on the latest escalation of violence, the targeting of medical facilities and infrastructure, and the humanitarian initiative in Eastern Aleppo. The UN proposal of the withdrawal of al-Nusra fighters while maintaining the opposition's local administration of Eastern Aleppo; the proposal was rejected by the Syrian Government and called it a violation of "national sovereignty". - On November 23, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs Jean Ayrault announced that France would hold a meeting on Syria early December 2016. - On November 24, Jan Egeland Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria briefed the press on the HTF meeting and the assistance deliveries of the month of November, not being able to reach besieged areas because of the absence of government approvals for convoys to enter and the escalation of violence. Egeland stated that the UN had received written approvals of the AOGs in eastern Aleppo and Russian support of the UN four-point plan, and still waiting for the government's approval. - On November 27, the rebels in Khan al-Shih town, in the outskirts of Damascus, handed in their weapons, as part of a local agreement with the Syrian government to withdraw to rebel-held Idlib province, so as government siege would be lifted. It was the only town not under government control on a major supply route from Damascus to Quneitra, in southern Syria. - On November 29, Egypt, New Zealand and Spain put in blue their draft resolution calling to put an end to all attacks on Aleppo, and allow unimpeded humanitarian access for the period of 7-days with consideration of further extension. The draft was later vetoed on 5 December by Russia and China, Venezuela voted against, and Angola abstained. It is Russia's sixth veto on a Syria draft resolution, and China's fifth veto. - After the Acting High Representative for Disarmament Affairs Kim Won-soo briefed Council members during Syria's chemical weapons consultations; the P3 announced they would circulate a draft resolution to impose sanctions on Syria for its use of chemical weapons against its own population. - On November 30, upon the request of France and the UK to hold an emergency meeting on Aleppo, SE Staffan de Mistura, USG Emergency Relief Coordinator Stephen O'brien and UNICEF Regional Director Geert Cappelaere briefed the Security Council on the situation in Aleppo, who agreed on the growing number of civilians fleeing eastern Aleppo and the dire need for safe humanitarian access. December 2016: - On December 1, ten AOGs announced the formation of 'Jaysh Halab' in Eastern Aleppo, in an attempt to unite their efforts to lift the siege and restore the districts where the pro-government militias took over in northeast and east Aleppo. It was led by Abu Abdul Rahman Nour, a senior commander in 'Jabhat al-Sham'. While Jan Egeland, Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria, and the SE briefed the press on the humanitarian situation in Aleppo after the HTF meeting; they mentioned that over 400,000 IDPs are in west Aleppo, and UN convoys reached reached all towns under the Four-Towns Agreement, including Madaya, al-Foua and Kafraya, and Zabadani, and that the December Plan was yet to be approved by the Syrian government. - On December 3, the Syrian armed forces and its supporting militias advanced into east Aleppo, taking over 60 percent of the city that was once under rebel control since mid-2012. More than 80,000 civilians fled the area since the beginning of the regime's offense on November 15. - On December 7, AOGs called for a five-day ceasefire in Aleppo, and medical and civilian evacuations without mentioning the withdrawal of their fighters as demanded by Moscow and Damascus. Meanwhile, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry met with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in Germany to discuss the evacuation of opposition-held districts of Eastern Aleppo, and no agreement was reached. While leaders of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, the UK and the United States released a joint statement on the situation in Aleppo calling for an immediate ceasefire and the resumption of political negotiations. - On December 8, the SE briefed the Security Council in closed consultations after the Russian announcement that it paused its operations in eastern Aleppo to allow the evacuation of civilians. Jan Egeland had said, after the weekly HTF meeting, that the co-chairs are "poles apart" on a united humanitarian diplomacy. IS launched a major offensive on Palmyra, seizing a number of gas fields in the north and few mountains in the south. - On December 9, the General Assembly adopted the Canadian-drafted resolution A/RES/71/130, which calls for an immediate cessation of hostilities and the implementation of resolutions 2268 and 2254. The resolution passed by a vote of 122 to 13, with 36 abstentions. Russia, Iran and China opposed the resolution. - On December 10, Paris hosted a meeting of "like-minded" counterparts on Syria; it brought together US Secretary of State John Kerry, German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson and Turkish Foreign Affairs Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, along with Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan and Saudi Arabia. They discussed the humanitarian situation, and called for a ceasefire and a post Aleppo plan, as Syrian government forces neared victory over rebels there. - On December 11, ISIS recaptured the city of Palmyra in Eastern Homs Province forces despite heavy air support provided by Russia. - On December 13, the United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon briefed the Security Council on the situation in Aleppo, the growing number of IDPs and allegations of torture and executions. Meanwhile, AOGs agreed to evacuate their remaining positions in eastern Aleppo after the Syrian government recaptured the city and following an agreement between Russia and Turkey. The evacuation was initially scheduled to take place on 14 December, but was delayed after Iran called for simultaneous evacuations from the besieged Shi'a-majority towns of Fu'ah and Kafraya in Idlib Province. - On December 15, the LAS held an emergency meeting at the level of representatives, based on Qatar's request, and adopted resolution 8105 condemning the attacks on civilians in Eastern Aleppo. - On December 19, the Security Council unanimously adopted the French-drafted resolution 2328 which demanded that the UN and other relevant agencies to carry out adequate and neutral monitoring of evacuations from eastern Aleppo, ensure the deployment of staff members for this purpose, and emphasized that the evacuations of civilians must be voluntary and to final destinations of their choice. Also, the LAS Ministerial Council welcomed resolution 8106 reiterating the necessity to establish a full cease-fire in Aleppo in accordance with the Security Council resolution 2328, and condemned terrorism in all its forms and crimes committed against civilians by ISIS, Fateh al- Sham Front, and that actions of both the Syrian regime and other militant groups may amount to war crimes. - Following the adoption of resolution 2328, the Office of the Special Envoy for Syria announced "the intention of the United Nations to convene the intra-Syrian negotiations mandated by Security Council resolution 2254 in Geneva on 8 February 2017." - On December 20th, the foreign and defense ministers of Russia, Turkey and Iran held parallel trilateral meetings in Moscow, despite the assassination of the Russian Ambassador to Turkey Andrey Karlov on December 19, and adopted the "Moscow Declaration" by which they agreed to act as guarantor powers for a peace accord between the Syrian government and the opposition. - On December 21, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution establishing a mechanism to assist in the investigation of serious crimes committed in Syria since 2011. The resolution received 105 votes for, with 52 abstentions, and 15 votes against (Algeria, Belarus, Bolivia, Burundi, China, Cuba, DPRK, Iran, Kyrgyzstan, Nicaragua, Russia, South Sudan, Syria, Venezuela, and Zimbabwe). The UN Secretary-General submitted the report of the UN Headquarters Board of Inquiry that was established to investigate the humanitarian convoy incident in Urum al-Kubra on 19 September 2016., which stated that there is no enough evidence to conclude that the convoy was deliberately attacked. - On December 22, the Syrian army announced its full control over Aleppo, after the evacuations of the remaining rebel fighters. Evacuations had faced many delays because of Iran's demands to evacuate 1500 individuals from the opposition-besieged towns of Zabadani and Madaya. On the following day, the Russian military deployed a battalion to clear the city from improvised explosive devices. - On December 23, USG Stephen O'brien briefed the Security Council, upon the request of France, "on the modalities of the evacuation of civilians and delivery of humanitarian aid in East Aleppo." Meanwhile, Syrian government forces bombed the water pumping station during its raid on opposition-held Wadi Barada, disrupting water supply to Damascus. - On December 26, Kazakhstan accepted the Russian proposal to host peace negotiations between the Syrian government and opposition forces to find a solution to the Syrian crisis, in January 2017. - On December 27, the Russian and Turkish foreign ministers agreed to implement a nationwide ceasefire in Syria, separate moderate opposition groups from UN designated terrorist groups, and prepare for the Astana talks. - On December 28-30, the DFNS met in the city of Rmeilan to approve the draft constitution, known as the social contract, which was adopted on January 29, 2014 to form its administrative system and prepare for elections. Kurdish leaders voted to drop the word "Rojava" from the official name to include other ethnic and religious components in northern Syria. - On December 29, Russia and Turkey submitted the countrywide ceasefire plan to the warring parties, which had taken effect at midnight on 30 December 2016 Damascus time. - On December 31, the UN Security Council adopted resolution 2336 in support of the Russian- Turkish agreement and the meeting to be held in Astana on 23 January 2017. January 2017: - On January 2, the Russian and Turkish air raids targeted IS militants in northern Syrian city of al-Bab; while 10 rebel factions threatened they would suspend talks regarding Astana until the ceasefire is fully implemented because of "major and frequent violations" in the rebel-held areas of Wadi Barada and Eastern Ghouta near Damascus. - On January 5, the SE welcomed the nationwide ceasefire, and the Security Council resolutions on Aleppo and Astana talks, in a press briefing after the weekly HTF meeting. Jan Egeland Advisor to the Special Envoy for Syria, voiced disappointment over the government's denied aid access to 5 out 21 locations including places in Rural Damascus, Homs and Hama. - On January 6, the Russian military started to cut down on its presence in Syria, Military Chief Valery Gerasimov mentioned that the aircraft carrier Admiral Kuznetsov would be the first to withdraw from the Mediterranean. - On January 8, Syrian government airstrikes resumed on Wadi Barada after failing to reach an agreement with opposition groups to repair the damaged water springs. Later on January 14th, the retired army officer Ahmad al-Ghadban who negotiated the deal to restore the water was killed amid heavy clashes between rebels and pro-regime forces. Both sides accused each other. - On January 12, the US imposed sanctions on 18 senior Syrian officials who were connected to the development and use of chemical weapons including chlorine gas against civilians. It marked the first time the US sanctioned Syrian military officials. While Russia and Turkey signed an agreement to coordinate their airstrikes against terrorists in Syria. - On January 13, the Syrian state television accused Israel of targeting Mezzeh Airbase outside of Damascus. - On January 14, IS launched a major offensive against pro-regime forces (Hezboallah) in Deir al-Zor Province, cutting the communication between the military base and the city. - On January 16, the High Representative/Vice-President Federica Mogherini will host an international conference on the future of Syria in Brussels, which "aims to identify with regional partners common ground on the post-conflict arrangements and examine the scope for reconsciliation and reconstruction of Syria." - On January 19, an agreement was reached in Wadi Barada, allowing regime maintenance teams to enter the area to fix the water pipes and grant rebels amnesty or safe passage to opposition-held Idlib. - On January 20, IS militants destroyed Palmyra's Tetrapylon with only four of sixteen columns still standing, and the facade of its Roman Theatre. The UNESCO condemned the act as a new war crime. - Russia and Syria concluded a bilateral agreement on expanding and modernizing of the Russian Naval Facility in Tartus. The agreement extends the current lease for the next forty-nine years with automatic extensions and permits the simultaneous deployment of up to eleven warships to the port. - On January 23-24, indirect talks between the Syrian government and opposition were held in Astana; the delegations refused to sign the joint declaration issued by Russia, Turkey and Iran, on setting up a "trilateral mechanism" to monitor and enforce the ceasefire. The new US administration was invited, despite Iran's objection, and was represented by its ambassador to Kazakhstan. The UN SE was present, and hoped Astana talks would support the intra-Syrian negotiations to be held in Geneva in February. - On January 24, the Russian delegation shared its draft of the Syrian Constitution with the Syrian delegations, and advocated the creation of a Constitutional Committee consisting of members of both delegations. - On January 23-24, Finland and UN agencies hosted the Helsinki Conference on Supporting Syrians and the Region, which launched the 2017-2018 Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan (3RP). - On January 25, the US President Donald Trump called for establishing safe zones for refugees in Syria, after suspending visas for Syrians and other middle eastern states. President Trump later held telephone conversations with Saudi King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz and United Arab Emirates Armed Forces Deputy Supreme Commander Mohammed bin Zayed on January 29 to seek their support for his unidentified initiative. - On January 28-30, 1100 opposition fighters and 750 civilians evacuated Wadi Barada to Idlib Province, after reaching a reconciliation deal with pro-regime forces. The Syrian Forces reached Ain Fijeh spring to restore water to Damascus. - On January 30, the US delivered armored vehicles, medium and heavy weapons to SDF, in an attempt to isolate IS in al-Raqqa City. - On January 31, the SE briefed the Security Council in a closed session on the outcomes of the Astana talks and the upcoming intra-Syrian talks in Geneva, which was pushed to February 20. He mentioned if the Syrian opposition could not form an inclusive delegation by 8 February, he would select its representatives himself. The Council members welcomed the International Meeting on Syria in Astana, in a press statement. February 2017: - On February 6, high-level experts from Russia, Iran, Turkey, Jordan and the UN held their first technical meeting in Astana to discuss the implementation of the ceasefire mechanism, and cooperation on humanitarian issues; they agreed on the Concept Paper on the Joint Group. The Joint Group held its first meeting and managed to identify all areas controlled by IS and Jabhat Fatah al-Sham; the participants received two draft documents prepared by the Russians to be discussed in future Joint Group meetings, which are the Protocol to the Agreement on the mechanism to record violations of the cessation of hostilities in Syria announced on December 30, 2016 and the Procedure for imposing sanctions on violators, as well as the Regulation on Reconciled Areas. - On February 7, Amnesty International released its report (attached) on mass executions of as many as 13,000 detainees at Saydnaya Military Prison. Syrian authorities rejected the accusations. - On February 9, Russian airstrikes mistakenly kill three Turkish soldiers and injured eleven others near al-Bab city held by Turkish Armed Forces as part of Operation Euphrates Shield. Both sides agreed to strengthen their coordination. - On February 10-11, the HNC met in Riyadh and formed a delegation of 21 members, headed by Nasr al-Hariri; it included one representative each from the Cairo and Moscow groups. The HNC stated (Arabic statement attached) that the goal of the negotiations was a political transition under U.N. auspices in which Assad had no role in the future of the country. - On February 12, Turkish President Recep Erdogan stressed that the Operation Euphrates Shield aims to establish a five-thousand square kilometer 'safe zone' that includes Al-Bab, Manbij, and al-Raqqa City in Northern Syria. The safe zone would require the implementation of a no-fly zone, mentioning that he had discussed the issue with both the U.S. and Russia. - On February 13, the SE sent out invitations to the Syrian delegations for the intra-Syrian negotiations set to begin on February 23. - On February 15-16, the second round of talks took place in Astana a day later than scheduled; the opposition delegation was represented by only 9 armed groups from 14 groups which attended the first meeting; no direct meetings between the Syrian delegations were held and it ended without a final statement. The three guarantor states agreed to the Concept Paper on the Joint Group of the trilateral mechanism to observe the ceasefire, share information regarding the investigation of violations and promote confidence-building measures such as the release of detainees and abductees. - On February 17, a meeting between the "like-minded" states on Syria was held on the margins of the Bonn G20 Summit, and discussed Syria peace talks in Geneva. - On February 18, Turkey offered the US two proposals for an offensive against IS in al-Raqqa City that excludes the YPG. The preferred proposal calls for the insertion of opposition groups backed by Turkey into Tel Abyad in Northern al-Raqqa Province in order to advance against al- Raqqa City through a twelve-mile-wide corridor through terrain currently held by the SDF. The second proposal calls for opposition groups in Operation Euphrates Shield to advance more than one hundred miles from Northern Aleppo Province to Western al-Raqqa Province. - On February 21, the US CIA froze assistance to the FSA and its affiliated factions fighting in Northwestern Syria, after they came under an attack from Hay'at Tahrir al-sham HTS (successor of Jabhat Fateh al-Sham) in January. The aid included salaries, training, ammunition and in some cases guided anti-tank missiles. - On February 23, a fourth round of the intra-Syrian talks commenced in Geneva with no expectations of a breakthrough; the SE reiterated that that resolution 2254 sets the framework of the negotiations, which calls for the establishment of credible, inclusive and non-sectarian governance, and sets a timeline for drafting a new constitution and holding free and fair elections within 18 months. A day before in the ISSG Ceasefire Task Force meeting (CTF), Russia had called on the Syrian Government to halt aerial bombings during the discussions. - The Opposition groups backed by the Operation Euphrates Shield fully seized al-Bab in Northern Aleppo Province, after three months of clashes. - On February 24, the SE shared a paper on procedural issues, in bilateral meetings with the Syrian parties. The HNC held the Cairo and Moscow platforms responsible for the delay of direct talks, as they participated separately. - While Iraq conducted its first cross-border airstrikes against IS in Deir ez-Zour Province on the Syrian-Iraqi Border. The F-16 airstrikes were coordinated with the Syrian Government through a joint intelligence-sharing unit in Baghdad that includes Iraq, Syria, Russia, and Iran. Also, The U.S. provided intelligence in support of the operation. - On February 25, HTS claimed responsibility of a suicide attack on the State Security and Military Intelligence Offices in Homs City, killing at least forty pro-regime officers including Military Intelligence Branch Chief Brig. Gen. Hassan Dabul, so as to undermine the ongoing peace talks. The attacks prompted heavy airstrikes on al-Waer District, the Opposition's last strong-hold in the city. The HNC condemned the terrorist attack as per the Government's ultimatum. - On February 28, the UN Security Council voted on the French-British draft resolution which sought to ban the sale or supply of helicopters to the Syrian Government, and to blacklist 10 government and related entities involved in the production of chemical weapons. Nine countries voted in favor; Bolivia voted against the text, while Ethiopia, Egypt and Kazakhstan abstained. Russia casted its sixth veto backed by China. Britain and France had circulated the text in mid- December 2016, in response to the OPCW report findings proving government use of chlorine gas in three cases of the nine investigated cases. It was put on hold to asses US policy on Syria, the US later became a co-penholder after its unilateral sanctions on 18 Syrian senior officials on January 12. March 2017: - On March 1, the Independent Commission of Inquiry on Syria issued its report on the violations committed by warring parties in the last battle of eastern Aleppo, and considered the targeting of vital civilian infrastructure, withholding the distribution of humanitarian aid, and the use of civilians as human shields and forced evacuation agreements amount to war crimes. - On March 2, the Syrian forces backed by Russian airstrikes and Shi'a militias recaptured the city of Palmyra for the second time after heavy clashes. - On March 3, the fourth round of talks concluded with a political agenda for the upcoming round, which comprises of three baskets addressing the establishment of credible, inclusive and non-sectarian governance, drafting a new constitution, and holding free and fair elections within 18 months. A fourth basket was added upon the request of the Syrian Government to address "strategies of counter terrorism, security, governance and also medium-term confidence building measures." - On March 6, Russia announced a ceasefire in Eastern Ghouta until March 20, despite the continuation of airstrikes and mutual shelling. - On March 7, the US-allied SDF agreed to handover six villages near Manbij, on the frontline with Turkey-backed rebels to Syrian government control, under a Russian-brokered deal, in an attempt to stop further Turkish incursion. - On March 8, the SE de Mistura briefed the Security Council on the course of the talks, which aims to address the aforementioned baskets in parallel, and concluded that "nothing is agreed until everything is agreed unless the sides decide otherwise." The Syrian groups are invited to resume talks on March 23. - Meanwhile, Russian, US, Turkish high-level military officials met in Antalya to discuss additional coordination measures and "operational de-confliction of military operations" in northern Syria. - On March 13, a Russian-brokered agreement was reached to evacuate rebel fighters from Homs city, which would be carried out within six to eight weeks, between 10,000-15,000 people were expected to leave Homs in weekly batches. The neighborhood was besieged by regime forces since 2013. - On March 14, the EU unveiled its plan in Syria "in contributing to a lasting political solution under the existing UN-agreed framework and in helping to build resilience and stability in the country, as well as supporting post-agreement reconstruction once a credible political transition is underway." - On March 14-15, the third round of talks was held in Astana, even though the AOGs had called for the postponement of the meeting to assess the commitment to the declared ceasefire in Eastern Ghouta. Invitations were sent to the United Nations, the United States and Jordan. On March 14, preliminary consultations were held while a plenary meeting was due on March 15. The results of the intra-Syrian consultations were expected to be discussed. Talks failed to reach any significant agreement, and the three guarantor states issued a joint statement, and scheduled the next high-level meeting in Astana on May 3-4, 2017 and agreed to hold preliminary expert consultations on April 18-19, 2017 in Tehran. - On March 15, two suicide bombs targeted Damascus on the sixth war anniversary; one of them hit the main judicial building, and both killed 74 people and wounding a hundred other. It was later claimed by Fateh al-Sham Front. - On March 18, rebels began to evacuate al-Waer neighborhood in Homs City, to the opposition-held northern town of Jarablus on the borders with Turkey. - On March 20, the EU imposed sanctions against four Syrian high-ranked military officials related to the use of chemical weapons. The ban includes assets freeze and travel ban, and it is considered the first time the EU blacklists military officials. - On March 21, the US-led coalition dropped the SDF fighters on the southern side of the Euphrates to to cut the Aleppo - al-Raqqa Highway. the SDF launched an operation to seize the Tabqa Dam west of al-Raqqa City on March 22 with extensive support from the US. - On March 22, a US-led coalition strike on a center for displaced families in al-Mansoura town held by ISIL in northern Raqqa, killed 33 people. Earlier this month, the coalition declared that its raids in Syria and Iraq unintentionally killed at least 220 civilians. - On March 23-31, the fifth round of talks in Geneva was held despite of the escalation of fighting in Damascus and Hama; the SE shared non-papers with all Syrian sides with some political principles reached during the five rounds, and received their comments and amendments. - On March 24, Russia proposed a draft resolution on the use of chemical weapons in Syria and Iraq, that was reviewed in April 2016 and the UN Security Council did not support it. It was co-authored by China and Russia. Meanwhile, the Human Rights Council adopted a resolution condemning the indiscriminate attacks against civilians, forced displacement of populations, and called to hold all those responsible to account. - On March 27, the second phase of evacuations from al-Waer neighborhood took place, moving 466 citizens and 129 fighters. Meanwhile, the UN SE briefed the LAS Ministerial Council on the recent developments of the Geneva intra-Syrian talks and the Astana process. - On March 28, Russia condemned the US-led coalition airstrikes on the Tabqa Dam, and accused it of trying to "completely destroy critical infrastructure in Syria and complicate post-war reconstruction as much as possible." It further claimed that the coalition destroyed four bridges over the Euphrates river. - On March 29, the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres addressed the annual Arab Summit, which was held in the Dead Sea, Jordan. He appealed to the Arab leaders to set aside differences and end the Syrian war. - An agreement was brokered by Iran and Qatar to swap Shi'ite citizens from the two pro-government towns of al-Foua and Kafraya, in the northwestern province of Idlib besieged by rebel fighters, with Sunni fighters and their families from the opposition-held towns of Zabadani and Madaya besieged by pro-government forces. The agreement was due to start on April 4 and would last 60 days; it included a ceasefire in the areas south of Damascus, aid deliveries, and the release of 1,500 prisoners held by the government. - On March 31, U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson disclosed during his visit to Ankara that "longer-term status of President Assad will be decided by the Syrian people" and defeating ISIL is its priority, while U.S. Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley said the priority was no longer "getting Assad out"; it was later reiterated by the White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer's briefing. April 2017: - On April 3, the European Foreign Affairs Council chaired by the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Federica Mogherini took place in Luxembourg, and adopted the EU Strategy on Syria. It held the Syrian regime responsible for the violations against human rights, and reaffirmed that "there can be no lasting peace in Syria under the current regime." - On April 4-5, the EU and its co-sponsors hosted the Brussels Conference on Supporting the future of Syria and the region. The co-chairs declaration took note of UN appeals requesting $8 billion in 2017 to cover the required needs inside Syria and its neighboring countries, and announced pledges raised worth about $11 billion for humanitarian aid programs. - On April 4, an alleged chemical attack on Khan Shaykhun in the province of Idlib was carried out during a Syrian government air raid on the city, which claimed the lives of at least 72 civilians. Russia denied its responsibility and claimed that Syrian airstrikes targeted a rebel chemical weapons warehouse which leaked poisonous gas. While the implementation of the evacuation deal of 30,000 people from the four towns of Kafraya, al-Foua, Madaya and Zabadani was delayed because of reservations of their residents. All 16,000 residents of al-Foua and Kafraya are expected to leave under the deal. - On April 5, the UN Security Council was briefed on the attack by the Acting High Representative for Disarmament Affairs Kim Won-soo on the reported use of chemical weapons in Khan Shaykhun. The US, UK and France had informally circulated a draft resolution which demands that the Syrian government must provide the JIM and the FFM with flight plans and logs of April 4, the names of all helicopter squadron commanders and provide access to air bases where investigators believe chemical attacks may have been launched. Russia criticized the text, and produced its own draft; it did not condemn neither the attack nor the Syrian government, but rather expressed deep concern over the alleged "incident with chemical weapons" and called for a full-scale investigation. Later on April 6, the ten elected members (E10) of the Security Council met at ambassador level to express their frustration for not being included in the negotiating process and discussed an alternative text which would substitute language in the P3 draft on the Syrian government's obligation to provide information on its activities with agreed language from resolution 2118. Neither resolution were tabled for a vote. - On April 6, the US waged retaliatory airstrikes against al-Shayrat airbase outside of Homs, where the chemical attack was launched. 59 Tomahawk cruise missiles had hit the airfield in Syria. The missiles were aimed at Syrian fighter jets and other infrastructure. - On April 7, Bolivia called for a Security Council briefing after the US airstrikes, and Russia announced its suspension of "the Memorandum of Understanding on Prevention of Flight Safety Incidents in the course of operations in Syria signed with the US." - On April 11, the White House released a declassified report drawn up by the National Security Council which confirmed that the Assad regime used sarin gas on its own people, and accused Russia for shielding for its allies. - On April 12, the Security Council held a meeting to vote on the P3 revised draft resolution (4th draft), which incorporated the language from resolution 2118 proposed in the E10 draft; after the SE had provided the council with his monthly briefing on the assessment of the intra-Syrian talks held in Geneva. Ten members voted in favor of the text, China, Ethiopia and Kazakhstan abstained, while Bolivia joined Russia in voting against it. It is Russia's eighth veto against a Syria-related resolution. - On April 14, the evacuation of residents from the Shi'ite towns of al-Foua and Kafraya (besieged by opposition groups) began and their convoys headed towards the government-held Aleppo; meanwhile rebel fighters and their families left the town of Madaya (besieged by government forces) and headed towards Idlib. While the evacuation from Zabadani was delayed and expected to begin later the day. The four towns agreement began with the exchange of thirty prisoners and nine bodies on April 12. The evacuations resumed after a suicide attack that targeted a government loyalties convoy killing some hundred people including women, children and rebel fighters on April 15. - On April 19-20, over 2000 opposition fighters and civilians were evacuated from the besieged towns of Zabadani and Madaya in exchange for the evacuation of nearly 8000 pro-regime fighters and civilians from the besieged towns of al-Foua and Kafraya in Idlib Province. - On April 24, the US sanctioned 271 Syrians employed by the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Center, related to the development of chemical weapons. The sanction froze the individuals' assets and prohibited US companies to conduct business with them. May 2017: - On May 3-4, military experts from the three guarantors held technical consultations ahead of the two-day fourth round of the Astana process, with the participation of the Director of the UN Mine Action Service Agnes Marcaillou. The SE de Mistura and Nawaf Uasfi Tel, Political Adviser to Jordan's Foreign Minister attended as observers, and the US was represented at a higher-level (for the first time) by US Assistant Secretary of State for Middle East Affairs Stuart Jones. - Despite the Syrian Opposition delegation suspended their participation in opposition to the ongoing bombardments across Syria, the three guarantors signed the Memorandum on the creation of de-escalation areas in Syria, setting up four "de-escalation zones" in Idlib, parts of Homs, Eastern Ghouta, and parts of Deraa and al-Quneitra provinces in southern Syria. The Syrian government welcomed the Russian initiative while the Opposition rejected Iran's involvement as a guarantor. - On May 5, Russia sought UN endorsement to the agreement reached in Astana, and circulated a draft resolution calling on member states to contribute to the implementation of the Memorandum on the creation of de-escalation zones in Syria. The resolution failed to pass for a vote on May 8, as western member states had reservations on the draft. - On May 6, Riad Seif was elected as the sixth president of the SOC, beating Khaled Khoja with 58 votes from the 102 member coalition. He would replace the current head Anas al-Abdeh, who was elected in March 2016. Also, Abdulrahman Mustafa and Salwa Ktaw were elected as vice presidents. - On May 8, the evacuation process of the government-besieged Damascus suburb of Barzeh began, around 1,022 people, including 568 rebels, headed towards Idlib and northern town of Jarablus near the Turkish borders; the second convoy of 700 rebels moved on May 12. While Walid al-Muallem, the Syrian Foreign Minister, rejected any international forces under UN supervision to monitor the de-escalation zones deal. Meanwhile, the White House approved providing arms to Kurdish fighters as support to their operation to retake al-Raqqa City, despite Turkey's strong opposition. - On May 16, the FFM's report confirmed the use of sulfur mustard in the attack on Aleppo on Sept. 16, 2016, and was made public. The report was raised to the UN Security Council on May 5. The FFM, also, confirmed in its report, regarding its investigation of the April 4 attack on Khan Shaykhun, the use of sarin-gas or a sarin-like substance. The FFM is only mandated for indicating whether chemical weapons were used, while the JIM is mandated to determine responsibility for the attacks. - While the US Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control sanctioned ten additional entities for providing support to the Syrian regime. - On May 16-19, the UN SE held the sixth round of the Intra-Syrian talks in Geneva, which ended without covering the four baskets of the agenda, only focusing on the constitutional issues. The SE shared a proposal with the parties to establish "a Technical Consultative Mechanism on Constitutional and Legal Issues;" the proposal would identify "options for the process of constitutional drafting, and for the conduct of a national conference/national dialogue, and identify for review specific options for ensuring a sound constitutional and legal basis for any framework agreed in Geneva embodying a package and including providing for credible, all-inclusive, non-sectarian governance," and that is through UN-facilitated expert-level meetings with both Syrian sides. - On May 18, while the EU Parliament adopted a resolution pertaining the EU Strategy on Syria, which the European Council for Foreign Affairs had passed on 3 April 2017; the US-led coalition's airstrikes destroyed a pro-Syrian regime convoy of the Iraqi Shi'ite militia of Kata'ib Imam Ali, that advanced along the Damascus-Baghdad Highway towards al-Tanf base (where the US, UK and Jordan train fighters of Jaysh Mughawir al-Thawra against IS in Eastern Syria). - On May 20-21, the evacuation of nearly 3000 people, some 700 fighters and their families, was completed from al-Waer district, the last opposition-held district in the province of Homs. According to Talal Barazi, Governor of Homs, more than 14,000 people had left al-Waer in several phases since the "reconciliation deal" began to be implemented in March. Among them were some 3,700 rebels, allowed to leave with their light weapons. Russia later deployed 50 to 150 Military Police into the district. - On May 22, the SE briefed the Security Council on the latest developments, and on the last round of the Intra-Syrian talks. He commended the Astana process for the reduction of violence in the agreed de-escalation areas, and urged its guarantors to finalize their agreement addressing the subjects of detainees, abductees and humanitarian demining. The SE asserted that the rounds' focus on legal and constitutional issues does not rule out "the principle of parallelism" in addressing the agenda, and that a new consultative process at a technical level was introduced to discuss relevant constitutional and legal matters. - On May 25, NATO leaders agreed in Brussels to become full members of the Global Coalition against ISIS; the organization would not engage in combat operations, but would provide air refueling to the Coalition's aircrafts, capacity building through the deployment of special forces to train local partners, and would establish an intelligence information cell to ensure information-sharing on foreign fighters. - On May 29, the final convoy of fighters and their families moved from the opposition-held besieged district of Barzeh in Damascus to Idlib Province; estimately more than 4000 fighters and civilians were evacuated from Barzeh and Eastern Ghouta under the Russian-brokered deal. - On May 30, the US delivered its first shipment of arms to the Kurdish-led SDF, which had advanced against IS in the eastern outskirts of al-Raqqa, seizing eight villages and taking control over the Ba'ath Dam. - On May 31, Russia's Grigorovich-Class Frigate Admiral Essen and Kilo-Class Submarine Krasnodar launched four cruise missiles targeting IS near Palmyra; it targetted arms depots of fighters relocating from al-Raqqa to Eastern Homs. Russia had notified the US, Turkey, and Israel of the strikes-On June 2, EU High Representative Federica Mogherini met with newly-elected President of the Syrian Opposition Council (SOC), Riad Seif, and Syrian Interim Government (SIG) Prime Minister, Jawad Abou Hatab, to discuss the political process and EU support for Syrian resilience. Both parties reiterated their commitment to the UN-led Geneva process. June 2017: -On June 4, pro-government forces gained control of Maskanah city, the last remaining ISIS stronghold in Aleppo governorate. The advances brought pro-government forces within 10 km of Raqqa's provincial border. -US-backed SDF captured a hydroelectric facility (Baath Dam) from ISIS militants, securing the final of three major dams along the Euphrates river. -On June 5, pro-government forces captured the areas of al-Alb, Bir Dahlon and Sharot Dahlon in Eastern Homs governorate, reportedly capturing over 6,000 sq km of ISIS-held territory. -On June 6, US-backed SDF announced the launch of the fifth phase of the campaign to capture Raqqa, ISIS' self-declared capital, with forces advancing from the north, east and west and the US-led Coalition supporting the offensive with air and artillery strikes. - The US-led Coalition conducted airstrikes against pro-government forces advancing near al- Tanf, a de-confliction zone in southeastern Syria. This marks the second strike in the area in less than a month, amid escalating tensions between the US and Iran-backed forces over control of Syria's southeastern frontier. - On June 8, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov met with the UNSE de Mistura in Moscow to discuss "the consolidation of the cessation of hostilities, the fight against terrorism, the continuation of the political settlement on the basis of UN Security Council Resolution 2254," according to the Russian Presidential Envoy for the Middle East and North Africa and Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Bogdanov. The consultations were held prior to the fifth round of the Astana Process, which was set to take place in June, but was later postponed till the month of July. -On June 9, during a press briefing in Geneva at the conclusion of a meeting of the humanitarian task force set up by the International Syria Support Group (ISSG), the SE declared that the time was not right to resume the UN-led intra-Syrian talks. -On June 13, the WFP delivered food to more than 80,000 displaced people in seven hard-to-reach areas in Raqqa and Deir Ezzor governorates in northern Syria, where regular deliveries of humanitarian assistance had been suspended for over three years. -On June 14, Chairman of the CoI, Paulo Pinheiro, expressed concern for the "staggering loss of civilian life" caused by US-led Coalition airstrikes as part of the Raqqa campaign, stating that airstrikes had led to the displacement of 160,000 civilians. He also stressed that the Astana agreement had led to a reduction in violence in just one of the four zones outlined in the memorandum. -On June 15, during a briefing to Council members, UN High Representative for Disarmament Affairs, Izumi Nakamitsu, noted that "some progress" had been made in the implementation of resolution 2118 (2013) on the elimination of chemical weapons in Syria. However, she highlighted the continued lack of safe access to two above-ground stationary facilities scheduled for destruction under OPCW supervision. -Pro-government forces targeted the opposition-held neighborhoods of Jobar and Eastern Ghouta in the first major attack since the announcement of four "de-escalation zones" at the Astana talks in May. Syrian Armed Forces seized the Arak gas field in the region of Badiya, which had been captured by IS since 2015; the SAF declared that it recaptured 20 percent of the Badiya region. -On June 16, the Office of the Special Envoy for Syria declared that it had facilitated a meeting of technical experts from three opposition groups: the High Negotiating Committee, the Cairo Platform and the Moscow Platform as part of a technical consultation process announced at the end of the sixth round of intra-Syrian talks. The meetings focused on the timeline and process for drafting a new constitution. -On June 17, the SE announced that the seventh round of intra-Syrian talks would begin in Geneva on July 10, with further rounds tentatively planned for August and September. -The Syrian government declared a 48-hour ceasefire in the southern city of Daraa. The agreement, reportedly brokered by Russia, the US and Jordan, comes after an escalation in violence between pro-government forces and AOGs in Daraa. -On June 18, US-led coalition forces shot down a piloted Syrian government aircraft in southern Raqqa province. According to the Coalition statement, the aircraft was downed after it displayed hostile intent and advanced on coalition forces. The Russian Ministry of Defense (MOD) released a statement following the incident claiming that the US shot down the Syrian jet while it was conducting an offensive against ISIS, and accusing the US of failing to use the "de-confliction channel". The MOD statement announced that Russia was cutting off participation in the de-confliction channel pending an investigation and that all kinds of airborne vehicles operating in combat mission zones west of the Euphrates River would be tracked by Russia as air targets. -Iran launched several ballistic missiles targeting ISIS positions in eastern Syria, reportedly carried out in retaliation for a terrorist attack in Tehran two weeks prior. This was Iran's first missile attack abroad in 15 years and its first in the Syrian conflict, representing an escalation of its role. -On June 19, the Syria Institute and PAX published the Sixth Quarterly Siege Watch Report, covering events from February to April 2017. -On June 20, an American fighter jet downed an "Iranian-made" armed drone in southern Syria after it "displayed hostile intent" when it approached coalition forces stationed at a base located in a de-escalation zone. It marked the second time in a month that the US had shot down an armed drone near Tanf camp. -On June 21, after opening a new front to the south of Raqqa, US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) came within several kilometers of fully encircling the city after having already surrounded Raqqa to the north, east and west. - Turkey deployed reinforcements to the towns of Azaz and Marea in northern Syria, held by turkey-backed Syrian opposition forces, in preparation of anticipated battles with its rival Kurdish forces. - French President Emmanuel Macron, contradicting previous French policy, that France sees "no legitimate successor" to Assad and no longer considers his departure as a precondition to resolve the ongoing conflict. On July 5, the president met with Riad Hijab, Head of the HNC, to reiterate France's support to the Syrian Opposition. -On June 22, Turkish and Russian troops were deployed to Syria's northern Idlib province as part of a de-escalation agreement brokered by Russia, Turkey and Iran in May. - WFP announced that the first aid convoy had reached 15000 civilians in the city of Qamishli by land route, since it had been inaccessible in 2015, and humanitarian aid was sent through air drops instead. -On June 24, the Syrian government released 672 detainees in a move it said was aimed at bolstering the reconciliation process. -On June 27, the SE briefed the Council on the situation in Syria, expressing his readiness to facilitate direct talks between the Syrian government and opposition either at a formal or technical level. -On June 28, OPCW-JIM published its sixth report updating the SC on the status of its review of two cases identified by the FFM concerning incidents reported in Umm Hawsh in Aleppo Governorate in September 2016 and Khan Shaykhun in Idlib Governorate on April 4, 2017. -On June 29, OCHA head Stephen O'brien briefed the Council on the humanitarian situation in Syria, noting that despite a reduction in violence in some areas of the country, humanitarian convoys remained unable to reach civilians in besieged and hard-to-reach places due to bureaucratic restrictions. O'brien also detailed the Secretary-General's monthly report on the situation in Syria, released June 23, that highlighted the Astana memorandum signed by Iran, Russia and Turkey in May and the escalation of anti-ISIS operations in Syria. -The OPCW released a report on progress in the elimination of the Syrian chemical weapons program, verifying the destruction of 25 of the 27 chemical weapons production facilities previously declared by the Syrian government. However, the OPCW continues to express consideration that the initial declaration was incomplete. July 2017: -On July 1, Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) launched a strike against pro-government positions near al-Baath in Quneitra governorate in response to two stray artillery shells fired from Syria that landed in the Golan Heights. This is the fifth Israeli strike on pro-government positions near the area of al-Baath within a week. -On July 3, the UNSC appointed Catherine Marchi-Uhel to head the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism, the UN legal team tasked with collecting and preserving evidence of the most serious crimes committed in Syria since 2011 to be used by national courts or an international tribunal. The Mechanism was established by the General Assembly on December 21, 2016 despite fierce resistance from Russia, which had previously used its veto status to block criminal investigations into the conflict. -The Syrian Army announced the suspension of all combat operations in the southern governorates of Daraa, Suweida and Quneitra for four days ahead of upcoming peace talks in Astana, Kazakhstan. It is the second unilateral ceasefire by the Syrian Army; it had announced a ceasefire in Daraa along the border with Israel on June 17. -On July 4-5, the fifth round of Astana talks co-sponsored by Russia, Iran and Turkey, convened in the Kazakh capital. The talks failed to finalize details on the boundaries and monitoring mechanisms of the four safe zones agreed to during the fourth round of Astana talks in May. In a joint statement, the guarantors welcomed the establishment of an expert-level joint working group tasked with finalizing the operational and technical parameters of the de-escalation zones, and scheduled the next Joint Working Group meeting in Tehran, on August 1-2. -On July 6, Edmond Mulet, head of the three-member leadership panel of the OPCW-JIM briefed Security Council members on the June 28 report of its investigations into the culpability for chemical attacks in Syria and urged the international community to allow the Mechanism to conduct its work in an independent and impartial manner. -On July 7, the United States, Russia and Jordan reached a ceasefire and "de-escalation" agreement for southwestern Syria to take effect July 9. The specificities of an enforcement mechanism and the precise boundaries of the ceasefire zone. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov stated that the ceasefire would cover the areas of Daraa, al-Suweida and Quneitra governorates without providing exact boundaries. The ceasefire agreement in southwestern Syria is separate from the Astana memorandum, and was reached during the meeting between US President Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Hamburg. The SG welcomed the ceasefire announcement, calling it a significant step towards reducing violence and humanitarian access in Syria; while Israel voiced its objections on the deal. -On July 10, the seventh round of UN-led intra-Syrian talks convened in Geneva. The UN-sponsored talks were scheduled to focus on four points: drafting a new constitution, combating terrorism, governance and elections. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov expressed hope that the talks would help solidify de-escalation zones created through the Astana process. The SE stated that de-escalation zones can be beneficial but must only be interim measure to avoid the partition of Syria. The Geneva talks ended July 14 with no apparent progress. Representatives of the HNC accused the Syrian government of refusing to enter into serious negotiations. The SE noted that there had been "no breakthrough, no breakdown" during the talks and expressed hope that recent international momentum would push the parties face-to-face for substantive discussions. -On July 11, SOHR reported that it had "confirmed information" that ISIS leader Abu Bakr al- Baghdadi had been killed in the eastern province of Deir Ezzor. US-led Coalition Spokesperson Colonel Ryan Dillon could not confirm the report, nor could various media sources or Iraqi or Kurdish officials. -On July 12, following the opening of a land route connecting Aleppo to Hasakah governorate, WFP announced that it had successfully delivered food aid to two locations in the Raqqa governorate for the first time in three years. -On July 13, Brett McGurk, US Special Envoy for the Global Coalition fighting ISIS, revealed that Russia had expressed willingness to deploy military police to monitor compliance and prevent violations of the recently implemented ceasefire in southwestern Syria. -On July 14, Russia's parliament approved an agreement between Russian and Syrian officials that provides for the long-term deployment of Russian aircraft and personnel to Syria. Defense Minister Nikolay Pankov said the deal will help legalize Russia's military activities in Syria "within an international framework". -France proposed the creation of a contact group comprised of permanent members of the UN Security Council and regional actors to support UN efforts to formulate a political road map after the conflict ends. -On July 17, the EU added 16 scientists and military officials to the list of those targeted by sanctions against the Syrian regime due to their suspected involvement in a chemical attack against civilians in April. - The Syrian army, backed by Iranian-militias managed to seize oil fields of Wahab, al Fahd, Dbaysan, al-Qseer, Abu al Qatat and Abu Qatash and several other villages in the southwest of Raqqa province, while Russian strikes targeted the town of Sukhna, the gateway to Deir ez-zour. - The Turkish state-run Andalou Agency exposed ten US military locations in northern Syria, giving exact numbers of US and French special forces stationed there. The US-led Coalition against ISIS condemned Turkey for "leaking sensitive military information shared between two allies." -On July 19, it was made public that President Donald Trump ended a covert CIA program that provided arms and training to Syrian rebel groups. The program was a central feature of the Obama Administration's policy in Syria. -On July 20, 150 fighters from the Turkey-backed Euphrates Shield operation had crossed from Turkey through Bab alhawa to support Ahrar al-Sham in its fight against Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), dominated by the Fateh al-Sham faction formerly known as Jabhat al-Nusra, in Idlib. -On July 21, the SG submitted to the Security Council the forty first report on the humanitarian situation in Syria for the period from 1 to 30 June 2017, highlighting the approximately 20,000 people displaced across northeast Syria in June due to the Raqqa offensive. According to the report, the Syrian government removed medical supplies sufficient for more than 84,000 treatments. -Hezbollah and the Syrian Army launched a joint offensive against militant groups in the town of Arsal and the western Qalamoun mountain range along the Lebanon-Syrian border, an area purported to hold over 3,000 militants, including al-Qaeda-linked insurgents and members of ISIS. -On July 24, 14 heads of mission in Geneva signed a letter addressed to Security Council President, Chinese Ambassador Liu Jieyi, raising "serious concerns" about the implementation of seven Security Council resolutions on humanitarian access and urging Liu to raise the issue at the upcoming Council meeting. The signatories include the United States, Saudi Arabia, Britain, France Turkey, Qatar, Japan, Australia, the European Union, Germany, Spain, the Netherlands, Canada and Italy. -General Sergei Rudskoi, chief of the Russian General Staff, announced the deployment of Russian military police to monitor compliance after a ceasefire, mediated by the Egyptian government, was declared in the Eastern Ghouta area of Damascus on July 22. Despite the reported ceasefire, part of the four proposed "de-escalation zones" outlined in the Astana memorandum, Syrian government forces continued to attack several towns in Eastern Ghouta. -On July 26, fighting on the Syrian-Lebanese border near the town of Arsal halted after a ceasefire agreement was reached between Hezbollah and HTS. The cessation of hostilities ended a six-day campaign to drive al-Qaeda-linked militants from the border region, which is also home to tens of thousands of refugees. The agreement included the evacuation of some 1000 HTS fighters, along with more than 6000 Syrians (in nearby refugee camps) from the Lebanese border town of Arsal to rebel-controlled Idlib province, as well as exchange of prisoners between Hezboallah, HTS and the Lebanese Armed Forces, which later took place on August 1. -On July 27, Ursula Mueller, Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Deputy Emergency Relief Coordinator in the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, briefed Council members on the humanitarian situation in Syria, noting that despite reduced violence, there had not been a noticeable increase in areas reached for aid delivery. -The Syrian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates addressed two letters to the UNSG and the Security Council calling for immediate action in the militant-besieged towns of Kefraya and al-Foua. -The US-led coalition fighting ISIS told its local Syrian allies that they must exclusively fight ISIS, a directive that prompted Shohada al-Quartyan to depart a joint coalition base in Southern Syria to carry out independent operations against Syrian regime forces. -On July 28, the OPCW released its monthly report, noting that the security situation now allows safe access to confirm the condition of the final two above-ground facilities with planning underway to verify their destruction. -On July 30, for the first time in five years, UN aid was delivered to almost 7,2000 people in besieged al-Nashabiye located in Eastern Ghouta, a rebel-held area on the outskirts of Damascus. August 2017: -On August 2, the evacuation of at least 7,000 people, including al-Qaeda-linked fighters and refugees, from Lebanese border enclave of Arsal for rebel-controlled Idlib province commenced. The transfer agreement, the largest formal repatriation of refugees to Syria since 2011, was carried out without the involvement of aid groups generating concern about the welfare of the refugees. -On August 3, the Russian Ministry of Defense announced a ceasefire in northern Homs and southern Hama, in what is being billed as the third of four planned ceasefires agreed to under the Astana memorandum. Russia deployed police military to several checkpoints in northern Homs, later on August 4. Opposition groups called for a guarantor role for Turkey. According to SOHR, the ceasefire, which covered territory populated by more than 147,000 people, held for the first 10 hours before experiencing repeated violations by pro-government and rebel forces. -The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria of the Human Rights Council (CoI) called on the international community to recognize the crime of genocide being committed against the Yazidis in Iraq. -On August 8, experts from the guarantor states met in Tehran to discuss ways to strengthen the de-escalation zones and determine the agenda for the upcoming sixth round of Astana talks. -On August 8-11, twenty-four FSA-affiliated groups formed new group "Liwa Tahrir Deir ez- Zour" to liberate the province of Deir ez-Zour from IS; the new faction welcomed any cooperation with local and international parties, ruling out the SDF. -On August 9, OCHA expressed concern about the safety and protection of an estimated 10,000- 25,000 people trapped inside Raqqa without access to safe drinking water for 48 days. Due to the fighting on the ground, the UN has currently no access to Raqqa city. - Russian Permanent Representative to the UN Vasily Nebenzya briefed the Security Council on the progress of establishing de-escalated zones in Syria, behind closed doors, and called on the UN to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance in those areas. -On August 10, SDF US-backed forces encircled ISIS militants in central Raqqa, effectively cutting off ISIS' last remaining route to the Euphrates. -On August 12, the Syrian government captured al-Sukhna, the final ISIS stronghold in Homs governorate, as part of its multi-pronged campaign to take eastern Syria. The recent gains position the pro-government coalition 50 km (30 miles) away from Deir ez-Zour province, the last major ISIS foothold in Syria. -On August 14, approximately 300 FSA-affiliated Saraya Ahl al-Sham fighters and 3,000 refugees began evacuating the Lebanese border town of Arsal as part of a repatriation agreement brokered in early August between Lebanese and Syrian officials. Lebanon's Maj. Gen. Abbas Ibrahim, who is overseeing the transfer, said that civilians will head to the government held area of Assal al-Ward. The rebel fighters and their families are destined for the rebel-held town of al- Ruhaiba in the Eastern Qalamoun region where, according to Hezbollah's Al-Manar TV, they have been granted amnesty by the Syrian government. Their departure leaves the Islamic State as the last militant force straddling the border near Arsal. -Nearly 50,000 people remain stranded on the Jordanian border, in an area known as the berm, and are facing an increasing scarcity of food, healthcare and other basic services. The UN stressed that it will continue to support Jordanian authorities in the protection of affected Syrians. -On August 17, the UNSC adopted a presidential statement, read by Council President for August and Ambassador of Nigeria, Joy Ogwu, in support of a political transition process in Syria in accordance with the principles of the Geneva Communique. The adoption of the text signals, for the first time in two years, the consensus of the Council and its five permanent members on the need to establish a transitional government. -On August 17-20, Damascus hosted the 59th International Trade Fair, for the first time since 2011, and involved hundreds of delegations and private companies from at least forty-three states including Russia, Iran, China, and Egypt. -On August 20, President Assad announced in a speech before Syrian diplomats that Syria would not work with any Western nations until they ended their support for opposition and insurgent groups. -On August 21, UN experts launched an investigation into purported weapons deals between Syria and North Korea after two shipments to a Syrian government agency responsible for its chemical weapons program, the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Center (SSRC), were intercepted. -Saudi-based High Negotiations Committee (HNC) met with delegations from the moderate Cairo and Moscow camps in Riyadh in an effort to establish a unified front for upcoming peace talks. Despite pressure from international allies calling for a more pragmatic approach, the HNC refused to accept a transition scenario in which Assad retained power. -On August 22, the next round of Astana talks was pushed back from late August to mid- September to allow the guarantor states to hold a technical meeting to set the meeting agenda. -On 23 August, a joint monitoring center was established in Amman for the southwestern de-escalation zone, which is located in the provinces of Daraa and Quneitra. The center is tasked with ensuring ceasefire compliance, ensuring humanitarian access and other forms of civilian assistance. -On August 24, the UN called for a humanitarian pause in US-led Coalition airstrikes on Raqqa to permit civilians to leave the city. This comes after the release of an Amnesty International report calling for greater protection efforts for the estimated 20,000 remaining civilians in Raqqa. -On August 25, the Russian army announced that it had dismantled the two remaining Syrian chemical weapons facilities targeted for destruction by OPCW. The OPCW has not confirmed the Russian report. -On August 28, hundreds of ISIS fighters and their families were evacuated from the Lebanese- Syrian border to militant-held eastern Syria following simultaneous Lebanese army and Hezbollah campaigns against ISIS positions. The transfer marks the first time ISIS agreed to a forced evacuation from territory it held in Syria. - The Secretary-General presented his monthly report on the situation in Syria, highlighting the recent efforts to reduce violence through de-escalation agreements and expressing hope that the Astana guarantors will reach an agreement on the finalization of operational and technical modalities for all de-escalation areas. -On August 30, Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura briefed the Security Council on the political path forward which includes a new round of Astana and Geneva talks. The SE highlighted the important role Syrian opposition allies stand to play in fostering cohesion and unity among the AOGs. - In his final address to the Council after two years as Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Stephen O'Brien appealed to members of the Council to take action to end the civil war in the name of common humanity, calling for a referral to the International Criminal Court. -On August 31, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, stressed that the protection and assistance of citizens must take priority before defeating the Islamic State, citing reports of heavy civilian casualties in Raqqa as evidence of the threat the remaining 20,000 civilians face. -US airstrikes stalled a convoy of 300 ISIS fighters and their families in a government-controlled part of the Syrian desert in an effort to prevent their advancement into ISIS-held territory near the Iraqi border. The convoy was traveling from the Syrian-Lebanese border to Syria's eastern province as part of an evacuation deal brokered between ISIS, Hezbollah and the Syrian Army. -Pro-government forces captured strategic al-Bishri mountain overlooking ISIS-controlled Deir Ezzor province, bringing government coalition forces within close range of ISIS positions. September 2017: On September 1, French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian rejected a role for Assad in a political transition in Syria. -The Syrian Islamic Council called for Syria's AOGs to end their fragmentation and unite as one armed body under the Ministry of Defense in the Syrian Interim Government. Ahrar al-Sham, Failaq al-Sham, Liwa Ansar al-Sunnah and Jabha al-Shamiya supported the initiative. -SDF spokesperson, Jihan Ahmad, announced that the SDF had gained control over an estimated 65 percent of Raqqa city after capturing the Old City, the Great Mosque and al-Dariya neighborhood. SOHR reported that the SDF were still fighting to gain control over pockets of the Old City but added that the US-backed opposition forces held more than 90 percent of the surrounding area. -On September 2, Russian Aerospace Forces reported they had destroyed a convoy of 12 ISIS trucks carrying ammunition and weapons in Deir Ezzor province. -It was made public that the British Ministry of Defense had quietly halted its FSA training program and called back its training forces from Syria in late June 2017. -On September 3, pro-government coalition forces gained control of the remaining ISIS stronghold in Hama Governorate after capturing the town of Uqayribat and its surrounding areas. -On September 4, Syrian Interim Government Prime Minister Jawad Abu Hatab was appointed interim Defense Minister as part of a unification initiative launched by the Syrian Islamic Council in early September. Free Syrian Army factions formed a committee to select a Chief of Staff in consultation with the Prime Minister. -On September 5, the Secretary-General submitted the OPCW's forty seventh monthly report on the progress to eliminate chemical weapons in Syria to the Security Council. The report highlighted the preparations underway to confirm the status of the two remaining stationary above-ground facilities now that the security situation allows safe access and the upcoming high- level consultations with Syrian Deputy Foreign Minister, Dr. Faisal Mekdad, to clarify outstanding issues regarding the Syrian government's initial declaration. -Pro-government coalition forces reached the western perimeter of Deir Ezzor city, breaking a three-year ISIS siege of the government-held areas that had impacted 93,500 people. In support of the offensive, a Russian warship located in the Mediterranean Sea launched cruise missiles at ISIS positions near Deir Ezzor. -On September 6, SE Mistura said he expects a national ceasefire to follow shortly after ISIS has been pushed from its strongholds in Raqqa and Deir Ezzor. Although he stressed that the government "cannot announce victory", he called on opposition forces to accept defeat and focus on winning the peace through negotiations in October. -The UN Commission of Inquiry on Syria released a report on the major human rights and humanitarian law violations committed between March and July 2017. The Commission accused the Syrian government of using sarin gas in the April 4 Khan Sheikhoun attack and found US forces culpable of not taking "all feasible precautions" to protect civilians in the March 16 attack on al-Jinah Mosque. -According to Russian Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, experts from Russia, Iran and Turkey made progress towards an agreement "on the parameters, configuration and methods of ensuring security in the de-escalation zone in the Idlib province" in Syria. -On September 7, Israel conducted airstrikes on the Scientific Studies and Research Center, a facility believed to house a chemical weapons manufacturing center, and a military base storing surface-to-surface missiles near government-stronghold Masyaf in Hama province. The Syrian Foreign Ministry called on the Security Council to denounce the airstrikes. -US-led coalition forces fighting ISIS announced that airstrikes had killed two ISIS leaders near Mayadin in the Deir Ezzor province on September 4, 2017. -The Head of the High Negotiations Committee, Riyad Hijab, rejected the SE Mistura's call for the opposition to accept defeat, declaring the UN mediation process a failure and calling on Syrians to demonstrate in support of the continuation of the revolution. On September 8, a convoy of 42 trucks carrying humanitarian aid for 80,000 people reached Deir Ezzor for the first time by land in three years. -US-led coalition surveillance aircraft departed its position monitoring an 11-bus convoy of ISIS fighters and their families after attempting to prevent its advance into ISIS-held territory in Deir Ezzor since August 29. The surveillance aircraft departed the airspace at the request of Russian military officials who were conducting an operation with pro-government forces close to the convoy's position. -The Syrian National Coalition (NCSRF) condemned calls from "regional and external parties" for Western-backed opposition groups Ahmed Al-Abdu and Ussoud Al-Sharqiya to cease fighting government forces in southeastern Syria and withdraw to Jordan. Both groups refused the request. -On September 9, pro-government forces broke a years-long siege of Deir Ezzor airbase and captured the Damascus-Deir Ezzor highway from ISIS. -SDF launched Operation Jazeera Storm to liberate Deir Ezzor province from ISIS. -On September 10, SDF reached the industrial zone to the east of Deir Ezzor city putting the US-backed coalition within 15 km (10 miles) of pro-government forces positioned to the west of the Euphrates river. -On September 11, the Jordanian Foreign Minister, Ayman Safadi, and Russian Foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov, declared the ceasefire brokered by Jordan, Russia and the United States in the southern Syrian provinces of Daraa, Quneitra and Suweida on July 9 a success and reiterated their commitment to the establishment a de-escalation zone in the area as a step towards achieving a comprehensive cessation of hostilities and a political solution to the crisis. On September 12, pro-government coalition forces continued their push into ISIS-held territory in Deir Ezzor city. Russia and Syria warplanes conduct heavy bombardment in support, killing an estimated 69 people over the course of 72 hours. -Hezbollah leader, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, declared the war in Syria over, referring to the remaining fighting as "scattered battles". -ISIS defectors have massed in Syria's Idlib province with many planning to cross into Turkey before continuing to other parts of the Middle East, North Africa and Europe. -Iran and Syria sign a memorandum of understanding on cooperation in Syria's electricity sector. The arrangement, part of a series of bilateral deals formalizing Iran's role in Syria's reconstruction process, provides for the establishment of a new power generation station in Latakia and the rehabilitation of gas units and power generating plants in Damascus, Aleppo, Deir Ezzo and Homs. -On September 13, the remaining buses of the convoy of ISIS fighters and their families stranded for over two weeks in the Syrian desert reportedly reached Mayadin, in militant-held Deir Ezzor province, following the withdrawal of US surveillance aircraft on September 8 in respect of de-confliction arrangements with Russia. -The Russian Defense Ministry claimed that pro-government coalition forces controlled 85 percent of Syrian territory. SOHR disputed the claim, saying government forces held 48 percent of Syria. -Experts from Russia, Iran and Turkey met ahead of the sixth round of talks in Astana, Kazakhstan to "lay the groundwork" for negotiations on the establishment of de-escalation zone in Idlib province. -On September 14, Col. Ryan Dillon, spokesperson for the US-led coalition fighting ISIS, said SDF forces will not enter Deir Ezzor city, and will instead focus operations on areas south of the city along the Euphrates river. He also said US-backed SDF was in control of 63 percent of Raqqa city. -On September 15, Ahmad Abu Khawla, commander of the SDF-affiliated Deir Ezzor Military Council, declared that it will not allow government forces to cross to the eastern banks of the Euphrates river. -Representatives from Russia, Iran and Turkey reached an agreement on the delineation and monitoring mechanism for the implementation of a de-escalation zone in Idlib province and agreed to position observers in "safe zones". Russia circulated a draft resolution among the permanent members of the Council to welcome the outcome of the Astana talks. -On September 16, the SDF and US Coalition officials accused pro-government forces of attacking one of their positions in the industrial zone east of Deir Ezzor city, injuring 6 SDF fighters. According to US Coalition sources, Russia conducted the airstrike after the United States had denied its request to target the area. Russian Defense Ministry spokesperson Maj. Gen. Igor Konashenkov rejected the allegations, saying warplanes carried out "pinpoint strikes only on Islamic State targets that have been observed and confirmed through several channels." -High-level consultations commenced between the Syrian government and the OPCW aimed at clarifying all outstanding issues regarding Syria's initial declaration of its chemical weapons facilities. -On September 17, a convoy of 80 Turkish military vehicles deployed to Turkey's southern border, close to the Bab Al-Hawa and Rihaniyah crossings with Syria's Idlib Governorate, ahead of the implementation of a de-escalation zone agreement brokered at the recent Astana talks. -On September 18, pro-government coalition forces crossed to the eastern bank of the Euphrates river to within five kilometers of SDF positions. In the first sign of direct contact between the SDF and the pro-government forces, US-led coalition spokesperson Col. Ryan Dillon said "open lines" of communication were being maintained to prevent clashes between the two forces as they converge on ISIS positions. -After capturing the Deir Ezzor Military Airporst from ISIS fighters, pro-government forces began operating combat and supply missions from the airport. -The World Food Programme (WFP) reached formerly besieged parts of Deir Ezzor city by land for the first time since May 2014. WFP has discontinued its high-altitude airdrop operations in favor of road deliveries which will allow for more affordable, sustainable humanitarian access. -In a meeting on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, Members of the "Friends of Syria" Group agreed they will not support reconstruction in Syria until there is a political transition "away from Assad." -During its 36th session, the Human Rights Council held an interactive dialogue with the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Syria to discuss the continued targeting of civilians and the use of chemical weapons in the conflict, appealing to all parties to redouble their efforts to protect civilians and preserve civilian infrastructure. -On September 19, AOGs led by Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham (HTS), the Turkistan Islamic Party and Free Syrian Army affiliates launched an offensive against pro-government forces in northern Hama province in an effort to dismantle the de-escalation zone agreement on Idlib province brokered at the recent Astana talks. The offensive sparked intense Russian and Syrian bombardment of opposition-held territory in Hama and Idlib Governorates. Syrian government forces claimed the airstrikes targeted "terrorist supply lines" but SOHR alleged the strikes hit hospitals and towns, killing civilians. -The Syrian government asserted it will not accept Turkish forces on Syrian soil, effectively contradicting
The analysis of articles and normative documents for quality control and regional origin of wines was carried out. Chemical composition of the grapes and the wine has been considered, qualitative and quantitative changes during vinification, maturation and aging of wine were shown. The basic group of compounds contents and ratios which determine the qualitative characteristics of wines, as well as have an important role in the formation of aroma and taste of the drink was found. The prerequisites for the development of the market of counterfeit products and wine falsification methods were discussed. The analysis of scientific literature and regulatory framework governing the quality of the wines on the territory of Russia and the European Union and the existing approaches to determine their authenticity was conducted, the advantages and disadvantages are shown. The examples of using different criteria for the establishment of natural and adulterated wines have been discussed, as well as their approaches to identify and create a comprehensive system of wine production quality evaluation using methods of physicochemical analysis. The main methodological approaches to establish a wine regional origin, combining the capabilities of modern methods of analysis, mathematical modeling and statistics are analyzed, examples of their use in practice are shown.Keywords: wine, methods of analysis, quality, authenticity, regional origin, falsification, mathematical modeling (Russian)DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/analitika.2014.18.4.001 Yu.F. Yakuba1, A.A. Kaunova2, Z.A. Temerdashev2, V.O. Titarenko2, A.A. Halafjan2 1North Caucasian Regional Research Institute of Horticulture and Viticulture of the Russian Academy of Agricultural Sciences, Krasnodar, Russian Federation2 Kuban State University, Krasnodar, Russian FederationREFERENCES1. 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Dutra S.V., Adami L., Marcon A.R., Carnieli G.J., Roani C.A., Spinellia F.R., Leonardelli S., Vanderlinde R. Characterization of wines according the geographical origin by analysis of isotopes and minerals and the influence of harvest on the isotope values. Food Chemistry, 2013, vol. 141, no. 3, pp. 2148-2153. doi:10.1016/j.foodchem.2013.04.106.186. Kaunova A.A., Petrov V.I., Tsiupko, T.G., Tеmеrdashеv Z.A., Pеrеkotii V.V., Luk'ianov A.A. [Identification of wine provenance by ICP-AES multielement analysis], Journal of Analytical Chemistry, 2013, vol. 68, no. 9, pp. 917-922. doi:10.7868/S0044450213090065. ; Проведен анализ опубликованных работ и нормативных документов, посвященных вопросам контроля качества и региональной принадлежности вин. Рассмотрен химический состав винограда и изготавливаемой из него винодельческой продукции, показано его качественное и количественное изменение в процессе винификации, созревания и выдержки вин. Установлены основные группы соединений, содержания и соотношения которых определяют качественные характеристики вин, а также играют важную роль в формировании аромата и вкуса напитка. Обсуждены предпосылки развития рынка поддельной продукции и способы фальсификации вин. Проведен анализ научной литературы и нормативной базы, регламентирующей качество вин на территории России и стран Европейского союза, существующих подходов к определению их подлинности, указаны достоинства и недостатки. Обсуждены примеры использования различных критериев для установления натуральных и фальсифицированных вин, а также подходов их комплексной идентификации и создания системы оценки качества винодельческой продукции с помощью методов физико-химического анализа. Проанализированы основные методические подходы к установлению региональной принадлежности вин, сочетающие возможности современных методов анализа, математического моделирования и статистики, продемонстрированы примеры их использования на практике.Ключевые слова: вина, методы анализа, качество, подлинность, региональная принадлежность, фальсификация, математическое моделированиеDOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/analitika.2014.18.4.001
The Situation In The Middle East ; United Nations S/PV.8228 Security Council Seventy-third year 8228th meeting Tuesday, 10 April 2018, 3 p.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Meza-Cuadra . (Peru) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Wu Haitao Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Tumysh/Mr. Umarov Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Netherlands. . Mr. Van Oosterom Poland. . Mr. Radomski Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Ms. Pierce United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-10187 (E) *1810187* S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 2/21 18-10187 The meeting was called to order at 3.20 p.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East The President (spoke in Spanish): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Canada, the Syrian Arab Republic and Turkey to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. Members of the Council have before them document S/2018/175, S/2018/321 and S/2018/322, which contain the texts of three draft resolutions, respectively. The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/321, submitted by Canada, France, the Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Sweden, Turkey, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of America. I now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements before the voting. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): For years, as part of its responsibilities for maintaining international peace and security, the Security Council has been mobilized on the issue of chemical weapons. After the chemical attacks in Ghouta in 2013, the Security Council adopted resolution 2118 (2013), which provided for the complete dismantling of the chemical arsenal of the Syrian regime. Russia, as co-sponsor of that resolution, had guaranteed its implementation. Despite that guarantee, the Damascus regime has never complied with its obligations under resolution 2118 (2013) and has never renounced — as we saw again on 7 April — the use of chemical weapons against its civilian population. Five years after the Council's adoption of resolution 2118 (2013), we note that the general subject of chemical weapons remains tragically topical. The upcoming voting marks our fourth meeting in less than a week on this issue. Yesterday we met in an emergency meeting (see S/PV.8225) following a new chemical-weapons massacre in Douma, Syria, whose appalling images left us shocked. Last month we met to discuss the unacceptable attack in Salisbury (see S/PV.8203). Last year we met day after day after the terrible attack of Khan Shaykhun. That shows the deterioration of the situation and how serious the stakes are today for our security. The use of chemical weapons is so abominable that it has been banned for almost 100 years, and the international community began years ago to eliminate them. As such, the chemical non-proliferation regime, which we have patiently developed and strengthened, is one of the pillars of our collective security architecture, at the heart of our security system. Yet today it is under serious threat. We face the cynical, barbaric and all-out use of chemical weapons against civilian populations. The Douma attacks once again illustrated the abject brutality of the Syrian regime's resolute military strategy. Such acts constitute war crimes or even crimes against humanity. They increase the risk of dangerous normalization — tolerating the return of these agents of fear and death is nothing more than a blank cheque to all those who would like to use them. To allow the normalization of the use of chemical weapons without responding is to let the genie of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction — which pose an existential threat to us all — out of the bottle. It would mark a serious and reprehensible setback to the international order that we have all patiently helped to develop. The consequences would be terrible, and we would all pay the price. That is why we cannot accept it. France will do all it can to prevent impunity for the use of chemical weapons. It is in that spirit that we launched an international partnership last January. The demise of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW)-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism in November, due to the Russian veto to protect Al-Assad's regime, sent a dangerous signal of impunity. It deprived us of an essential deterrent tool. It left a vacuum that the Syrian regime has rushed to exploit, and which yesterday's atrocities have tragically reminded us of. The American initiative to re-establish an independent mechanism, based on a balanced approach and taking into account the concerns expressed by every member of the Council, enables us to fill that glaring void. Such a mechanism would support the inquiry that has already been launched by the OPCW. It would also respect the essential criteria of independence, 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 3/21 without any interference, and impartiality to which each member of the Council has committed. Such a mechanism would have a mandate to attribute responsibility for the attacks. Only the combination of those two criteria — independence and a mandate to attribute responsibility — will make that mechanism effective, and therefore dissuasive. Let me be clear: in view of the gravity of the 7 April attack, France will not accept any third-rate or sham mechanism whose independence and impartiality would not be genuinely ensured. That is what the Security Council owes today to the Syrian victims of chemical attacks and to the entire international community, whose security is threatened by the chemicals in the hands of the regime of Bashar Al-Assad. Since the threat is of an existential nature for us all, combating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction must, more than ever, be among the top priorities of the Security Council. If there is one area in which the Council has a moral and political responsibility to convene and act, it is this one. If there is one domain for which the credibility of the Council is at stake, where tactical games have no place, it is this one. This is one of those moments when we have no choice but to act because what is at stake is essential. We cannot allow the chemical non-proliferation regime, and with it our entire security architecture — along with the principles and values that underpin our action — to crack and disintegrate before our very eyes. Today's vote is one of those key moments, one of those moments of truth. On behalf of France, I therefore call on each member of the Council to properly gauge and assume its responsibilities now and to vote in favour of the American draft resolution (S/2018/321). Mrs. Haley (United States of America): We have reached a decisive moment as the Security Council. On Saturday the first haunting images appeared from Douma, in Syria. We gathered around this table yesterday (see S/PV.8225) to express our collective outrage. We then collectively agreed that the Council needed to take steps to determine exactly what happened in Douma and to put an end to these barbaric attacks. The United States has put forward a draft resolution (S/2018/321) that accomplishes those shared goals. For weeks we have been working with every single delegation on the Council to develop a new attribution mechanism for chemical-weapons attacks in Syria. We held open and transparent negotiations so that every delegation could provide its input. And we went the extra mile for one Council member. We adopted paragraph after paragraph of Russia's proposed draft resolution (S/2018/175). We tried to take every Russian proposal that did not compromise the impartiality, independence or professionalism of a new attribution mechanism. After the Douma attack, we updated our draft resolution with common sense changes. Our proposal condemns the attack. It demands unhindered humanitarian access for the people in Douma. It calls on the parties to give maximum cooperation to the investigation. And it creates the attribution mechanism that we worked so hard with each member to develop. The draft resolution is the bare minimum that the Council can do to respond to the attack. The United States did everything possible to work towards Council unity on this text. Again, we accepted every recommendation that did not compromise the impartiality and independence of the proposed attribution mechanism. I want to say a brief word about Russia's draft resolution, which is also before us for a vote. Our draft resolutions are similar, but there are important differences. The key point is that our draft resolution guarantees that any investigations will truly be independent. Russia's draft resolution gives Russia itself the chance to choose the investigators and then to assess the outcome. There is nothing independent about that. The United States is not asking to choose the investigators, and neither should Russia. The United States is not asking to review the findings of any investigation before they are final, and neither should Russia. All of us say that we want an independent investigation. Our draft resolution achieves that goal. Russia's does not. This is not an issue that more time or more consultations could have resolved. At a certain point, you are either for an independent and impartial investigation or you are not. And now that the Douma attack has happened, this is not a decision that we can delay any longer. The United States calls on all Security Council members to vote in favour of our draft resolution and to abstain or vote against the Russian draft resolution. The Syrian people are counting on us. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Today the delegation of the United States is once again trying to mislead the international S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 4/21 18-10187 community and is taking yet another step towards confrontation by putting to a vote a draft resolution (S/2018/321) that does not enjoy the unanimous support of the members of the Security Council. It is not true that it meets almost all our requirements. The text is nothing more than an attempt to resurrect, unchanged, the former Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM), established to investigate cases of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. Russia has always emphasized that it will not support that approach. The JIM became a puppet in the hands of anti-Damascus forces, and it covered itself with shame when it issued a guilty verdict for a sovereign State without credible evidence. The American draft resolution represents an identical reproduction of all of the former Mechanism's flawed working methods. The new mechanism would conduct investigations as it sees fit, with no reference to the standards of the Chemical Weapons Convention. That has nothing to do with independence, which the draft resolution's sponsors and its closest allies only pretend to care about. We know the worth of such independence. It is true anarchy and manipulation. At every stage of our work on the American initiative we have insisted that the Secretary-General should select the staff for the investigative mechanism on the basis of the broadest possible geographic representation, with subsequent approval by the Security Council. Visits to the sites of the incidents and strict adherence to the principle of sequential actions while ensuring the preservation of the material evidence should be not optional but mandatory working principles. In a collective decision, the Security Council would determine who was responsible in any given case of the use of chemical weapons, based on reliable evidence that would leave no room for doubt about the correctness of the conclusions. There is nothing about this in the American draft resolution. The authors know that it goes against the Russian position and will not be adopted. But they are obstinately sticking to their line. It is clear that today's provocative step has nothing to do with a desire to investigate what happened in Douma, Syria, on 7 April. An attributive mechanism is not necessary in order to initially establish the facts. Even if we could conceive of the improbable scenario in which the draft resolution creating the mechanism was adopted today, it would take several months to put the mechanism together and fine-tune its operations. Establishing who is to blame is the final link in a very long chain of actions. Here, in front of everyone, I would once again like to ask the sponsors why they need the mechanism when they have already identified the guilty parties before the investigation. They do not need it. They do not want to hear anything. They do not want to hear that no traces of a chemical attack were found in Douma. They have simply been looking for an excuse the whole time, and the provocateurs among the White Helmets have very kindly provided it. This is all reminiscent of a kind of spring fever. Exactly a year ago, in April 2017, a similar scenario unrolled with the chemical provocation in Khan Shaykhun, followed by a missile strike. The fact is that the authors of the draft resolution are motivated by completely different priorities. They have pinned their hopes on the assumption that the draft resolution will not be adopted. That is what they want, and it is something that they can bank along with the rest of their reasons justifying the use of force against Syria. For several days now, the Administration in Washington, D.C., has been keeping the international community in suspense while discussing the so-called important decisions being prepared. Only yesterday we heard how anxiously Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura spoke about the current escalation extending beyond Syria's borders (see S/PV.8225), and we know that the Secretary-General is also very concerned about that. It is clear that Russia will once again be the target of the propaganda cannons. My American colleague will painstakingly enumerate the Russian vetoes on Syria. It is not impossible that she has taken upon herself a capitalist commitment to using the reckless policies of the United States to achieve some sort of personal record in that regard. We are using the veto to protect international law, peace and security and to ensure that the United States does not to drag the Security Council into its misadventures. The United States representative says that we are covering up for someone. Russia is in Syria at the invitation of its lawful Government in order to combat international terrorism, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, while the United States is covering up for militias and terrorists. If the United States has decided to carry out an illegal military venture — and we still hope that it will think better of it — it must answer for that itself. It wants to dump this draft resolution, which has been sitting on the shelf for a long time, onto the Security Council in order to find a pretext. The United States representative 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 5/21 herself has said repeatedly that if the Council does not make a decision, the United States will make a decision on its own. Why is the suta purposely undermining the Council's authority by promoting a draft resolution that we know will not go through? And a lot of people said that yesterday during consultations. We urge the Americans to give sober consideration to the potential this presents for confrontation, to think better of it and to withdraw its draft resolution from a vote. Russia cannot support it. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall first put to the vote the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/321, submitted by Canada, France, the Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Sweden, Turkey, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America. A vote was taken by show of hands. In favour: Côte d'Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, France, Kazakhstan, Kuwait, Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Sweden, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and United States of America Against: Bolivia (Plurinational State of), Russian Federation Abstaining: China The President (spoke in Spanish): The draft resolution received 12 votes in favour, 2 against and 1 abstention. The draft resolution has not been adopted, owing to the negative vote of a permanent member of the Council. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements following the voting. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): This is a sad day for the Security Council; it is a sad day for the cause of universal norms and standards; and it is a sad day for the non-proliferation regime. But, above all, it is a very sad day for the people of Douma, who now are without the protection that the international system was set up to provide for them. This is the fourth time in six days that the Council has discussed chemical weapons. Yesterday 14 members of the Security Council called for an investigation. Several members called on the permanent five (P-5) to assume their responsibilities to uphold the universal prohibition on weapons of mass destruction (WMD). As a P-5 member, the United Kingdom was ready to do that and was joined by France and the United States. Conversely, by vetoing, Russia has crossed a line in the international order, and worse, if possible, history is repeating itself one year on from Khan Shaykun. Russia helped to create the original independent investigation that attributed Khan Shaykun to the Syrian regime and concluded that sarin, which can be developed only by a State actor, had been used. But last autumn, Russia vetoed renewal of that mechanism on not one but three occasions. The reason is clear: it is because Russia would rather cross the WMD line than risk sanction of its ally Syria. Instead, we are asked to believe that the Russian version of this latest attack should be the one that the Security Council believes. Russia is not authorized by the Security Council to carry out an investigation in Syria. Russia says that there were no traces of a chemical attack. No traces were found by whom? I repeat: Russia is not authorized to carry out an investigation on behalf of the Security Council. We need an independent investigative mechanism for that purpose, and only that sort of mechanism can have the confidence of the Security Council, the confidence of the membership of the United Nations and the confidence of the people of Syria. Sadly, reports of chemical-weapon attacks in Syria have continued since the original Russian veto, in November. It has become very clear that Russia will do what it takes to protect Syria, whatever the compelling evidence of the crimes committed, and to shut down further investigation and discussion of those crimes. This has come at the cost of Russia's own obligations and credibility as a permanent member of the Council, as a State party to the Chemical Weapons Convention and as a declared and supposed supporter of peace in Syria. The Security Council has been unable to act solely because Russia has abused the power of veto to protect Syria from international scrutiny for the use of chemical weapons against the Syrian people. Even today open-source investigations have located a chlorine cylinder, the same kind that the Joint Investigative Mechanism has found that the Syrian regime used, atop a house in Douma full of people who had clearly died from respiratory problems. S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 6/21 18-10187 I frankly doubt that in 48 hours Russia has verified all similar reports and can conclude that they are all fake. They are not fake; they need to be looked at and investigated by a proper independent mechanism such as the Council was prepared today to pass. Russia's credibility as a member of the Council is now in question. We will not stand idly by and watch Russia continue to undermine the global norms that have ensured the security of all of us, including Russia, for decades. As a P-5 member, the United Kingdom will stand up for international peace and security; it is our moral duty. It is a matter of shame that Russia has once again blocked a draft resolution. The Russian Ambassador mentioned that it was not a question of counting the number of Russian vetoes. I beg to differ. To quote Lenin, quantity has a quality all of its own. Russia's actions today are a step against the rules and authority of the Security Council and the wider United Nations. They are a step against international peace and security and non-proliferation, and they are a step against humanity. Mr. Wu Haitao (China) (spoke in Chinese): China is deeply concerned at reports that the use of chemical weapons has caused civilian deaths and casualties in Syria. We are firmly opposed to the use of chemical weapons by any country, organization or individual, under any circumstances. This has been China's clear and consistent position. China supports the carrying out of a comprehensive, objective and impartial investigation into the use of chemical weapons in Syria so as to achieve results that are based on substantial evidence and can pass the litmus test of history and truth, bringing the perpetrators and the parties responsible for the use of chemical weapons to justice. There should be no prejudgment of the outcome or arbitrary conclusions. The Security Council has a consensus on condemning the chemical-weapons attacks in Syria, establishing a new investigative mechanism and identifying the perpetrators of the chemical-weapon attack in Syria. All members of the Security Council should remain united and insist that the Council and the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons be the main channel for dealing with the Syrian chemical-weapon issue, in an effort to seek an appropriate solution through consultations. The draft resolution that was just put to the vote in the Security Council (S/2018/321) had elements of consensus, including condemning the chemical-weapons attacks in Syria, establishing a new investigative mechanism and urging all parties to cooperate with the investigation. However, on some specific measures, it does not take full consideration of some of the major concerns of certain Security Council members on improving the mechanism's working methods and ensuring an objective and impartial investigation. Against that backdrop and in the light of our long-standing position on the question of chemical weapons in Syria, China abstained in the voting on the draft resolution. The issue of Syria is currently at a critical juncture. China remains firmly seized of the situation and is deeply concerned at the developments on the ground. China has always called for respecting the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Syria and insists on seeking a peaceful solution to the dispute. We oppose the use or threat of force in international relations and believe that any action taken should be in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. The international community and all parties concerned should stand firm on the imperative need to seek a political solution to the question of Syria, step up their support for the United Nations main channel of mediation, and push for all Syrian parties to seek a Syrian-led and Syrian-owned political solution to the question of Syria, in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015). China is ready to work with all parties in an effort to push for a political solution to the issue of Syria. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): My delegation voted in favour of the draft resolution initiated by the United States (S/2018/321) for two main reasons. With regard to the first reason, Côte d'Ivoire believes that the draft resolution conforms to our firm belief that any and all use of chemical weapons in wartime as in peacetime must be condemned and requires investigation to determine those responsible for such acts to hold them accountable. In that regard, the draft resolution submitted by the United States clearly conveys the resolve of the international community to see perpetrators of chemical attacks identified and prosecuted so that they are accountable for their acts. Concerning the second reason, Côte d'Ivoire believes that the text of the draft resolution provides 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 7/21 guarantees with regard to the credibility of the outcome of investigations. The text insulates such investigations from any political influence and clears a path for the experts' professionalism and independence and the impartiality of the mechanism itself. By voting in favour of the draft resolution, the Ivorian delegation wanted to show its solidarity with Syrian victims who are suffering from the consequences of an endless war and to help meaningfully safeguard international peace and security. Sadly, my delegation notes that divisiveness within the Security Council prevented the adoption of the American draft resolution, which Côte d'Ivoire painfully regrets. It is time that efforts be made to unify the Council if we want truly to work to achieve international peace and security. Mr. Radomski (Poland): The use of chemical weapons is a serious atrocity, which may amount to a crime against humanity and a war crime. Accountability for such acts is a requirement under international law — and central to achieving sustainable peace in Syria. Draft resolution S/2018/321, presented by the United States, addressed the most pressing needs related to the use of chemical weapons in Syria, including the role of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and its Fact-finding Mission, securing humanitarian access and, last but not least, creating a new, truly independent and impartial accountability mechanism. We thank the American delegation for its ongoing leadership in the negotiations. We appreciate its flexibility and fully understand and share the rationale behind putting this text to the vote today. Because of the use of the veto by the Russian Federation, the Security Council failed once again today to establish an accountability mechanism. By that act, Russia undermined the ability of the Council to fulfil its primary responsibility under the Charter of the United Nations: to maintain international peace and security. We are disappointed that, for some States, political alliances and calculations proved to be more important than the need to end the horrors confronting the civilian population and the unacceptable loss of human life in Syria. Poland supports the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic, the Impartial and Independent Mechanism to Assist in the Investigation and Prosecution of Persons Responsible for the Most Serious Crimes under International Law Committed in the Syrian Arab Republic since March 2011, the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, and other instruments that might facilitate bringing the perpetrators of chemical attacks to justice. We will join all genuine efforts to achieve that goal. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): Bolivia reiterates in the strongest terms its categorical condemnation of the use of chemical weapons and the weaponization of chemical agents as an unjustifiable and criminal act, wherever, whenever and by whomever they are committed, as such use constitutes a serious crime under international law and a threat to international peace and security. There is no justification for their use regardless of the circumstances and of who uses them. We therefore reaffirm the need to maintain the unity of the Security Council so as to ensure that those who have used chemical weapons are held accountable and brought to justice so that their actions do not go unpunished. In that regard, we reiterate our support for the work being carried out by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and its Fact-finding Mission so that, in line with their mandates, they can carry out the work entrusted to them in the most methodical, technical and trustworthy manner possible with the support of an independent, impartial, complete and conclusive investigation. We firmly reiterate that the work of an investigative mechanism is essential to ensuring accountability for such terrible acts. To that end, it must be independent, impartial and representative so that a transparent, impartial, complete, reliable and conclusive investigation can be carried out, and, for that to happen, we face the great challenge and the responsibility of not politicizing or instrumentalizing the Security Council. My delegation voted against the draft resolution (S/2018/321) presented by the United States of America, first of all, because we regret that once again a draft resolution was put to the vote with the knowledge that it would not be adopted by the Security Council, and, moreover, because there has already been a series of threats of the use of force accompanied by threats of unilateral action, which, of course, runs directly counter to the Charter of the United Nations. Bolivia once again makes clear its firm rejection of taking unilateral actions, because any unilateral military action that does not enjoy the approval of the Security Council is entirely illegal and contravenes the principles explicitly set forth in the Charter. In addition, any unilateral S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 8/21 18-10187 military action would violate the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Arab Republic of Syria, and would affect the stability of the political process and the agreements on which progress has been made under the auspices of the United Nations. Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): In my statement yesterday (see S/PV.8225) I urged the Security Council not to stand idly by and watch as a spectator while chemical weapons were being used in Syria. In our opinion, the Council should act, condemn, protect, and hold to account those responsible. Those elements are all reflected in draft resolution (S/2018/321) put forward by the United States, and that is why the Kingdom of the Netherlands voted in favour of that draft resolution. We thank the United States delegation for drafting the text. We appreciate the earlier rounds of negotiations and the flexibility displayed at yesterday's late-night round. Together with others, we are extremely disappointed that an attempt to set up an effective mechanism of attribution on the use of chemical weapons has failed once again. Today we witnessed the twelfth overall Russian use of the veto concerning Syria, including six pertaining to chemical weapons. As I said yesterday, if the Russian representative claims that the chemical-weapons attack in Syria is a fabrication, he should not veto the draft resolution. By vetoing this draft resolution, the Russian Federation assumes a heavy responsibility for continued impunity and the horrible use of chemical weapons in Syria. Because of this permanent member, the Council is not even able to condemn the use of chemical-weapons attacks this past weekend in Douma, during which the White Helmets once again demonstrated their unwavering commitment to their life-saving work in the most difficult circumstances. With regard to the draft resolution proposed by the Russian Federation (S/2018/175), the Netherlands will vote against it. That draft resolution falls short in every possible way. It seems that the Russian Federation is unable to support an independent and impartial investigative mechanism. It seems that it can accept a mechanism only in which itself can decide when, where, how and by whom the investigation would be conducted, while leaving the mandate attributed to the Council subject to its veto. This cannot be the end of the issue. The Security Council cannot remain passive in the face of the atrocities being committed in Syria. We must continue to work for an effective attribution mechanism, inside and outside the Security Council. Impunity must not prevail. The President (spoke in Spanish): The Security Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/175, submitted by the Russian Federation. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements before the voting. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Before I speak about the draft resolution before us (S/2018/175), I would like to say that I am very happy that my British colleague is familiar with the classic works of Marxism-Leninism, although that is hardly surprising, because Marx, Engels and Lenin were frequent visitors to London — indeed, Marx is buried there. But I would like to cite another quotation from Lenin, who wrote an article entitled "Better Fewer, but Better". After the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) on the use of chemical weapons in Syria ended, in November of last year, it was Russia that found itself in the forefront of the efforts to fill the resulting gap. We drafted a resolution on the issue that we submitted to our colleagues for their consideration on 23 January. The Western camp immediately gave the draft text a hostile reception, since it eliminated the loopholes that enabled investigations to be manipulated and handed over to the control of the opponents of Damascus, as occurred with the JIM and which was the reason for its premature demise. I want to emphasize that we have not invented anything new in our text, but have merely brought the principles for the work of the new mechanism in line with the standards of the Chemical Weapons Convention. We now have a real opportunity to create a genuinely independent and impartial working mechanism that would help the Security Council to identify those responsible for the use of chemical weapons in the context of the conflict in Syria. All that it needs is for Council members to vote in favour of our draft resolution, and we call on them to do that. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now put to the vote the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/175, submitted by the Russian Federation. A vote was taken by show of hands. 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 9/21 In favour: Bolivia (Plurinational State of), China, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Kazakhstan, Russian Federation Against: France, Netherlands, Peru, Poland, Sweden, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America Abstaining: Côte d'Ivoire, Kuwait The President (spoke in Spanish): The draft resolution received 6 votes in favour, 7 votes against and 2 abstentions. The draft resolution was not adopted, having failed to obtain the required number of votes. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements following the voting. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): As I have taken the floor once today already, I will be brief. With regard to Karl Marx, I think he must be turning in his grave to see what the country that was founded on many of his precepts is doing in the name of supporting Syria by condoning the use of chemical weapons on Syrian territory. We voted against the Russian draft resolution (S/2018/175) for a number of reasons. The Russian text is a distraction. It has lain dormant around the Security Council for weeks. There was no attempt to meet other Council members' concerns in its drafting, unlike the United States text (S/2018/321), which had adapted its original preferences precisely to try to meet those of the Russian Federation and others. The Russian text does nothing to bring a political process any closer. Specifically, it moves the parameters on access and imparts a quasi-judicial standard — "beyond a reasonable doubt" — that is inappropriate for the type of investigation that the Council wishes to establish. If the Russians want a criminal investigation, they could always suggest that we refer the matter to the International Criminal Court. Furthermore, there is selective quoting of the Chemical Weapons Convention to undermine the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, and it takes a selective approach to the parameters of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. But, above all, the text is unacceptable because it seeks to assert that sovereign States are above international law and international norms. That is breathtaking both in its arrogance and its ignorance, and for that reason alone, if not the others, we could not support it. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): Yesterday I said that history will record this moment (see S/PV.8225) as one when we as the Security Council either lived up to our responsibilities or showed our complete failure to protect the Syrian people. Today we have our answer. The votes have been cast. The record will show that today some countries decided to stand up for truth, accountability and justice for the Syrian people. Most countries saw the horror that took place in Douma last weekend at the hands of the Al-Assad regime and realize that today was a time for action. Month after month, the Al-Assad regime, with the full support of Russia and Iran, has strung the Security Council along. They ignored our calls for a ceasefire, for political dialogue and for deliveries of humanitarian aid. They ignored our calls to stop using chemical weapons — weapons that are universally banned from war. And then, last weekend, the Al-Assad regime forced a moment of reckoning on all of us by gassing people in Douma. The United States and the countries that joined us today could not allow that attack to go unanswered. The record will not be kind to one permanent member of the Council. Unfortunately, Russia has again chosen the Al-Assad regime over the unity of the Security Council. We have said before that Russia will stop at nothing to shield the Al-Assad regime, and now we have our answer. Russia has trashed the credibility of the Council. It is not interested in unity or compromise. Whenever we propose anything meaningful to Russia, Russia vetoes it. It is a travesty. It has now officially vetoed draft resolutions that would hold Al-Assad accountable for these barbaric chemical attacks six times. Things did not have to turn out this way. For weeks, the United States has led transparent, good-faith negotiations with all Security Council members to establish an attribution mechanism for chemical weapons in Syria. We started from the simple premise that every Council member would want to know who was responsible for using those barbaric and illegal weapons. We did everything to accommodate Russia's views. Russia surprised us with a proposed draft resolution (S/2018/175), calling all of us into the S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 10/21 18-10187 Security Council Chamber and handing out the draft text on the spot. After hearing widespread concerns about its draft resolution, Russia moved ahead anyway, accommodating no one's views. We could have done the same, but instead we tried to take as much as we could from Russia's draft text, while maintaining an impartial and independent process. We negotiated in good faith. Many aspects of our draft resolutions were similar. Russia said that the investigators should have safe access to the places where chemical weapons were used. We agreed. Russia said that it wanted an impartial, independent and professional investigation. We agreed. Russia said that the investigators should be recruited on as wide a geographical basis as possible. We agreed. Russia said that it wanted reports on the activities of non-State actors involving chemical weapons. Although that sounded to us like an attempt to distract from the Al-Assad regime, we included Russia's request. We even gave our mechanism the name that Russia wanted — the United Nations independent mechanism of investigation. There were really only two key differences between our draft resolution and that of Russia, but those differences speak volumes. First, Russia wanted to give itself the opportunity to approve the investigators who were chosen for the task. Secondly, Russia wanted the Security Council to assess the findings of any investigation before any report was released. Does any of that sound independent or impartial? Russia's proposal was not about an independent and impartial investigation at all. It was all about protecting the Al-Assad regime. This is a sad day. The United States takes no pleasure in seeing Russia exercise its sixth veto on the issue of chemical weapons in Syria. Only last week, we had hoped that the one-year anniversary of the Khan Shaykun attack might be the start of a renewed partnership to combat chemical weapons. However, those deadly weapons have been used on Syrian families again. When the people of Douma, along with the rest of the international community, looked to the Council to act, one country stood in the way. History will record that. History will record that, on this day, Russia chose to protect a monster over the lives of the Syrian people. Mr. Wu Haitao (China) (spoke in Chinese): China has stated its principled position on the chemical weapons attack in Syria. The draft resolution on the establishment of a new investigative mechanism submitted by the Russian Federation (S/2018/175) condemns the chemicals weapons attack in Syria and calls for the creation of a new investigative mechanism to establish the facts and the truth. We can all agree on those positive elements. In addition, it proposes improved working methods compared to previous investigative mechanism and set out concrete steps to carry out a robust on-site investigation on the ground and to ensure impartiality in the process of collecting evidence. As a result, the new investigative mechanism would be able to function with greater professionalism and to reach a truly credible conclusion. Those elements are in line with China's principled position. We support Russia's draft resolution. China regrets that the draft resolution was not adopted. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): I am taking the floor following the voting on the two draft resolutions (S/2018/175 and S/2018/321) above all to express our frustration over the fact that the Security Council was not able to adopt either the first or the second draft, which sought to give the Council an independent and professional mechanism with a mandate to attribute responsibility for the use of chemical weapons, despite the fact that all Security Council members expressed their desire in that regard. That is precisely why we voted in favour of both draft resolutions in the hope of having a new monitoring mechanism to attribute responsibility so as to protect people from the terrible and harmful effects of such chemical weapons. Despite the negative outcome of the voting on both draft resolutions, the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, whose position on the use of chemical weapons we have clearly set out during the debates on the issue, wants the members of the Security Council to seek and to explore other alternative draft texts that could merit the joint agreement or the consensus of the Security Council so that we can establish that new mechanism as soon as possible. That is what the people who are suffering, or in the future may suffer, the terrible effects of chemical weapons hope and expect of the Security Council. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): It is indeed regrettable that the Council could not adopt a resolution to establish a new mechanism that would identify those responsible 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 11/21 for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. Establishing such a tool would have sent a quick and unified message regarding the resolve of the Council not to tolerate impunity. That is how we view the defeat of both draft resolutions (S/2018/175 and S/2018/321). However, we were not at all surprised. We voted in favour of both draft resolutions, consistent with our position in reaffirming the importance of setting up an independent, impartial and professional investigative mechanism with a view to ensuring accountability. No doubt, such a mechanism would clearly have addressed the existing institutional gap in that regard, which continues to be a source of major weakness in the fight against impunity. Both draft resolutions sought the establishment of such a mechanism. Clearly, there are differences, among others, concerning some aspects of the accountability mechanism. We believe that we have come some distance in bridging those differences. It would have been a major achievement, both functionally and from the point of view of enhancing trust, which is so greatly needed in order to address the challenge not only of ensuring non-proliferation but also of advancing the cause of international peace and security. That was why we were hoping that we could achieve consensus on the matter and unity within the Council. Frankly speaking, we do not like what we see. At the risk of sounding self-righteous — and the challenge that we face makes taking the risk appropriate — we must say that we are deeply disappointed about the situation that we are in. Since we have no alternative, it remains important that we all persevere in continuing our dialogue and supporting the efforts to ensure unity, without which the Council will not be in a position to discharge its principal responsibility of maintaining international peace and security, in particular repairing the damage to the chemical weapons disarmament and non-proliferation regime. Yesterday, we expressed our concern about the difficult situation we are currently facing (see S/PV.8225). We do not wish to repeat what we said, but allow me to state in closing that we look forward to handling the issue of the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma, eastern Damascus, with a greater sense of responsibility. That is how we intend to look at the draft resolution from Russia before us, a draft which, in our view, is relatively similar to the draft resolution informally made available by Sweden yesterday, whenever the Council is ready to handle it. Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): I support the statement in explanation of vote on the American draft resolution (S/2018/321) made earlier in the meeting by the representative of the United Kingdom, who said that today is actually a sad day. It is a sad day for the non-proliferation regime, and a sad day for civilians — particularly women, children and the elderly — throughout Syria, and specifically Douma in eastern Ghouta. We ask their forgiveness because we have disappointed them once again. The Council has been unable to establish a mechanism that would hold accountable those who commit crimes by using chemical weapons in Syria. We ask their forgiveness because the Council has been unable to put an end to the serious and gross violations of international humanitarian law, human rights law and many Security Council resolutions condemning the use of chemical weapons in Syria. We ask their forgiveness because the Council has been unable to hold to account the perpetrators of crimes related to the use of chemical weapons in Syria. Our position has always been clear. We have called for consensus in the Council on this sensitive issue, which touches on accountability and impunity. We voted in favour of the United States draft resolution because it contains the basic elements that we think are necessary to establish any new accountability mechanism in Syria in order to guarantee its independence, neutrality and professionalism. The mechanism would identify the perpetrators responsible for any chemical attack, and then the Security Council would shoulder its responsibility in terms of sanctions. We abstained in the voting on the draft resolution presented by the Russian Federation (S/2016/175) because it did not include the elements to which I have referred. It would undermine the credibility of the new mechanism by depriving it of its fundamental terms of reference, namely, to determine whoever is responsible in the event of attacks using chemical weapons. We are very concerned about the result of voting today because it will encourage parties to the conflict to continue using chemical weapons in the absence of accountability. Kuwait supported the code of conduct whereby the States members of the Security Council would commit to not opposing draft resolutions dealing with crimes against humanity, genocide and war crimes. We also S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 12/21 18-10187 supported the French-Mexican initiative on abstention in the use of the veto in cases of human rights violations. As a result of the voting today, and based on our commitment to abiding by the four Geneva Conventions and their two Additional Protocols, international humanitarian law and the final outcome of 2016 World Humanitarian Summit, we call again for crimes against humanity and war crimes, as well as humanitarian issues, to receive due attention. That would include allowing the safe and sustainable delivery of humanitarian assistance and medical evacuations, and preventing the siege of residential areas. These should be treated as procedural issues; they should not be subject to a veto so that such human tragedies and sufferings are never repeated. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): Like everyone else, we deeply regret that today the Council was prevented once again from establishing a responsibility-attribution mechanism for the purpose of impartially identifying the perpetrators and organizers of the use of chemical weapons in Syria. I am sure we all share a sense of very tragic déjà vu as we repeat the scenario the Council faced in November when the renewal of the mandate of the Joint Investigative Mechanism was blocked. However — and I apologize to all of those who are tired of hearing me say this — we will not give up. Efforts to reach an agreement on a responsibility-attribution mechanism must continue, and we support all serious and genuine initiatives that aim to achieve this objective. We stand ready to help facilitatory efforts to find a way forward. Accountability for the use of chemical weapons is crucial. As we have stated before, the Syrian people suffering from more than seven years of conflict deserve no less from us. They want peace and justice, not further military escalation or impunity. A collective response to the most recent alleged chemical weapons attack in Douma therefore remains urgent and critical. The credibility of the Council is at stake. We must now come together to swiftly condemn the use of chemical weapons in Syria and express alarm at the alleged attack in Douma. We must support an immediate and further investigation through the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, and we must demand full, free and safe access without any restrictions or impediments to the fact-finding mission in its immediate deployment to Syria. Establishing the facts of what has taken place in Douma remains an essential first step towards confirming the alleged use of chemical weapons and finding the truth, and we need independent, impartial attribution of guilt followed by full accountability. The Council must remain seized and live up to its responsibility. That is why we circulated yesterday a draft text aimed at finding common ground. We stand ready to work tirelessly to find agreement on a robust, swift and immediate response. We need to come back together again after the failure that we have just witnessed. Mr. Tumysh (Kazakhstan): Our position remains unchanged and consistent. Due to well-known historical reasons, Kazakhstan has always taken a firm and resolute stance of uncompromising condemnation of any use of weapons of mass destruction, including chemical weapons. We do so as that is an extremely heinous action and an unacceptable war crime. We have also been in support of attaching paramount importance to the creation of a new investigative mechanism. That has been strongly reiterated, and we have pressed for its urgency. Impunity for chemical crimes is not acceptable. It sends the wrong signal to those who continue to use or intend to use such an extremely heinous weapon. However, in order to punish anyone, we must be able to prove guilt completely and irrefutably. In that regard, the creation of a full-fledged, impartial and independent investigative tool is of the utmost necessity for all. We have worked in earnest with the delegations of the United States and the Russian Federation. We must recognize that the use of chemical weapons in Syria continues, along with the persistent threat of chemical terrorism, to present a grave reality. In addition, many allegations of the use of chemical agents in Syria are still undisclosed. Based on the aforementioned circumstances and understanding the need to preserve this mechanism, we supported both draft resolutions intended to create new investigative mechanisms. We urge that we all work together for the maintenance and strengthening of international peace and security. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): This meeting is an interesting one from a variety of perspectives. One is that Lenin and Marx, two anti-imperialists, have been invoked more than once. What we have seen today is related to that topic. It is a fact that all empires are under the illusion that they are morally superior to the rest of us, that they believe themselves to be exceptional and indispensable and that they are above the law. In this, as in other cases, they do not seek to advance democracy or 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 13/21 freedom, but rather ultimately to expand their power and domination worldwide. What we have seen today is a sad reflection of what is happening on the battlefield in Syria and of those interests. I would like to echo the words of the Swedish Ambassador in urging the Security Council not to rest until we are united and can reach consensus, if indeed we believe in the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. It is the Charter, and whether the members of the Council can fulfil it, that is ultimately at stake. One of our responsibilities under it is to refrain from taking unilateral action. We hope that principle will be honoured. The President (spoke in Spanish): The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/322, submitted by the Russian Federation. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements before the voting. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We too are sorry that our draft resolution (S/2018/175) was not adopted today, but at the moment neither it nor the United States draft resolution (S/2018/321) would have had any influence on the investigation of the alleged incident in Douma. Right now, that is not what they are about. There is no need to mislead anybody by saying that, or that there were intensive consultations on the American draft resolution but not on ours, or that most of our amendments were supposedly taken into account. Our colleagues will now tell the press that we vetoed their resolution, while modestly remaining silent about the fact that just as with the draft resolutions on the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, they also vetoed ours. Yesterday, during the meeting on threats to international peace and security (see S/PV.8225), there was an emotional discussion of the event, or the alleged event, in Douma on 7 April. Based on the results of the inspection conducted by our specialists, we said that a chemical attack could not be confirmed. Nonetheless, we advocated for the speediest possible investigation of all of the circumstances by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and affirmed our willingness to facilitate its work on the ground. The Government of Syria has sent the OPCW an official request that such a mission be dispatched to Douma as soon as possible. Yesterday, the Swedish delegation put forward a fairly constructive text for a corresponding draft resolution. Unfortunately, their initiative was undeveloped and was trampled down thanks to the confrontational efforts of the United States and its closest allies, which had decided to shift the focus away from the issue of an investigation of what happened on 7 April. That is understandable, because they have already identified the guilty parties. As far as they are concerned, the so-called regime, along with Russia and Iran, is always to blame for everything. The investigation does not interest them. Well, sometimes it does, but only if it is based on so-called exclusive data from the opposition's social networks. For the hundredth time, I would like to ask the same question yet again. Can someone here explain clearly and plainly why Damascus needed this alleged chemical attack in Douma in principle, especially since practically all of the militias had evacuated Douma by then? And the militias who were still being evacuated on 8 April knew nothing about the alleged occurrence of this chemical attack. I will answer my own question. The provocation was desperately needed by the militias who received that very timely support from the United States and other Western countries. We decided to develop the Swedish initiative, and our draft resolution notes the Syrian Government's invitation to the OPCW Fact-finding Mission to visit the site of the alleged event without delay. It welcomes the decision of the Director-General of the OPCW Technical Secretariat to send the Mission to Syria in order to conduct investigative work in line with Chemical Weapons Convention standards. It takes into account the guarantees of safe access provided by the Syrian authorities and Russian military forces. Fifteen days later, the Secretary-General would submit the first report to the Security Council. This is a strictly practical, non-confrontational and depoliticized initiative in support of the OPCW, which would help the specialists in this area determine what did, or rather did not, take place in Douma. And that is the priority now, not the draft resolution on a United Nations independent investigative mechanism, which was hastily submitted for a vote with the obvious aim of seeing both draft resolutions vetoed. We hope that Council members will give this initiative their unanimous support so that the process can begin as soon as possible. According to our information, two S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 14/21 18-10187 expert groups from the OPCW Fact-finding Mission should leave for Syria by the end of this week. Whatever the excuse that may be given, if the experts do not reach Douma because they have been prevented by those who continue to speculate about the chemical issue in order to smear Syria and Russia, that will be yet another piece of evidence showing that behind this thoroughly false story are dirty geopolitical games and, what is worse, aggressive military plans capable of reversing the positive trend in the resolution of Syria's conflict and inflicting a painful blow on a region already tormented by adventurist assaults. We are witnessing all of that literally in real time. We request that you put this draft resolution to a vote, Mr. President. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): We want swift and resolute action today, and we want the Security Council to shoulder its collective responsibility. But I am not sure that we have exhausted all the avenues that could get us there, nor am I sure that voting on this new Russian draft resolution (S/2018/322) will get us there either. We feel that we are at a very fragile stage of Council deliberations right now, and we need to reflect carefully on the way forward to ensure that we do not jump into further paralysis, with consequences that will be difficult to defend or repair. That is why I would like to ask you, Mr. President, to suspend the meeting right here and now so that we can all move into consultations and carefully and collectively reflect on the next step. The President (spoke in Spanish): The representative of the Russian Federation has asked to make a further statement. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We listened carefully to what the Permanent Representative of Sweden has just said. To be candid, we are somewhat puzzled by his statement, because the draft resolution that we submitted (S/2018/322) is, in essence, based on the same idea as the draft submitted yesterday by the Swedish delegation. I do not know what we are going to consult on in consultations. I believe we already consulted on this subject yesterday. However, out of respect for the Swedish delegation and those delegations who would like to hold consultations, we are not against that. But let me say right away that we intend to put this draft resolution to a vote today, after our consultations. We hope that the consultations will be constructive and will not drag on for long, because that is certainly not necessary at this point. We need to adopt this draft resolution in support of the mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons in order to establish the facts on the ground as quickly as possible. The President (spoke in Spanish): If there is no objection, I will suspend the meeting. We will continue after our consultations. The meeting was suspended at 4.40 p.m. and resumed at 5.45 p.m. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now put to the vote the draft resolution contained in document S/2018/322, submitted by the Russian Federation. A vote was taken by show of hands. In favour: Bolivia (Plurinational State of), China, Ethiopia, Kazakhstan, Russian Federation Against: France, Poland, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America Abstaining: Côte d'Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Kuwait, Netherlands, Peru, Sweden The President (spoke in Spanish): The result of the voting is as follows: 5 votes in favour, 4 against and 6 abstentions. The draft resolution was not adopted, having failed to obtain the required number of votes. I shall now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements following the voting. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I will be brief. In the Consultations Room just now, Mr. President, you and the representative of Sweden made valiant attempts at a compromise. We all appreciate what is at stake and thank you for your and Sweden's efforts. But, fundamentally, the United Kingdom could not vote for the Russian text (S/2018/322) because it does not establish an investigation into who was responsible for the attack. It only welcomes the Fact-finding Mission, which is already on its way. I repeat what I said in consultations: the Fact-finding Mission determines whether chemical weapons were used and, if they were, which chemical weapons were used. It does not, and cannot, establish who was responsible for 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 15/21 their use — and thus start on the first step on the path to attribution and accountability. For that reason, we are not able to support the text. It would be like watching a fire, identifying that there was a fire, and doing nothing to put it out. The Russians invited us to return to the issue of an investigative mechanism on a separate occasion. I am afraid that the answer to that is 17 November 2017, when Russia vetoed a joint investigative mechanism that it had itself decided to set up. For all those reasons, all it would have taken is a written decision for an investigation set up by the Security Council. Russia could not take that small step, and therefore we were not able to support the draft resolution. I very much regret that, but the answer was in Russia's hands. Mr. Wu Haitao (China) (spoke in Chinese): Recent reports concerning the use of chemical weapons in Douma and the consequent civilian casualties have given rise to serious concern on the part of the international community. China has noted that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) has already asked its Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic to investigate the relevant reports. We support the OPCW in sending investigators to Syria so as to establish the truth. We call on all parties concerned to cooperate with the investigation. The draft resolution submitted by the Russian Federation (S/2018/322) expresses deep concern about the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma on 7 April, strongly condemns the chemical-weapons attacks that took place in Syria and elsewhere, urges the OPCW Fact-finding Mission to carry out an on-site investigation, and provides that the Syrian Government and other parties will ensure the security of and safe access to investigators. The draft resolution is in keeping with China's principled position. China supports and voted in favour of the Russian draft resolution. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): We deeply regret that we have ended up here following a long day of serious efforts to move forward by some of us — I believe. We abstained in the voting on the Russian draft resolution (S/2018/322) a few moments ago because the attribution and accountability track, which we believe is important, lacked clarity. We called for consultations earlier because we felt that, provided there was political will, an opportunity remained for us to come together and shoulder our responsibility today. We put forward a draft resolution (S/2018/321) to all members that we felt was credible and assertive, and was intended to support the Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. It was also very clear in its determination to establish an impartial, independent and professional investigative mechanism, and we had suggested that the Secretary-General help us recommend the best way forward in that area and give him 10 days to come back to the Council. I believe that would have been a much better way forward than where we are right now. I am therefore very disappointed that we have not been able to move forward on this. I thank all those members of the Security Council that were ready to engage, and I just hope that we do not consider this the end with regard to ensuring that the facts will be established and that there will be true accountability and no more impunity for the horrendous use of chemical weapons in Syria and elsewhere. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): I once again express the frustration of our delegation over this afternoon's negative outcome. We abstained in the voting on the third draft resolution (S/2018/322), first of all because it was submitted only very late today and, secondly, because it is lacking compared to the two previous draft resolutions on which we voted in favour (S/2018/175 and S/2018/321). We believe that we should ask the representative of Sweden, Mr. Olof Skoog, not to withdraw his proposal so that following this meeting — perhaps tomorrow afternoon — as was suggested during consultations, we can continue considering and analysing it to see whether we can agree to vote on the draft resolution once we have introduced amendments and reached a consensus on the text that he has presented. Mr. Radomski (Poland): Poland voted against the draft resolution (S/2018/322) presented by Russia. We believe that the draft resolution submitted originally by Sweden was an honest attempt to enable the Security Council to respond promptly to the horrific act of violence that occurred in eastern Ghouta on Saturday. To that end, the Security Council needs to re-establish a professional, truly independent and impartial accountability mechanism. The draft resolution proposed by the Russian Federation is missing that important provision. That is why we had to vote against it. S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 16/21 18-10187 Mrs. Haley (United States): I thank you, Sir, and members of the Security Council for what has been another frustrating day. My parents always said that you should always see the good in everyone and in everything. I have therefore been trying to figure out what the good is in Russia. I believe that it is very good at being consistent, and I believe that it is very good at playing games. We saw that when we took up the issue of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism. Russia loved the Joint Investigative Mechanism until we found one side guilty, and then it decided that it did not want it. We then adopted the ceasefire, and Russia loved the idea of the ceasefire until Al-Assad had a problem with it and subsequently violated it. Today Russia vetoed for the sixth time a draft resolution (S/2018/321) condemning Al-Assad for chemical-weapons attacks on his own people. No matter what we do, Russia will be consistent. Russia will continue to play games, and once again it is putting forward yet another surprise draft resolution (S/2018/322). The first time that any of us saw it was today at 11 a.m. The Russians held no negotiations. It took no input, and, when Sweden asked that the Council be allowed to discuss the draft resolution, Russia allowed that but did not want any changes to it. There is a reason for which Russia did not want to discuss its resolution, and that is because it does not accomplish anything. The draft resolution mainly asks for the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) to send its Fact-finding Mission to Douma, but the Fact-finding Mission is already travelling to Douma. It already has a mandate to investigate and collect samples. What makes it worse is that Russia includes several provisions in its draft resolution that are deeply problematic and once again seeks to compromise the credibility of the international investigation. The draft resolution puts Russia and the Al-Assad regime itself in the driver seat for making arrangements for the Fact-finding Mission investigators. We are just supposed to trust that the same Government that says that everything concerning the Douma attack was fake will work in good faith with the OPCW. This draft resolution also tries to micromanage how the Fact-finding Mission should carry out its investigation, while dictating where the investigators should go. As we have always said, for an investigation to be credible and independent, the investigators must choose where they believe they should go. Members of the Council — least of all Russia — should not be calling the shots. For those reasons, the United States voted against the draft resolution. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We voted in favour of the draft resolution (S/2018/322) because we saw value in its adoption as it offered, we thought, the possibility for the protection of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic. Frankly, we tried to find weaknesses in the text. We could not. It is a matter-of-fact and uncomplicated draft resolution. We could not find any reason not to support it. Undoubtedly, it would not have made achieving attribution possible, but finding out whether chemical weapon were in fact used would have been a great achievement. Of course, so far the Russian position has been that there was no use of chemical weapons in Douma. Establishing the facts surrounding that assertion or position would have been a great achievement. We are not in a position to take advantage of the guarantee offered or the Council's strong support in that regard. We felt that the Fact-finding Mission needed the support. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Frankly speaking, I think all of us have seen everything for ourselves. Unfortunately, the failure to adopt draft resolution S/2018/322 really is a litmus test says a great deal and leaves us extremely apprehensive. We proposed a very innocuous draft resolution, which is moreover virtually a complete repeat of Sweden's draft text from yesterday. I find it difficult to understand which might be the parts where Mrs. Haley read between the lines to discover our scheming and our trickery. Perhaps the Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom answered that when she said that they could not adopt the Russian draft resolution — let us say it out loud — because it was a Russian draft resolution. Then everything was clear. The United States representative said that we are very good at playing games. I am not sure about that. What I am sure of is that she is very good at making threats, and the threats that the United States is making with regard to Syria should make us all extremely alarmed, because we may be standing on the threshold of some very sad and terrible events. I would once again like to ask the United States to refrain from executing the plans that it may be incubating for Syria. Unfortunately, the refusal of the United States to adopt the draft resolution speaks to the fact that our 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 17/21 American partners and colleagues do not need any real investigation, which is something that we discussed earlier. We regret the fact that the draft resolution was not adopted, although it is true that the Fact-finding Mission will, I hope, reach Syria soon and be able to get to work on its principal mandate, which is establishing the facts about what really happened in Douma. To repeat what I have said once again, in all innocence, the Russian military and the Syrian Government will provide support to the mission in terms of ensuring its security. I hope that does not raise questions for anyone, because it is simply what must be done. We hope that the Mission will be able to make the trip effectively and without delay. Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): I would like to start by thanking Sweden for its efforts and attempts to achieve rapprochement and to smooth over the differences among the members of the Security Council. We are disappointed by the Council's inability to reach consensus on this important matter and by the fact that the divisions among Council members unfortunately continue. We abstained in the voting, despite the fact that the gist of draft resolution S/2018/322 calls for an investigation into what took place in Douma, which is what we called for. The investigation should be undertaken by an international, independent and impartial body, which in this case is the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). However, the OPCW Fact-finding Mission will go to Syria anyway, and the Council welcomed that fact yesterday. There is therefore no need for a draft resolution. What we are looking for is an international, independent, neutral and professional body or mechanism that would investigate the incident and identify the party that has used chemical weapons, if it indeed determines that chemical weapons have been used. That approach will enable the Council to hold the perpetrators accountable, in accordance with resolution 2118 (2013). Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): I thank everybody for today's very difficult and unfortunately unproductive day. We voted for the Russian Federation's draft resolution (S/2018/322) on sending a fact-finding mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) as soon as possible because, as we said yesterday in raising this very simple question, we need to know what happened on the ground. Yesterday we were also very clear when we said that there were different and conflicting reports about the number of casualties and even about the very fact that the chemical attack had taken place. We requested and supported the important proposal that a fact-finding mission should go to Douma to establish the facts on the ground. We are not talking right now about who did it, but we are talking about the fact of the event itself. We needed to understand what was there and what had happened there. Sending a fact-finding mission was very important to us and to all the delegations that do not have a presence there to understand the objective reality of the place. Even if the only information obtained is about the kind of substance that was used, that would be very useful for us to understand who the perpetrators might be and at the very least establish the fact that a chemical attack took place. In this kind of understanding, we very much support sending OPCW experts to investigate on the ground in order to give us information on which we can base an objective opinion about the situation. We are not taking sides here, and we were very clear about that yesterday. We would like to receive full, objective, transparent and unbiased information about the facts that we are addressing here. We are therefore glad that the OPCW is sending a group to Douma, regardless of the results of today's voting on draft resolutions. We are hopeful that we can at least get this preliminary information about the situation in Douma. I would like to say once again that we in the Security Council should be objective and base our decisions on the simple facts that may be presented to us by the independent organizations that will determine whether there was a chemical attack or not. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): After having vetoed a draft resolution that sought to shed full light on acts of violence involving chemical weapons (S/2018/175), including those that took place last weekend, Russia persists in a dual strategy of obstruction and diversion on the matter. The only aim of the draft text on which we have just voted (S/2018/322) was clearly to confuse the issue. It is not a question of disputing the importance of an independent investigation by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) into what happened in Douma on 7 April. That is essential, and the investigation has already been launched. However, the Russian draft resolution, which we had to vote against, did not meet the challenges. S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 18/21 18-10187 Let us be clear: what we lack today, and what Russia continues to reject, is a truly independent and impartial mechanism that can attribute responsibility in order to prevent impunity. That was the raison d'être for the OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism. With the establishment of the Joint Investigative Mechanism, set up with the involvement of Russia, we put in place a tool for the essential deterrence of perpetrators of chemical attacks. That is clearly what we lack today. Let us be clear in saying that statements are not enough and that the Russian draft resolution is only a smokescreen that falls well short of the urgent response that the Council should provide. That is why France voted against the draft resolution and why the draft resolution was not adopted. Today I reiterate that France will spare no effort to ensure that the perpetrators of those chemical horrors are identified and held to account in an independent and impartial way. The stakes are extremely high, and we will not give up. Mr. Van Oosterom (Netherlands): We abstained in the voting on the draft resolution (S/2018/322) because we had serious hesitations about the text, as it differed in some crucial aspects from the Swedish text put forward yesterday. First of all, the text makes it insufficiently clear that the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic already has the mandate for on-site visits, as States have to comply with it. They do not need the Council's authorization. Secondly, the text is unduly restrictive. Paragraph 3 is not a correct reflection of the decision of the Director-General or of his existing mandate. The necessity of on-site investigations is up to the team to decide. My third point is that the fact-finding mission should be able to perform its mandate in complete independence. Fourthly, we do not want the precedent that Security Council authorization is needed for a fact-finding mission to do its work. We are convinced that those were issues that we could have solved if the draft resolution had been put forward for proper consultations. We received it this morning. We regret that those concerns could not be taken into account. My last point is that one colleague said that the litmus test of this evening, and of today, was the voting on this draft resolution. I disagree. The litmus test of today's meeting was the veto by one permanent member on the establishment of an effective attribution mechanism. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): I shall be very brief. Bolivia voted in favour of the draft resolution (S/2018/322) for several reasons. One of those is that, although the nature of the events that have been condemned is unknown, the highest authorities of the Organization have pointed out that the United Nations is not is a position to verify the reports of such events. It is therefore essential to establish the truth by means of an independent and impartial investigation. Many of those reports come from non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and we know who finances those NGOs. Therefore, we must allow doubts with regard to such sources. Analysing the draft resolution submitted by the Russian Federation word by word, from the point of view of intellectual integrity, commitment to the Syrian people or international law, we found no reason to vote against the draft resolution. Nevertheless, what concerns us is what is being planned outside the structure of this edifice. While it was said today that Lenin and Marx would probably be turning in their graves, I do not know about that. But what is certain is that Churchill and Roosevelt, for example, are turning in their graves because, as founding fathers of the structure of this world order, they endowed the Security Council with the authority to use force to deal with threats to international peace and security. I am not sure that they would be very happy that the outcome of such events, without a full and conclusive investigation, is that some of its members undertake the unilateral use of force. In any case, we remain hopeful that the Security Council will shoulder its responsibility and that, through unity, it can help to identify the perpetrators of any attack against international peace and security, if that is the case. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Peru. We regret that we were not able to achieve consensus this afternoon on a draft resolution with regard to the delicate situation in Syria. We underscore that the investigation being carried out on the use of chemical weapons must be complemented by an independent, impartial and professional mechanism that attributes 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 19/21 responsibility. That is why we abstained in the voting on this occasion. We reiterate the need for the Security Council to regain its sense of unity on this very delicate subject so that it can fulfil its high responsibilities and thereby alleviate the suffering of the Syrian people. That is why we will continue to explore options on this important matter. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I remind speakers of the content of presidential note S/2017/507 with regard to the length of statements. I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): I will give colleagues who are about to leave the Chamber some of my valuable time. They are afraid that I will beat them in the battle of arguments. They become terrified when they hear any opposing views. Those who just left the Chamber said in their statements that today was a sad day for the non-proliferation regime. I would like to refresh their memories and say that violation of the non-proliferation regime is the speciality of the following Western States. The United States of America used nuclear weapons in Japan. It used chemical and biological weapons in Viet Nam and enriched uranium in Iraq. France used Algerian human beings when it tested its first atomic bomb in the Algerian desert in 1960. In fact, it placed living Algerians in the desert tied to poles, and dropped on them the first French atomic bomb. Britain, of course, conducted all its nuclear tests in its colonies on islands in the oceans. The British Ambassador then says that day was a sad day for the people of Douma. English is not my mother tongue, but I know that there are no people of Douma. There are inhabitants in Douma. There are Syrian people. There are no people of Douma. However, beyond Marx, Engels and Lenin, I would like to quote from Shakespeare as saying: "Lies shame you. Speak the truth or remain silent". My British colleague said that Russia does not have the authority to go to Douma and establish whether or not chemicals were used there, stating that it is not within the jurisdiction of our Russian friends, who are on the ground, to go to Douma and investigate the scene. That is quite strange. Britain should have advised itself in the same manner when it sent intelligence officers to Khan Shaykhoun and conferred upon itself the authority to collect samples with the French. They took the samples to British and French laboratories, as they claimed, without coordinating with the Joint Investigative Mechanism (JIM) or the Fact-finding Mission. That is quite the paradox: giving themselves the very right that they deprive others. Approximately two weeks ago, Britain signed an agreement with the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia for an arms deal worth $100 billion — much bigger than the Al-Yamamah deal — to continue killing people in Yemen, start new wars in the region with Iran and Syria and entrench never-ending wars throughout the entire region. That is what Britain is capable of doing. Mahatma Gandhi knew the British well, and he was right when he said, "If two fish broke out into a fight in the sea, everyone knows it was Britain that started it". The American colleague said that there is only one monster facing the entire world in defiance today. That monster has financed terrorists in Syria for seven years and provided them with arms. I would say that the monster is the United States, Britain and France. They sponsored terrorism in my country for seven years, and before that they did the same in Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya. They sponsored terrorist organizations starting with Taliban and Da'esh, down to the Al-Nusra Front, Al-Qaida, Jaysh Al-Islam, Faylaq Al-Rahman and the White Helmets, which British intelligence newly invented. The monster she spoke of unleashed lies in order to destroy, occupy and send troops thousands of miles throughout the world to destabilize international peace and security. The monster is the American who, thus far, refuses to destroy his chemical arsenal, as we know, yet lectures others on destroying chemical weapons. My French colleague said that he was horrified by the pictures he saw. But he was not horrified by the pictures of the hundreds of civilians who were killed in the 2016 French air strikes in Toukhar village in the rural area of Manbij. Two hundred civilians were killed, including entire families, by France's war planes. The French Ambassador must not have seen those pictures, and consequently they were not a source of horror for him. The concept of double standards is an understatement for those people. In response to the web of lies spread by some Western States against my country regarding the S/PV.8228 The situation in the Middle East 10/04/2018 20/21 18-10187 alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma on 7 April, the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and Expatriates of the Syrian Arab Republic sent today, 10 April, an official invitation to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) to dispatch a fact-finding mission to Douma in order to investigate the allegations of the use of chemical weapons there and to determine the facts about those allegations. I informed members of the Council of that invitation yesterday in this very Chamber (see S/PV.8225). The Syrian Arab Republic welcomes the visit of the fact-finding mission and stands ready to fully cooperate, provide all forms of assistance to the mission in the discharge of its duties and guarantee the safety of its personnel. It will also facilitate interviewing and sampling in accordance with the terms of reference. Syria looks forward to the fact-finding mission carrying out its work in a full, transparent and professional manner and while relying on credible and tangible evidence. If it does deploy, it will find Douma liberated and it will be granted full access to any location it wishes to visit. The situation is quite clear. The co-sponsors of the American draft resolution (S/2018/321) do not seek the truth, because it will simply expose them and their terrorist proxies on the ground. Instead of waiting for the OPCW fact-finding mission to determine whether or not toxic chemicals were used in Douma, they present draft resolutions that do not enjoy consensus, nor do they seek truth, but rather establish non-objective mechanisms that pre-empt results in support of their political accusations and agendas. They are aware that a clone of the JIM would not be accepted by the States in the Council that are dedicated to the quest for truth regarding who is using toxic chemicals against Syrian civilians. In that regard, I underscore that the United States, Britain and France made the JIM fail by thwarting it through politicizing its work, putting pressure on members of its leadership and blackmailing them. Consequently, the JIM lacked credibility and professionalism, as it fabricated reports that accused the Syrian Government based on the so-called open sources, of course including the White Helmets, and false testimonies and fabricated evidence emanating mostly from terrorist groups, most important of which is the terrorist Al-Nusra Front and the White Helmets, which is the British misleading media arm of the Al-Nusra Front. The scenario that we witness today is exactly similar to what we witnessed a year ago when the United States of America launched a wanton aggression on the Al-Shayrat air base, which was founded on flimsy arguments and fabricated pretexts stating that the Syrian Arab Army used chemical weapons in Khan Shaykhoun. Those allegations were proven false when the United States and its allies prevented the experts of the JIM from visiting Khan Shaykhoun and collecting samples from the Al-Shayrat air base. Things are crystal clear. The aggression of the United States and its accomplices, throughout history, thrives on lies, deceit and hegemony, as well as on the rule of the powerful. It is a brutal approach that will never respect the rule of law and international legitimacy. For seven years, my country, Syria, has been a stark example of what the United States and Britain did when they unleashed lies, misleading information and fabricated stories in this very Chamber in order to destroy and occupy Iraq. Their actions were grounded on the pretext of a significant lie, that is, the existence of the so-called weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. I am compelled each and every time to remind the Council of the position of former Secretary of State Colin Powell when, in this very Chamber (see S/PV.4701) — and I was sitting where the Deputy Permanent Representative of China is seated today — he presented tapes, documents, maps and pictures that were later discovered to have been produced, faked and fabricated by the American intelligence services for the purpose of invading Iraq. The operation was prepared in advance. The same scenario occurred with Libya. The truth must be revealed. For centuries the world has witnessed various instances of occupation and hegemony, whose sole purpose was to loot the wealth of nations, occupy land or impose a geopolitical agenda. However, political immorality has reached a depth today to the extent that Libya has been destroyed and many of its people killed to cover up cases of bribery and financial corruption involving the President of a permanent member of the Council that talks about democracy and freedom. It is so low today to the extent that a permanent State regrettably forces Arab oil-exporting countries to foot the bill for its ongoing aggression and military intervention in my country, Syria. It is a business deal forged between the corrupt with the financial means and a mercenary who has weapons and power. Some permanent members of the Council commit acts of aggression against sovereign 10/04/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8228 18-10187 21/21 countries simply to detract attention from domestic crises and ongoing controversy surrounding their political elite. Following seven years of a dirty terrorist war that was imposed upon us, we in Syria believe that clear options exist — but they pose a major challenge to the majority of Council members. The Council must refute the lies and reverse the political deterioration that the United States, Britain and France are trying to push the Council towards engaging in. It is up to the Council today, and in the future, to make its decision. World public opinion and the people of the free world will judge whether or not the Council has assumed its responsibility to uphold international legitimacy, maintain international peace and security and protect the world against the horrible terrorism that is used and exploited by those three permanent member countries to undermine the stability and self-determination of States. I call upon the members of the Council to uphold a global, ethical and multilateral political system that believes in international law and in the right of peoples to self-determination, and rejects military, political and economic hegemony. In conclusion, my country reiterates its condemnation in the strongest terms of any use of chemical weapons by any party, anywhere and under any circumstances. My country stands ready to cooperate with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to reveal the allegations and lies being promoted by some Western parties so as to justify their aggression and serve their own political agenda. Their fleets are now in the eastern Mediterranean, waiting for the veto in order to start their aggression. I would like to inform those Western parties — and they must pay close attention to what I say — that their threats of aggression, manoeuvres, lies and terrorism will never prevent us — as one of the founding States of the Organization — from exercising our duties and rights under the Charter of the United Nations and our national Constitution to protect our sovereignty and territorial integrity and to fend off aggression from any source. We will not allow anyone — big or small, permanent member or non-permanent member — to treat us the way Iraq and Libya were treated. The meeting rose at 6.35 p.m.
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PLEASE REMEMBER That by sending your orders to us you help build up and develop one of the church in-stitutions with pecuniary ad-vantage to yourself. Address HENRY S. BONER, Sup't. THE MERCURY The Literary Journal of Gettysburg College. VOL. XV GETTYSBURG, PA., FEBRUARY, 1908 No. 8 CONTENTS ALUM X I SPIRIT .*. 2 PROF. is. j). s'i'.uii.i:v, u.n., "tl. THREE GREAT PHILOSOPHERS. Plato—Part II.11 CHARLES W. IIKATHCOTK, '05. WINTER Poem 16 BOWMAN '10. THE PERSONALITY OF THE MUSICIAN" 18 II. KI:Y WOLF, '09. THE EALNBOW HOPE • 21 Q. ARTHUR KliF.Y. SEMINARY., '08 TAX AX ACCEPTABLE SUBSTITUTE FOE PREACH-ING BE DEVISED? : 25 KiiiiiiAirr, '09. IS THE MATERIAL FOE iSTOVELS EXHAUSTLESSF.-.28 VIRGINIA BEARD, '09. EDITORIALS 31 XH E MEPOUEY. ALUMNI SPIRIT. PROF. G. I). ST.AHLKV. VI.IJ., 187T. R. CHAIRMAN, Members of the Pen and Sword So-ciety, and Students: It is pleasant to have■honors thrust upon one. I appreciate the privilege of becoming a member of the Pen and Sword Society. It has occurred to me to utilize the present occasion hy speak-ing on the subject of Alumni Spirit. A proper alumni spirit, and college prosperity go hand in hand. The alumni are ungrateful and despicable, if they do not lovingly hold in remembrance their college days, and contem-plate with gratitude their alma mater—their nourishing mother, who guided their adolescent steps through the preliminary paths of learning, and established their feet on broad and well tested avenues leading to higher culture. And on the oilier hand that college is short-sighted indeed, that does not recognize-the ne-cessity of co-operation with its alumni in carrying on its educa-tional wmk. To lightly esteem or ignore alumni opinion or in-fluence is 3 suicidal policy for any college to adopt. Alumni spirit has its foundation in college spirit «nd class spirit. It is therefore a product of the four years passed in the college community, and is not a I'rame of mind originated on .commencement day. and formally received, with the diploma, from the hands of the president. Those who have been gradu-ated from college and have frequently seen others graduated, know that commencement day is a day of subdued sadness. The emotions may be well mastered, but the undertone of regret at the breaking up of pleasant companionships certainly exisits. and if not realized by the student then, will he realized later [f the alumni spirit is not invisibly conferred with th degree, then the degree will lack a sentiment and a subtle influence, which will greatly mar its effectiveness as a symbol of eminence attained. Let as consider college spirit as a primal factor in the culti-vati I' alumni spirit. The existence of a college spirit invari-ably follows, wherever there is a college having students. It cannot be otherwise, The institution is the center of the college idea and the exponent of college traditions. The students are THE MKRCURY. there for what the college can give them—of training, incentive, •council,—and it is the rallying jjoint for all their scholastic in-terests and activities. It is their educational home, and it wordd he just'as unnatural for them to disregard their college colors, as it would be to hold in contempt their own family honor. There are various influences winch contribute to the building up of a college spirit. In these days there is no lack of college activities which have in view the betterment of the institution, from tlie student view-point. Athletics with its varied and strenuous features, the musical organizations, literary publica-tions, debating and dramatic clubs, the college Y. M. C A., fra-ternity and inter-fraternity fellowships, together with social en-gagements, present a complex of student interests, which from the amount of time and personal attention they require, often causes alarm, when we stop to consider that in addition to all these activities there is such a thing as a curriculum, \vbieh by fight should also claim a certain portion of the student's time and attention. *J?o those unaccustomed to a student's life, and ignorant of the easy adaptations which characterize college men. the problem of student efficiency, under such conditions, becomes a puzzle, and they shake their heads in emphatic disap-proval. But to those of us who are on the inside, the situation is not alarming, and the logic of our thoughts is to the effect that all these activities contribute mightily to.the building up of a vigorous college spirit. They converge and unify the varied energies of the student body, and definitely determine a rallying center about which to engage with inspiring shouts and songs. Of course there are tendencies in these activities which \wd to be regulated. I beard recently of an employer who said that so many of his workmen were only interested in "pay day and quit-ting time" So it sometimes occurs that students become more interested in these self-assumed enterprises, than in the prose-cution of their studies. But this need not be so. More than fifteen years ago one of our students asked me—"Can a man play football and yet continue to be a good student." I replied —"It can be done, but it requires a level-headed man to do it." fie did not tell me what his decision would be, but I noticed that ■he continued to play football, and during an iniporta.it season he was captain of the team and one of its crack players: when lege is not frequently in their thoughts and their interest seems dormant aft9-de'ad. Such an one I met recently, who did not know of the existence of a certain department in our college, although that department was established twelve years ago. However his heart is all right, and he expects to attend our com-mencement exercises this "summer. A genuine alumni spirit, when at its best, will not allow tin cares of this world and the deceitfulness of riches to choke it and to render it unfruitful. Those of us who are officially, or as students connected with the college, and whose interests are therefore at white heat, must not expect the alumni spirit to be always abundant, intense and persistent—but when we do find it characterized by these admirable qualities, we should be willing to accord due credit We have with us to-day an alum-nus, whose spirit of interest in his alma mater'has the qualities T have just mentioned—it is abundant, intense and persistent— I refer of course, to Dr. Gies, the founder of the Pen and Sword Society, the donor of valuable prizes to stimulate literary work in the college, and whose interest in his alma mater has neve] lessened, notwithstanding the multiplied and arduous duties imposed upon him by the professional chair he so ably fills. Alumni interest and college prosperity go hand in hand. The former is i >st valuable asset of the college, and without it. its resources are insignificant indeed. The alumni ptand, as THE MERCURY. did Aaron and Hur, in holding up the anus of Moses,—they assist mightily in securing influence and prevailing power. Many of the best men of the college boards of the land are alumni of the institutions they serve, and some of them are the official rep-resentatives of the alumni associations of their respective col-leges. The alumni on these boards, have, '"both theoretically and as a fact, the best interests of the institution at heart. II' these alumni have been actually engaged in educational work, so much the better,—and for the very forceful reason that familiarity and experience will insure wise opinions and judicious councils. Our own board did a most commendable act, when last commence-ment, they added to their number Dr. Luther P. Eisenhart of the class of '96. Professor Eisenhart secured his doctorate at Johns Eopkins University, and is now a member <.!' tht faculty al Princeton University. His experience and observations at both of these institutions will undoubtedly be of great value to us here. I do-not sympathize with the idea, sometimes express-ed, that a university trained man can be of no service in the coun-cils of a small college. The. objection made is that such an one will endeavor to introduce inapplicable university methods. I belieye this danger to lie imaginary. If Governor Stuart were to be elected Chief Burgess of Gettysburg, 1 do not imagine that he would proceed to establish a State government within the bor-ough limits, but I beli tat his knowledge of what a State government should be, would greatly aid him in building up a good borougli government. His sense of needs, and of adapta-tion, would guide him mosl admirably in giving us a most effi-cient civic administration. At the next meeting of the Board of Trustees, another oppor-tunity will be afforded ih,m. of again adding an educator to their number. As most of you know, at the meeting of our gen-eral Alumni Association during commencement week 'ast sum-mer, when it was announced that the Association had a vacancy to lill in the Board, at once the name of Dr. (lies, of the class of '93, was proposed, The marked enthusiasm which greeted his nomination as the nominee to the Board, and the hearty and unanimous election which immediately followed, was a bigh and merited endorsement by the general alumni body. In addition THE MERCURY. to this, the Pittsburg-Gettysbtfrg Club and the New York-Get-tysburg Club, have, in specific resolutions, unanimously second-ed the request of the general Association. The existence of a provision, which bars from election, an alumnus who is a member of a college faculty cannot consistently be recognized by the Board at its meeting (bis summer, since it has already, and very justly, ignored the propriety of such an objection, by the'elec-tion of Professor. Eisenhart, The qualifications of Doctor Gies ;is a counselor in educational matters are beyond question. He has been a university man for the past fifteen years. He *m.< ■' received his degree of Do-.tor of Philosophy at Yale in 1898, and that fall began to organize a department of Physiological Chemistry in Columbia University. So well did he succeed in this work that in 1904, or in eleven years after his graduation here, he became a full professor in that great university. Our college, needs (he interest of its alumni, and it needs the active counsel and assistance of those of our alumni graduates who have a practical acquaintance with the educational methods of on- dav. Alumni spirit needs the fosteiing care of recogni-tion, in order that it^iecoiiie^a power for good in advancing the interests of our beloved college We have an institution here to be proud of. E desire to utter the it-liberate judgment, based upon history, observation and fact, that Pennsylvania College has always compared favorably with any other American collegiate institution,—in respect to advantages offered, the standing of its alumni in the higher ac-tivities of life, and. in the representative character of its student body. ■ • Through veais of toil, and by reason of the devotion of its ardent trends and the labors of its instructors, Pennsylvania College has secured to itself a rich prestige of scholarly tradi-tions, and a name and fame for honest achievement, which we . -will do well to guard with jealous care. The past is secure. No profane tongue may successfully dis-credit either the work or the workers. The success of the in-stitution has been evolutionary, cumulative, progressive and we of to-day have inherited a privilege and an obligation. The de-cades of the past mark successive periods of continuous growth and development, and the obligation is insistent that future de- 10 THE MERCURY. cades shall come to their proper inheritance. The work of the present is admirably consonant with the achievements of the past. Progress is still the watchword, as is witnessed by the recent additions in instructors, new departments and new courses. All hail, then, to bur college in its continued onward strides, and all hail to thai essential alumni spirit, which if properly recognized and nourished, will do wonders for our alma mater. And all hail to our undergraduate body of students, who are now diligently cultivating college spirit and class spirit, in order that they may become efficiently equipped with an abundant alumni snirit. [Note:—This address was delivered by Dr. Stahley upon his initiation into the Pen and Sword Society at its annual public .neeting February twelfth. The members of the Society, appre-ciating its excellence, unanimously voted after its collation, to have it published in the MERCURY in order that those who were not present at the time it was delivered might have an opportu-nity of reading it.—EDITOR.] THE 3IEKCURY. 11 THREE GREAT PHILOSOPHERS. Plato—Part II. Cir.VHI.ES W. HEATHCOTE, '05. HE underlying principle in Plato's philosophy is his Theory of Ideas. The various philosophers who pre-ceded Plato prepared the way for the development of his Doctrine of Ideas. He takes the golden thread which runs through their philosophical systems and withvhis master mind weaves the network for his own system. In great part he was indebted to the Eleatics, Heracliteans and Pytha-goreans for his Doctrine of Ideas. He took the abstract matter of thought and moulded it into a "concrete form of an ideal vision." . The Idea.- ( iBei ) stand as archetypes of Being. They are the conceived essence of true existence. Plato gave to the Ideas a separate existence. Their home is in the Universal Mind or God. There is a gradual rise from the lower ideas to the high-est. The highest is the idea of the Good which Plato seems to identify with God and which he construes to be the source of knowledge. Plato was in harmony, in part, at least with the current view of his age, in recognizing the existence of certain minor dieties, but he purified this thought with the true spirit of his philoso-phy. He asserts again and again that the Ideas are divine. In recognizing one Supreme Idea, he held that this Idea was the Highest or God: As a manifestation of this goodness, God cre-ated the world. Or as Zeller well says: "In thus determining the highest Being as the Good, and as Season assigning an end, Plato apprehends it as the creative principle, revealing itself in the Phenomenon; because God is good, He formed the world." In forming the world, Plato firmly held in mind that God had created it perfect. It was not controlled and governed by Blind Force. Law and order prevailed everywhere as the rul-ing factors. Thus mind and intelligence formed the basis of all this creative power. As Plato conceived of God's intelligence being so clearly marked in its perfect form of creation, he also developed the idea of the World-soul. .That is Plato believed 12 THE MERCURY. that intelligence could not exist apart from the soul life. Con-sequently, he believed that God placed the world's intelligence into a true soul-life known as the World-soul. Plato divided this World-soul into two parts, known as the outer and inner. These •parts conceived of as being spherical in form make up the world-system. The outer circle is the system of fixed stars and the inner "the seven spheres of the planets." Thus the soul on ac-count of it; very nature is governed by true law and as it moves continuously it gives the proper place, position and motion of all the heavenly orbs. To tine"World-soul, because of its self-mo-tive power, he ascribes it the faculty of generating knowledge. Plato in writing of the power of the World-soul was using figurative language. It is true that he literally ascribed a sou] to the world yet.the meaning of the word as he uses it embraces too much in its broad conception. With respect to the soul of man Plato carefully reasons that God formed it out of the same elements as the World-soul, but less pure. When the Creator made the souls of men, he made as many souls as there were fixed stars and each soul had one of these stars as its true and eternal habitation. When'man was created, one of these souls would be implanted in his body. To-the soul that would be victorious over wickedness and evil it would be released from its bodily home and be restored to the realms of immortality. But the individual who would fail to-conquer the temptations of his lower nature, his soul would be condemned to dwell among the fierce beasts. But since the soul has pre-existed without bodily form, in the end it will be freed from its sinful bodily home and will fly to those realms where it can grow in power and strength and attain perfection. Plato-did not think that any one did wrong willfully, but Virtue and Good were overruled by a weak and disordered body. This was due to the improper use of the body and the lack of careful Ju-dicious exercise. Thus, parents should live nobly in order that their children would be spiritually strong, in order that the soul might be pure and reach that ideal state of perfection. He firmly believed that man was placed at the head of crea-tion and because of this grand heritage he should continually strive to live the Higher Life. Plants and animals were cre-ated for man's use and to serve his purpose. Animals were THE MERCURY. 13 formed not only as food for him, but also as the dwelling place of man's soul that had proved itself unworthy for the realms of immortal life. "Plants too are living beings, but their so\rl is of the lowest kind, capable neither of reason nor opinion, but only of desire and sensation; a soul only moved from without, to which has been denied the motion that proceeds from and re-turns into itself—self-consciousness, therefore, plants can never change their place." (Zeller page 432.) Socrates had taught that the attainment of the Good by each individual should be each one's best and noblest endeavor. Plato imbibed this golden truth from his great master and inculcated the principle that the individual should so live day by day that his soul would attain the Ideal—the Highest Good. This was to be the ultimate aim of each soul, both for the at-tainment of it in the individual life and for the interests of the State. Plato was so deeply impressed with the reality of evil in the world that the soul was never free from it. As long as the soul resided in the body it was fettered there as in a prison or a dungeon. It was unable to flee away to the Higher Life. However the soul, at. the first opportunity, he realizes, must escape from this corporeal existence and seek its home with God in order to be happy. However, true philosophy serves a pur-pose which is helpful in part, at least, that by its very essence, it has the power of purification. The soid, the center of the intelligence' desires'this philosophy not per se as a pleasure re-sulting from contemplation, but as a power and a help to purify it foi* the Higher Life that is to come. On the other hand, Plato well observes that a soul that does not feel the sting of pain, suffering and anguish could not truly appreciate the Higher Life. Though the soul may be surround-ed by wickedness in its darkest form, nevertheless, there are times when the soul is able to be glad and joyful for the rays of goodness that it is able to receive from the Eternal Light. Pleasure in a certain degree may be considered as a part of the Good. The soul in its present prison, Plato rightly believes, is able to enjoy certain pleasures that are in harmony with natural law and careful living. Those joys that require the im-proper use of the faculties are impure and destructive in their participation. The first and supreme pleasure should be the 14 TIIH JIERCUKY. contemplation of the Idea Good in the present soul Kfe and the striving to realize or actualize the Good in the present life as far as possible. This plan will make the soul truly crave Virtue. In this thought Plato truly reiterates the sublime principle of Socrates. For he emphasizes the idea that morality is based'upon a clear conception of virtuous living. The soul fills itself with the Divine Goodness through contemplation. It is the true philoso-phy of life Then the soul becomes strong and even here on earth can treak down many of the bars of evil and wickedness which summoned it. Through this power it can copy more clearly the archetype conception of Goodness, for the very thought becomes indelibly impressed upon the soul. ' It has been shown that Virtue was the great Ideal for the in-dividual to attain, so this same principle was to be the foundation of the State and Platonic Society. The Greeks held the true organization of the State to be of the utmost importance. They were taught to give true allegi-ance to th.T State. Although Plato strongly believed that moral integrity and good government were necessary for the well being of the State, but he looked upon ihe participation in its affairs not as an absolute but only a relative duty. He thinks the life of the philosopher as he contemplates, in a quiet and undisturb-ed way, on the Higher Problems of life is fulfilling the true end of living. Since it is impossible for all men to live thus, philo-sophically speaking, the State is a moral necessity in order by education to inculcate virtue in the minds of its citizens. The philosophers can only give the inhabitants of the community a true conception of Virtue and they should be the ruling class and Philosophy though united with political ideals, should oc-cupy the first place and all trouble and discontent would be avoided. Or as Uberweg says: "The State is the individual on a large scale. The highest mission of the State is the training of the citizens to virtue. In the Ideal State each of the three principal functions and corresponding virtues of the soul is represented by a particular class of citizens. These are (1) the rulers, whose virtue is wisdom; (2) the guardians or warriors, whose virtue is valor; and (3) the manual laborers and trades-men, whose virtue is self-restraint'and willing obedience. The THE MEKCURY. 13 rulers and warriors are to labor only for the realization of the true and the good: all individual interests whatsoever are for-biddui them, and they are all required to form in the strictest sense one family, without marriage and without private prop-erty." It has been observed that Plato believed in the existence of •God. He clearly shows throughout his philosophical system that lie is a Theist. He repudiates all the stories of the various gods ;is myths and false. Plato was unable to describe God fully as one who is Love, although he catches glimpses of this great fact, but it remained for the Gospel to give the conception of God to the world. In his conception, of the State he inculcates the grand truth that God must be sought after in order that virtue mav be the crowning possession of the soul. Plato also ascribes nnchangeableness and perfection to God. According to Plato in the Laws every citizen who holds public office should fear God and remember his duty to God and the soul that God gave him is higher than the body. Thus every citizen should be faithful .and honest in the discharge of his duties. It is true that the philosophical and governmental teachings of Plato were ideal in their conception, but he was nevertheless truly conscious of his surrounding conditions. He tried by his teachings to help the Athenians in a practical way toward attain-ing better governments and living. Plato more than any other philosopher made Athens the philosophical center of the world, that remained years after she lost her political supremacy. A large number of students from all parts of the world were at-tendant upon his lectures at the Academy. The influence of Plato was widely felt and as time has gone on his thought has affected philosophy and theology. After Plato's death his nephew, Spensippus, succeeded to the headship of the Academy. He was followed by Xenocrates a philosopher.of considerable ability and power. Many of the philosophers of the Platonic school departed from the original teachings of their master. They developed a phi-losophy known as Neo-Platonism which was not pure. Greek philosophy hut was a combination of Hellenic, Helraic and other Oriental speculative thought. However, true constructive historical criticism has resulted in 16 THE MERCURY. giving to the philosophical world purer Platonism and his spirit is not lost in the meshes of Neo-Platonic thought. His thought and philosophy have so deeply permeated oiu own language that gain and again in discussing various philosophical problems we will speak of Platonic conceptions unconsciously. Or as Milton n II Peneseroso has said: "Or let my lamp at midnight hour Be seen from some high lonely tower, Where 1 may oft outwatch the Bear With thrice great Hermes, or unsphere The spirit of Plato, to unfold The immortal mind that hath forsook Her mansion in this fleshy nook; And of those/lemons that are found In fire, air, flood, or under ground, Whose power hath a true consent With planet or with element." WINTER. no W.MAX. '10. The cycle of a year is closed. The seasons one by one have passed: Spring's rising beauty, summer's ioy And autumn's gold are gone at last, And now o'er every field and wood, And brook and stream in all the land There sways the scepter, firm and strong. Of old Kino- Winter's icy hand. CHE MEKCURY. 17 That 'monarch rales with will supreme; By his decree' the brooklet's voice, To summer woods, the croaning charm No more shall make the soul rejoice; For fetters, strong as hands of steel And cold as touch of gruesome Death Have bound the stream from shore to shore, Forged by King Winter's icy breath. O'er his domain a curtain white- Is falling thick and fast, The trees are bending with the load The gloomy shy upon them cast, And o'er the hill and meadow cold The icy wind and snowflakes drive, And here and there before the storm In quest of shelter snowbirds dive. Though all without is cruel, cold. Yet by the hearth there's sunshine, love; For by the fire young and old Enjoy the blessings from above; They hear the sire talk of yore, They drink to one another's health. Forgetful of the cold and snow, Enjoying all the farmer's wealth.' Though Winter rules with cruel hand, Ami cold and gloomy seemeth all; Though nature's beauties all seem gone And hopelessly thy spirits fall, Remember Winter has its joys And love and sunshine may reside Within thy heart, if thou but wilt Look on the bright and happy side. IS THE MERCURY. THE PERSONALITY OF THE MUSICIAN. II. RET WOLF.-'09. OMB one has said thai personality is individuality ex-isting in itself, with nature as a ground. Another says thai personality in a broad sense is a silent but powerful coercer of liunian minds.- 1 would not at-tempt to give a definition of it, but it seems to be a vital princi-ple of life. It is a mystery and seems to defy solution. We know to a certain extent from our own experience what perso-nality is. We see its manifestations from day to day in human ■experiences but we can not detect or define it as something thoroughly comprehended. I think we will not be over estimating when we say that one's success in life depends very greatly on one's personality. It seems that in some person; a strong individuality is a natural gift, while in others it must be acquired. A teacher's personality is a very important factor in his work. His influence over the pupil is something marvelous. His movements are watched, bis every action is carefully obseived and even his moral and mental attitude toward va-ious problems is noted. He is taken as an example; hence the importance of a strong personality. The teacher must have personality, the minister, whom we may class also as a teacher, ought to be able to command respect, the orator's influence depends upon it. the business man's success is measured largely by bis individuality and it is only the politician having some such personal magnetism, who can sway the multi-tudes. Lyinan .). Gage, formerly Secretary of the tJ. S. Treas-ury. in speaking' recently of personality, says, that deep within the man often unconscious to himself, lie the forces, the aptitudes, the desires, the anticipations, the tastes, the proclivities, the temperamental qualities which find outward expression indepen-dent of bis will. Further in the article he states that a change in our personality in the direction of improvement, whatever the cause, must come from within. The mental faculties can be strengthened by exercise an*: the emotional nature nourished by pure ideals. It is our duty to develop these useful inward forces and powers which really constitute one's personality. It is this personal factor tbat-lifts one into prominence and power, and- THE JCEItCURY. 19 gives him that strength of leadership which nothing else can do. Thus, we see of what importance individuality is in the different vocations of life. I deem a strong personality in the fine arts to be the highest kind of personality. It is really difficult to find language prop-erly to express just what is meant. While all culture has a re-lining infhiaice, continually nourishing our minds with the very best of noble ideals and aspirations, yet some arts seem to give more culture than others. Among such arts we would place music as one of the first. It would be impossible for one to de-scribe the numerous emotions and sundry expressions of feeling that musi"; reveals. Every selection of music is to represent some emotion or feeling Since we class music as such a distinguished art, the question now arises as to how a musician's personality is shown. We can safely say that this is revealed in his work as a composer or in his interpretation of the thoughts of others, as they are repre-sented in music. Harmony and teehnic must of course be mast-ered, but after a thorough knowledge of teehnic is acquired, there is boundless opportunity for expression and style. Teeh-nic. must always be a mechanical art, and as such, it has no real musical feeling in it. Fere is the opportunity to show indi-viduality. Scarcely two persons will place the same interpreta-tion upon a selection of music, thus showing the difference of human powers in interpretation. There is just as much differ-ence in the merits of musical compositions as there is in the merits of powers. Some are strictly true to nature and to life, while others are of mediocre merit. Of course, this is entirely a matter of individuality again, showing, on the other hand, a keen and perceptive mind, tnd on the other, a lack of keen in-terpretation. What we call genius is really nothing but the highest manifestation of personality. We sometimes speak of persons playing music by eae. This shows musical talent and is nothing but the crude and untrained personality seeking an out-let. It seems that the appreciation of really good music conies only through education, however broadly that term may be appli-ed. By culture we are brought to the appreciation of classical music, just as we are brought to the appreciation and preference of Shakespeare to the common, ordinary literature. 20 THE AU'JHCCJKY. It is only through persistent study that this musical person-ality can be attained. We may read numberless musical maga-zines, we may attend all tha high-grade concerts ttyat it is possi-ble for us to attend, but it is oniy by personal efforts that any-thing in this direction can be accomplished. We must take some selection, study the composer, know his nature, study the title of the composition, find out, if possible, under what circumstances lie composed that special selection, then study the music measure by measure, and endeavor to catch the spirit and feeling of the composer by placing yourself in his mental attitude. This may seem to be a rather crude method of procedure, but personally I have found it of inestimable value in interpreting a composer. Having studied a composition carefully, the next step is its proper execution. Music, if it is worthy to be called music, must appeal to our higher instincts. We must think and follow its meaning just as if we were paying attention to some one talking. This is true art at its greatest. The musician also shows his personality in the selections that he plays. Unfortunately, classical music is rather unpopular. The, popular music is light, catchy and gay and to many means simply to dance or an accompaniment. Harmony is an import-ant element in music and any selection that is harmonious is re-ceived with applause. Classical music may often seem unharmo-nious, especially to the untrained hearer. This is one reason why it is spurned. This idea of harmony in our nature rests on a psychological fact and music only serves as an excellent proof of it. There is nothing more simple and at the same time more beau-tiful than some of Mendelssohn's songs, Schumann's "Frau-merer" or Chopin's nocturnes. Such selections as these are worth mastering. Webber's "Storm" and Gottschalk's "Last Hope" are very popular. A careful study of such selections can not help but create within us noble ideals and wonderfully broaden our ethical natures. Of course we would not entirely ignore the popular music of the day, it .has its qualities and therefore has its place, but it ought to be strictly held to its place. It is well, however, whenever the opportunity comes to dem-onstrate the superior qualities of good music. Thus we can be-come acquainted with a person to a certain extent, by the kind THE MERCURY. 8] of music that he or she plays. We generally play the kind of music that we admire, because it expresses our sentiments- and feelings. We therefore embody in music, and through it, ex-press our ideals. Can there be anv higher manifestation of personality? Tqp RAINBOW HOPE. C. AliTIiri! FliY, SrEMlXARY, '08. EARLY four thousand years ago one of the spiritual giants of antiquity propounded the weighty question: "Ir a man die shall lie live again ?"—a ques-tion which lie himself answered. Probably the most thonght-of, the most talked-about, the most writ-ten- upon subject of all times has been that of immor-tality. Problems in science, art, philosophy, government, etc., all live their little day, in the arena of thought and disappear, but the human race has never outlived this question of Job's. It is still a burning thought in the hearts of the cul-tured, scientific twentieth century as it has been to all the conn-tries since the dawn of time Scholars in all branches of learn-ing are still brooding and writing upon it, and the common peo-ple are asking and re-asking this gVeat question, and will con-tinue to do so until time shall be no more. It is the one great universal problem which has maintained itself in every age and clime and has never lost its interest and power in the thought of mankind. No race or tribe of men have ever been known who were destitute of the thought of immortality. And why is it thus? Surely it must be more than "the riddle of the uni-verse." Men are not haunt.d with riddles. It's an intuition of; the human mind, an appetence of the human heart, wrought into, the whole fibre of the race that cannot be dismissed without1: some sort of solution, any more than the appetence of li.iui.u"<-i - that gnaws in the stomach and demands satisfaction. 22 THE MEHUURY. "It must be so Plato, thou reasoneth well! Else whende this pleasing hope, tbis fond desire. This longing after immortality? Or whence this secret dread and inward horror Of falling into naught? Why shrinks the soul Back on herself, and startles at destruction ? 'Tis the divinity that stirs within us; Tis heaven itself that points out an hereafter, And intimates eternity to man." Listen to the testimony of Eobert G. Ingersoll, the prince of modern agnostics, in the last words he wrote: "Immortality with its countless hopes and fears beating against the shores of time, was not born of any book nor of any creed, nor of any religion. It was born of human affection, and will continue to ebb and pow beneath the mists and clouds of at. doubt and darkness as long as love kisses the lips of death. It is the rainbow of hope, shining on the tears of grief " What strange words from one who shrouded that "rainbow of hope" in wreathing clouds of doubt and fear and darkness, to whose thought "the golden bridge of life from gloom emerges and on shadow rests, and the secret of the future has ne'er been told." However, men may reject God's revelation in His Son, or deny the future life, yet they cannot utterly silence the voice of God speaking in their hearts. Yes, there are some who say,—and their number is so infmi-tessimally small that we may rightfully call them mental curios, yes mental freaks, if you please—that "death ends all." What a horrible thought! The Gnod, the True, the Pure, shall at least become the brother of the Base, the False, the Vile in death. Tendencies and qualities that in life are far.as the poles asunder, and can never be rconciled, shall at least become a unit in deat'i If that be true, then virtue has no lasting rewards, then unde-tected wrong-doing will forever go unpunished, and the wrongs inflicted upon innocence will never be made right. If death ends all then life has no meaning, no purpose, no inspiration., "and the human race with all its grand achievements, with it-continuous onward and upward march will finally reach the THE MERCURY. 23 zenith of perpetual night, beyond which shines no resurrection morn The light in the sun and stars shall be extinguished, the human race with all that it has done and hoped, shall become a nonentity, and the universe will go into everlasting darkness. Standing at the grave of sieve loved one how much comfort does that theory give:" How much light does it throw upon the dark avenues of human life? How much strength does it impart for the bearing of life's burdens? What inspiration to high en-deavor and noble living does it kindle? None! To affirm the negative of being is to rob hope, faith, patience, love, forbear-ance and kindred graces that enrich life and make character beautiful, of their meaning, and make them well nigh valueless. The noblest aspirations of the heart and the loftiest Teasoning of the mind all revolt when confronted with the postulate of eternal non-existence. Not only within ourselves do we find the intimations of a higher life, but all nature round about us seems to voice the truthfulness of our intimations. The natural world teem? with analogies which suggest the eternal life of the spirit. Take for example the migrations of birds, and especially the ndy-thmated humming bird, the only humming bird known around here. When the leaves begin to fall and the flowers fade he wends his way toward the South American home and spends the winter in his warmer native climes beyond the Amazon. But when it's, early spring here, he becomes restless and yields him-self to the migratory instincts working in his being. If you were, to ask him where or how far he is going, he couldn't tell you, for he doesn't know. All he knows is that his instincts tell him to fly and they point out to him The direction in which he shall go. So he starts out for the far north lands thousands of miles away, feeding by day, flying by night over mountains and plains and seas until he arrives here in these temperate zones of the North, where the dimly implanted instinct of migration which he has obeyed, finds its fullest satisfaction: God never cheats the little bird. So every human being is endowed with the instinct of immortality. Constantly within us we feel the movements of the higher life. There's an inward impulse that tells of a higher world order and bids us seek it, and with our superior intelligence and the light of God's Word we follow this dimly-implanted impulse, we too shall be satisfied, for the God 2<± THE MERCURT. who does not deceive the little humming bird will not deceive man. "He who, from zone to zone, (inides through the boundless sky the certain flight, In the long way that I must tread alone Will lead my steps aright." Nature literally abounds witb bints on immortality, and as men of large vision, like Bacon. Newton and Fiske. uncover her secrets they find nothing that would contradict our best hopes, yea. many of these men acquainted with nature's workings have built their arguments for immortality on this very knowledge. For the Christian believer, however, this problem is no longer on debateable ground. His Lord and Master lias spoken the final word and revealed for human life, a destiny so glorious, a purpose so exalted, that it makes life well worth the living, ting-ing it with rainbows of joyous hopes and golden promises, not ending in "zero and a wall of blackness," but sweeping up through the clouds, and beyond the stars, to the walls of jasper, the gates of pearl, the streets of gold, and "the river of the water of life clear as crystal proceeding out of the throne of God." To such the question of immortality is not a nightmare of thought, nor is the future wreathed in mists and fogs so dense that we cannot know what lies beyond, but rather is bright and radiant :as the noonday sun. Jesus Christ is the one all-convincing an-swer to this problem of the ages. He alone is the all-satisfying response to the cry of the human spirit for God and the life be-yond, and in Him the native intuition and longing for immor-tality is transformed into one of the abiding, unshakeable cer-tainties of existence, so that with him who "heard the voice from heaven as the sound of many waters and saw the holy city, the New Jerusalem, coming down from God out of heaven" we can say, "Xow are we the sons of God and it doth not yet appear what we shall be, but we know that when He shall appear, we shall be like Him for we shall see Him as He is." THE MEROBBTSJ 25 CAW AN ACCEPTABLE SUBSTITUTE FOR PREACHING BE DEVISED? f E-IEHAKT '09. X this tiny and generation when men arc prone to look with disdain upon the "Old Things" and are con-tinually striving to produce something now, original, and up-to-date; when men are much inure attracted, by worldly things than their own soul's salvation; when the mere fact that the preaching of the Gospel is able to claim its true origin from Christ and therefore to be classed among the prac-tices of the ancients, we often cast about us and seek a substi-tute for the preaching of the Gospel from the pulpit. Can there ever be found a substitute for the active, earnest, consecrated minister, whom everyone must recognize and to "whom so much of our scanty praise is due? . Without a doubt there would be or perhaps have been suggest-ed ways and means whereby a substitute for preaching could be obtained, but when we get down to the very essence of things it is clearly apparent to a man of ordinary common sense that it would be impossible to do so without very dire results following. • The very nature of man demands it, it seems. .Man must have some ideal, perfect and spotless, kind yet omnipotent, to look to, to worship, and to whom his mind may turn for help in time of trouble,—for to many, trouble alone will cause God to come into their thoughts. The natural mind demands this. We see it among all nations and classes, from our own class of people down to the lowest forms of human kind. If the heathen in his superstition, fol-lowing the inclination of his mind and. fearful of things un-known to him worships so reverently in his blind way. and is so diligent in doing what has been laid down to him as precepts. how much more ought we who are certain and assured in our faith and have reason to believe ours to be a real and ever pres-ent God, one to whom we owe much and to whom our poor thanks and praises are ever due? How much greater should be our reason to guard ourselves and strive to abide by what has so often been impressed upon us both by word and t\w<]! The natural man is open and susceptible to suggestion to a. 26 THE MERCURY. very marked degree, being ever ready to yield to and turn aside whenever am rldly plJ«easun obsta the h "/on,. regardless of the consequences. In his weakness, he must have some outside agent to offset these, evil influences that sur-round him and by counter suggestion or example turn his mind toward the true way to happiness, away from the gaudy "fool's gold" of the world. I hear the question, "Cannot man by studying his Bible thor-oughly, the concordance of the Scriptures, and books of such a nature, if he is earnest so hold, guide and guard himself as to he above and beyond these evil influences as well as he who goes to church front Sunday to Sunday and listens to sermons direct from the same sources?" Ai first thought this would no doubt seem good logic and peiv haps in theory would be beneficial, but let us consider:— Take it for granted,—although we all know such would not be the case,—that each church-goer and church member would study his Bible lesson thoroughly, think it out for himself, weigh it carefully and eventually apply it to himself as it seems best to him. would he derive as much bench! ami see the same pre-cepts embodied in the subject as he who has listened to a well prepared sermon by an eloquent minister, whose business it is to make a careful research along such lines and then goes home to ponder and reflect? As a powerful analogous example take our own colleges: they stand out squarely against any such principle. They recognize that men cannot attain to any degree of perfection of knowledge through dry text books alone. We ourselves know that more real knowledge comes to us through the lectures than any mere study of the text could warrant. The living voice is the prime factor in all education, shown only loo clearly in the Mu<\y of languages, including our own. The Christians as well as the students cannot possibly get in a few hours' study what their ministers or teachers get who have spent many years or even a lifetime doing only such work. Xo matter how diligently and faithfully Christians would work and study their Bibles, ours.would soon be a divided reli-gion, falling far short of its original purpose, a subject for con-troversy, doomed to Sorrow and despair, because of the manv THE MEKCURY. 27 different and even false interpretations which would of neces-sity be put upon the Scriptures, whether through sincerity on the part of the Christians or by the unscrupulous. We need not even take into consideration the natural back-sliders or the lower and less'educated classes of people for their condition speaks out strongly for itself against any course such as would be proposed. They of a certainty cannot do without the willing shepherd's care and attention. In order that the Word of God may become popular and stand out against and hold its own with the other attractive literature of to-day, it must be preached, spoken from the pulpit and its beauty and powerful truths shown as well as to have light thrown upon it. What has made Roosevelt and his policies so popular? The MTV fact that he is able to preach (speak) his theories and then by example prove their value. I dare say his policies are reeog-. nized all over the world and only because he does not hesitate to speak them and then practice what he preaches. The lawless forces in our country attack, and yet fear him and his disciples, striving to bring about their downfall as strongly as does Satan and his mighty host to bring to naught the works of righteous-no.- and God's worshippers throughout the world. Can we see any advantages arising in view of such conditions, if we should substitute? But examine and consider the doctrines and teachings of the great, noble, men in the church of the past and we see that they too. whose authority and precepts we must accept on account of their value alone, have not overlooked this very thing and that they realize fully that the existence or non-existence of our church rests alone in the preaching of God's Word. Paul in 1 Cor. 1:1
THE « GETTYSBURG JBERGUHY The Literary Journal of Gettysburg College Vol. XII. GETTYSBURG, PA., NOVEMBER, 1903 No. 6 CONTENTS THE EVOLUTION OF OUR NATION'S PRINCIPLES . 174 JOSEPH E. ROWK, '04. ROOSEVELT AND MALTHUS 180 W. W. BARKLEY, '04. "THE RAVIN' " SCHOOLMASTER 1S4 B. A. STROHMEIER, '06. POLITICAL INDIFFERENCE 185 THE ANALYSIS OF A NURSERY RHYME . 188 JAMES G. DILLER, '04. A VISIT TO McKINLEY'S TOMB 191 BRUCE COBAUGH, '05. THE HOUSE WE BUILD i93 EDITORIALS . 196 EXCHANGES 199 174 'J'HE GETTYSBURG MEKCURV. THE EVOLUTION OF OUR NATION'S PRINCI-PLES. JOSEPH E. ROWE, '04. TIME continues to roll on in its eternal course. Nations are only born under the doom of decay. Men rise to heights of greatness, are cut off in the twinkling of an eye, and pass forever from this earthly habitation. But there is one principle whose evolution the vicissitudes of fortune have failed to arrest. It is the development and growth of government. From time immemorial men have lived under some sort o f government; its genesis antedates all history. As far back as the great Aryan migrations there existed established laws, but even these were not the first in the history of the world. Many centuries had passed away since the mighty Nimrod or the queenly Semiramis held sway in Babylon; the Israelites had al-ready grown into a great nation, and the valley of the Nile had become both the "cradle and the tomb" of kings. Even the most primitive and most degraded peoples recog-nize some sort of leadership or control. From the Bushman of Australia, and the Hottentot, down to the American Indian, there is the same idea, though vastly different in degree, of rul-ing and of being ruled. Slowly has the evolution of government progressed, but, as surely as there is a God from whom it flows, no obstacle has impeded its steady advance. It has grown under the law of "the survival of the fittest," and its triumphs are but the re-sults of natural law. The civil ideas which have been evolved from a less complete to a more perfect and more practical sys-tem were as irresistible in their course as decrees of fate. There seems to have been that same great but awful force at work for the development of the ideal nation which, to a great extent, "shapes our ends, rough hew them as we will." When con-ditions favored the established principles, epochs of peace and prosperity ensued; when circumstances were adverse, wars and revolutions necessarily arose to restore the equilibrium. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 175 The path of their triumphal march down through the ages reeks with blood; where they have been opposed desolation reigns. The once glorious empires of the East are only dis-covered in their buried ruins; the pyramids are monuments of the dynasties which built them ; the crumbled statuary and art of Greece are but symbolic of her decay; and the ruins of Pompeii are the only vestiges of glorious Rome. Every at-tempt and apparent success to crush out the idea of further de-velopment in the governmental realm has virtually been a throwing of oil upon the fire glowing in the hearts of patriotic people. The pious Aeneas, exiled by fate, founded a nation greater than the victor of his fatherland. Carthage tried to crush aspiring Rome and only brought about her development. Pilgrims, deprived of liberty and exiled from the Old World, founded a mightier and freer commonwealth in the New. In this governmental evolution there have been two distinctly opposite principles warring against each other—Liberty and Unity. The spirit which has animated the heroes of liberty is active in its plans, uncontrollable in its measures and irresistible in reaching its goal; its doctrine is Radicalism. On the other hand, unity has been developed under the stern but careful plan of deliberation and statesmanship; its doctrine is Conservatism. Liberty is the harder to repress and was first evolved ; unity is the more difficult to maintain and its completion was last. The Goddess of Justice, determining the destiny of nations, holds in her hands a huge balance; on the one side is liberty, on the other unity. An uneven amount of either disturbs the equilibrium in the affairs of a nation; only a complete balanc-ing and blending of both can assure stability. The struggle which has shaken the world for so many centuries arose, first, from an excess of one and, then, of the other; the great beam rose and fell, and in turn the glory of nations grew resplendent or faded away. Every nation has been founded upon the plan of remedying one defect or the other. The people, furious at the remembrance of former injustice, drove Tarquin from the streets of Rome simply because he had been called king, but their freedom soon led to anarchy. Rulers of the Middle 1' 176 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. Ages, fearing such outbreaks, kept the people in virtual servi-tude, and the French Revolution was the inevitable reaction. The momentum of hatred for tyranny had so accumulated that no earthly force could withstand it. The equilibrium of the French nation was disturbed and it did not regain itself until Napoleon arose, who tried to force the great beam to the oppo-site extreme of one-man power. But France was not the only country in the world to groan beneath the horrors of revolution. In England there had been an almost continual contest between the King and Commons. The Magna Charta and the Declaration of Rights were both proclamations of liberty. James I brought about the "blood-less revolution of 1688," and later, George III forced the American Colonies into rebellion. But our forefathers felt the great importance of freedom. They fought with an invincible determination for liberty. For-mer examples of oppressed liberties made them desperate, and they sallied forth to meet the foe with the battle cry, "Give me liberty or give me death !" Thus, the seed, implanted in the heart of man from the be-ginning of the world, blossomed forth into newness of life. It had at last fallen upon good ground, taken deep root, and brought forth the blessings of liberty to all succeeding genera-tions. The United Colonies of America became free and inde-pendent states—the goal of liberty's evolution was reached. But unity was lacking. So long as there was a common foe, the States were as impenetrable as a Macedonian phalanx. But now there was no longer a common cause, and it looked as if there would be many little nations, each trying to main-tain its own place in the great struggle for existence. The States were jealous of one another, and bitter quarrels soon arose. Under the Articles of Confederation, the nation had no head. Congress could indeed pass laws, but could in no way enforce them. Conventions were called, but the States even refused to send representatives. Conditions grew worse and worse; so much so that the historian declares, "Instead of be-ing a united and friendly people, the States were fast growing THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 177 to be thirteen hostile nations, each ready to draw the sword upon its neighbor." Finally, in 1787 a convention was held in Philadelphia, the object of which was to form "a more perfect union." But the difficulties to be surmounted were indeed perplexing. The populous States insisted that representation in Congress should be apportioned according to population; the smaller States were equally emphatic in maintaining that each State, large or small, should have equal power. They finally compromised. There were to be two houses embodied in Congress: the one, whose representatives were to be apportioned according to pop-ulation ; the other, whose delegates were to be two from each State, vested with equal power. Thus, it is a blending of prin-ciples which lies at the foundation of our government. Accordingly, under the new Constitution, our nation entered upon a career of great success and national development. Dur-ing this period the Louisiana Purchase more than doubled our area. The pirates of Tripoli were disposed of with impunity. The war of 1812 proved beyond doubt the great power of American arms, whilst not one battle was lost by us in the war with Mexico. There had come into the heart of every true American a common national pride and devotion to country. So long as the foe was external the States fought together like brothers. But, in the near future, there were times to come when the foe would not be common. From the very foundation of our republic an awful tempest had been gathering its threatening clouds. Eminent men no longer .feared destruction or dismem-berment by any European power, but looked forward with great anxiety at the inevitable causes of internal disorder. Even in Jefferson's time the storm was already so menacing that he said: "In contemplating the future welfare of my country, there are troubles which startle me as a fire-bell in the night." It broke forth in its fury in the year 1861. The South claimed the right to secede. She looked upon the election of Abraham Lincoln as-a great step toward the abolition of slav-ery which, as she thought, meant her ruination. Eleven States f 178 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. seceded and set up a government of their own under the title of "The Confederate States of America." But the integrity of the country had to be maintained. War was declared; not to abolish slavery, but to prevent the disasters of permanent sepa-ration. The first gun was fired from Fort Sumter on April 12th. It is said to have been heard around the world, for it heralded a conflict which concerned not only our nation but the world. Men on both sides were inspired, not only by the prestige of the principles which they upheld, but by the love of home, country and family. The one represented freedom in the ex-treme, the other unity or common welfare. Both realized the vast importance of victory; each knew that defeat meant utter failure. They fought with the desperate valor of a wounded wild hart, which turns once more to make a final and supreme effort against its foe. Four long years of war left the country in desolation and ruin, which before had been the peaceful habitation of ttscbild-ren. For a long time the destiny of our beloved republic hung in the balance. Bull Run raised the fervor of the combatants to a white heat. Antietam favored the non Unionists. But, led on under the heat of passion and by the glory of victory, their "vaulting ambition o'erleaped itself." The Mason and Dixon line was crossed and the cause of secession was fighting against fate. But the valor of her constituents was mighty, and their spirit invincible. The crisis came. Something had to be immediately done or all would be lost. Fifteen thousand men rushed forth on open ground to dislodge the Unionists. Cannon after cannon ploughed through their gallant ranks, but on they came unfaltering. Even the cannon's mouth—the High Water Mark was reached, but their ranks had been mowed down and the cause of secession forever lost. The evolution of the ideal governmental principles was com-pleted, and the stability of our nation proven by test. She had long since shown her shores impregnable to a foreign foe, but now it was proven to the world that America, unlike the na-tions of the past, was not to be rent or overthrown by internal THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 179 disorder. The civil world was at last given a breathing spell, for the combating forces seemed glad to discontinue the con-flict and forget their quarrels. And now there is no longer a North, South, East or West, but all are blended into one in-separable compact—the United States of America. Her principles have spread throughout the world. They have leaped across the Atlantic and modified, if not completely changed, the spirit of the mother country; they have given new life to the sturdy mountaineer of 'Switzerland ; they have brought peace into Italy's sunny climes, and have made Greece long for a second "Golden Age." And it is only a matter of time, of progress, and of civilization until the world will recog-nize the efficiency of America's governmental principles, which are, in the words of her greatest statesman: "Liberty and Union now and forever, one and inseparable!" • Ever judge of men by their professions. For though the bright moment of promising is but a moment, and cannot be prolonged, yet if sincere in its moment's extravagant good-ness, why, trust it, and know the man by it, I say,—-not by his performance; which is half the world's work, interfere as • the world needs must with its accidents and circumstances: the profession was purely the man's own. 1 judge people by what they might be,-—not are, nor will be.—BROWNING. "Sow a thought and you reap an act, Sow an act and you reap a habit, Sow a habit and you reap a character, Sow a character and you reap a destiny." 180 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. ROOSEVELT AND MALTHUS. \V. W. BARKLEY, '04. The attitude which President Roosevelt has recently taken toward 'the increase of population in the United States, apparently challenging the theories of certain political econo-mists, particularly Mr. T. R. Malthus and his followers in Eng-land and America, puts before us a question worthy of our earnest consideration. Is it wise or unwise to advocate a con-tinuous increase in the population of our country ? In order to determine the wisdom of Mr. Roosevelt's position regarding this matter, we must go to our authorities, viz: Mr. Malthus and certain other political economists—to obtain a basis for our decision. The object of Mr. Malthus' investigations (1798-1803) were to find means for the improvement of society and to deliver it from its wretchedness and .poverty. He inquired into "the causes that had impeded the progress of mankind toward hap-piness," and offered a corrective for the same. Mr. Malthus advanced a theory (which is popularly known as the Malthusian Doctrine) in which he tried to prove that society could not hope to provide enough food to sustain all its members and that poverty, therefore, must be the inevitable outcome of a persistenee in increasing population, and that no blame could reasonably be attributed to society for its poverty. The Malthusians hold that population has a tendency to in-crease faster than subsistence, and that under such conditions some people, in the course of time, will not have sufficient food to maintain themselves, and poverty must be the inevitable re-sult, irremediable, unless the race in question adopts some means to prevent the possible increase of population. If the race fails to provide the necessary restriction, nature will step in and provide it for the race. Vice, disease, war, pestilence and famine—all these and more means may be adopted by na-ture to do her work of reducing numbers. In such a sifting process as this nature will make her selection and the fittest must ultimately survive. The above is a brief statement of the Malthusian Doctrine ^ THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. l8l It has been substantially adopted and supported by many mod-ern political economists whose opinions we have consulted. The Malthusians show that the birth-rate among any people, when procreation is allowed to run free and unrestricted, will always be in advance of the death-rate, hence, there will be a continual rise in population. The possibilities of this increase are very large, according to the law of geometrical progression. The probabilities are considerable. The facts of history indi-cate that the birth-rate is almost always in the advance, in a higher or lower degree, in an undisturbed state of society. Population then increases steadily. We said that it increases or has a tendency to increase faster than subsistence. This conclusion is based upon the great law of Diminishing Returns in Agriculture. This law needs no proof or explanation. Walker proves it conclusively in his Economy. Briefly it is this: "There is a limit to the amount of labor and capital which can be advantageously employed or expended upon a given area of land." Subsistence increases according to the law of arithmetical progression in contradistinction to the law of geo-metrical progression, according to which population increases. It is easily seen, therefore, that, as population increases, subsist-ence pet capita decreases. If population be carried beyond the limit of sufficient production lor the maintenance of the whole bod)' of society, poverty will ensue among a people. In a crowded community, such as the above continued in-crease in population will lead to, the pressure will come first upon the man with the large family and will force him to struggle hard against the scarcity of food and comforts; dis-ease and starvation must finally come. We have illustrations of this among barbarians and some modern Oriental nations, such as India and China, where they experience frequent fam-ines. Improvements in the arts of agriculture, domestic man-agement and government may withstand this pressure for a time, but, no matter in what direction, or how great the im-provement may be, population will ultimately, under the above circumstances, reach the point where the products of the soil will not support it adequately. So, the only sure and reason-able remedy for such a condition of scarcity, according to Mai- 182 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. thus, is prevention of reproduction to an extent sufficient to insureamplesubsistence/ifrcapita forall. Malthus wouldemploy rnan's reason and prudence and make it a moral restraint in-stead of reducing numbers by means of vice and misery, which, as we have seen, become inevitable results unless the former method is adopted. Evidently, France has adopted this Mal-thusian theory and practices it. The population of France is decreasing, and there is a growing sufficiency of subsistence and comfort for the whole nation. However, it is a question among many whether France is not doing this at the expense of her moral and physical well-being. It seems to be leading her into gradual degeneration. After all, France is hardly a good illustration of the practicability and good common sense of what Malthus taught regarding prudence and moral restraint as a means of checking the too rapid increase of population. Now returning to the question asked at the start, we may inquire again whether President Roosevelt is right in encour-aging the enlargement of families and the consequent growth of the total population of our country. What reasons can he produce? Has America yet reached the point in her econ-omic development where the Malthusian precaution is needed to check population ? If she has, how can we account for President Roosevelt's attitude ? There are reasons, perhaps, outside of the field of political economy that prompt Mr. Roosevelt to take the position he holds, but, assuming that he accepts the doctrine of the Malthusians, there is, nevertheless, sufficient ground to justify his attitude. He certainly would not advocate recklessness and imprudence in a matter of so great importance to the welfare of his country. In the first place, I do not believe that the United States has yet reached the point of Diminishing Returns in Agricul-ture, taking the country as a whole. That it is rapidly ap-proaching that point is not to be doubted. As it is, however, the prevention under consideration is uncalled for. With our present population, we have hardly reached the limit of our highest economic usefulness and the greatest returns per capita, with our vast areas of farm land under cultivation and still capable of much greater returns by the addition of more la- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 183 borers. I refer particularly to the broad expanse of arable land in our Great West. Undoubtedly, we have not yet reached the limit where we cannot advantageously add more laborers in agriculture. Surely there is no room for apprehension and fear. What poverty there is now in our country is largely due to shiftlessness, ignorance, laziness and vice. There is still a splendid chance for all who will take advantage of our educa-tional system and then go to work. Mr. Roosevelt is right from a moral standpoint also. The increase of population ought to be encouraged in our country. There are those among the wealthy and educated classes in the United States, holding erroneous ideas about "Social Standing," who deprecate large families and who consciously avoid them. This ought not to be true. It would be a blessing for our country if more children were born to the wealthy and cul-tured and fewer to the poorer classes, the ignorant and vicious. We need more citizens reared in the upper strata of society among our best people and fewer in the lower strata. Mr. Roosevelt is right and has given his country a splendid ex-ample in the honest pride he takes in his own large family. France is wrong. Without doubt she is carrying the Malthu-sian Doctrine to wicked extremes. We need to rid ourselves of the sinful tendencies abroad in France which are wasting her morals and reducing her national strength. We need to exercise prudence and reasonable restraint at all times and shun conscious and wicked checks to the increase of our population. The honor, hope and pride of a mother are her children. This is Mr. Roosevelt's opinion and he would have no father and mother consider them a disgrace, a dishonor or a burden. f» 184 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. "THE RAVIN'" SCHOOLMASTER. B. A. STROHMKIKR, '06. ONCE upon a school-day dreary, As I waited weak and "skeary," 'Waited nervously the verdict from the teacher's judgment seat; While my eyes were nearly sapping, Suddenly there came a tapping As of something loudly rapping, Rapping on my breeches' seat. 'Twas the music of the raw-hide as it mercilessly beat Tunes upon my breeches' seat. How the dust flew out those patches, As I felt the raw-hide's scratches ! Yet I didn't necessarily have to skirmish or to dance. Strange the sound those whacks were making As the Prof, great paiiis was taking To appear to have me aching ; But he didn't have a chance, For the force of all the muscle he could use could not advance Past my armor-plated pants. Suddenly there came a silence, And I stood in grim defiance, While the goggle-eyed Professor squinted at me long and hard. He was tired out and panting. And I thought I heard him chanting Words that told that he was granting I his record sad had marred. Then he started, paused, and said these words which cut me like a sword, "Hand me out that weather-board !" Robbed of all my former po.wer, Like a nation's final hour— Like a Sampson with his hair off—I grew weak and weaker still. Then a bright thought struck me : "Mister, I know that you court my sister, And I'll tell Pa that you kissed her, Hit me even with a quill!" Fire flashed his eyes ; but that was all—he dared not do his will. Glory hallelujah Bill! W THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. I85 POLITICAL INDIFFERENCE. SECOND only to the claims of religion are the claims of country. This does not mean that the Christian should desecrate holy places with political harangue, or that he should become the willing servant of a political boss, but that he should discharge his political duties to free government in a manner befitting a noble, religious life and consistent with the patriotic ideals of our forefathers. The government that maintains liberty of thought, word and deed as a fundamental principle, and recognizes education and Christianity as the only safeguards of public liberty, has a just claim upon every citizen for patriotic vigilance of all political rights. If it is true, as has been said, that "the standard of personal morality in America is higher than in England, that of com-mercial morality probably a little lower, and that of political morality quite distinctly lower," let it not be said that it is a defect in our system of government, or that it is wholly a fault of those who are faithless and incompetent in office, for, here, every citizen, no difference what his race or creed, has equal power with his voice and vote, and can claim no exemption from the just responsibilities for the evils of the body politic. Ours is, in fact as well as in theory, a government of the peo-ple, and its administration is neither better nor worse than the people themselves. It was devised by patriotic men who faith-fully gave it their wisest thought, and so perfectly is its frame-work fashioned that an accidental mistake of the people, or the perfidy of an official, or the enactment of profligate laws are all held in such wholesome check by coordinate powers as to enable the chief executive to restrain or suppress almost every conceivable evil for the welfare of the nation. To achieve the highest results in our system of government, it is necessary that the citizens throw aside the theories and idealities of the philosophers for the practical guidance of the ship of state. But alas! he who is best fitted for governing f» 186 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. men too often loves it least, and he who is least fitted for teach-ing men moral and political truths too often turns his back upon his duty for the sake of more pleasurable occupations of litera-ture, art or science. If the reputable citizen refrains from bearing a just responsi-bility in our political conflicts, and thereby voluntarily surren-ders the safety of his person and things, as well as the good order and well-being-of society, into the hands of those who are least fitted for governing men, turn and place the responsi-bility where it belongs and do not blame the thief and adven-turer, for they are but plying their trade, and rob public rather than private treasure because men guard the one and do not guard the other. How often have we not seen good men swiftly invoking the avenging arm of Justice for an injury done to private property, but who are criminally indifferent to the public wrongs done by those who, in the enactment and exe-cution of the laws, directly affect their happiness and pros-perity? Do not excuse the indifference of the good citizen by saying that politics have become polluted. Such a declaration would be a confession of guilt, and he who utters it becomes his own accuser. If it be true that the politics of a state or municipality bave become degraded, who is to blame for it ? Surely not the country or ward politician, for they are a small minority in every community and in every party. If they have gained control of the political organizations, and thereby have secured their election to offices of high trust, it must have been with either the passive or the active assent of the good citizens who hold the actual control of the government in their own hands. Does not the official, who shames his constituents with disgraceful acts, owe his election to the silent assent or positive support of those who claim to be patriotic and intelli-gent citizens, but who lay aside their political duties because of some private interest ? If incompetent appointments have been made through the influence of some political boss, it is due to the fact that honest and good citizens have not protested with a manliness that would point to a sure and swift retribution for such wrongs and, at the same time, have not demanded a per- THE GETTVSBURG MERCURY. 187 manent and practical civil service whereby all dishonor, dis-honesty and incompetency in office would end. Can our presi-dents and governors be wholly responsible for the low standard of our officials? No; for if good men concede primary polit-ical control to those who wield it for sdftsh ends, and thereby make the appointing powers depend tit i-ir both counsel and support upon the worst political eU iiient, u ho is to blame when public sentiment is outraged by the selection of unworthy men to important offices ? The fruits are but the natural, logical results of good citizens refusing to accept their political re-sponsibilities. There is not a blot in our body politic to-day that the better element of the people cannot remove whenever they resolve to do so. There is not a defect nor a deformity in our political administration that they cannot correct in the legitimate way pointed out by our free institutions. If our country is to reach the ideal pictured for it by the framers of the Constitution, it must have the active support of those upon whom the burden of government should rest. It must have behind it more men like Nathan Hale, who was sorry that he had only one life to give his country. It must have the influence and best thought of every American scholar and not the scheme of the demagogue or the trickery of the partisan politician. Three millions of men lie buried beneath American battle-fields to give us that which we seem to prize so lightly : Politi-cal Freedom. But "that these dead shall not have died in vain," that the Utopia of Thomas More's imagination may become a realization, and "that this Republic, under the guidance of A1T mighty God, will live and prosper through the ages," we must bear our burdens patiently, accept our responsibilities courage-ously, and discharge our duties intelligently and with fidelity. "NASHY." 188 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. H THE ANALYSIS OF A NURSERY RHYME. JAMES G. DIJ.LER, '04. OVV often, in the care-free hours of childhood, have we repeated that alliterative verse of linen-book poetry,. with its halting meter and quaint simplicity of language: "Hickory, dickerv, dock. The mouse ran up the clock. The clock struck one, The mouse ran clown. Hickory, rlickery. dock.'' And yet, how many of us have ever discovered in this bit of seemingly senseless doggerel the hidden story of an appar-ently triffling incident, with all its philosophical suggestiveness and condensed moralizing upon the great truths of life? Lest the casual reader should condemn this writing as non-sensical at the very outset, let us begin at once to interpret the jingling and apparently meaningless and disconnected lines. Have you not always considered the first line, "hickory, dick-ery, dock," as merely a mechanical contrivance of words to-rhyme with the word "clock" in the line immediately follow-ing? Doubtless you have, and have regarded it as a useless corruption of our language made to subserve a trivial end. Hut stop to think, and to your surprise you realize that that very mechanical meter, with its abrupt ending, is a most accurate adaptation of words to imitate the ticking of a clock. This ticking of the tireless time-piece attracted the attention of a diminutive rodent, and gives us material for a bit of mor-alizing upon the next line, "the mouse ran up the clock."' Frightened, no doubt, at first, he overcomes his trepidation and hesitatingly approaches in the direction of the monotonous sound. Alas ! how many of us yield, as did the little mouse, to misdirected curiosity and flee, as he did, affrighted from that which was not meant for us to know! Incidentally, we call at-tention here to another concealed bit of information. The clock must have been one of the old-fashioned variety, with long, pendant weights exposed to the open air, else our little THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 189 friend could not have reached it in the course of his investiga-tions. The next line is of special value in our analysis, inasmuch as it gives us the time of this historic occurrence, the narration of which has doubtless entertained the younger generation since the days of the horn-book A, B, C. It may have been either broad-daylight in the early afternoon when, we are told, "the clock struck one;" or it may have been the hour immediately succeeding that— "—very witching time of night. When churchyards yawn." Hut our insight has already become sufficiently keen by our experience of the first two lines, so that we readily conclude it must have been one o'clock at night when his mouseship pur-sued his nocturnal meanderings. Had it been one o'clock in the afternoon, the bustle of the kitchen in clearing away the remnants of the mid-day meal, together with the presence and wide-awake activity of the dog or cat, would have entirely pre-cluded the possibility of the mouse performing his perpendicu-lar tight-rope-walk on the rope or chain of the hanging clock weights. And, now, the last line of pure English in this classic bit of nursery lore gives, perhaps,a larger scope of meaning than any of those preceding. Having accomplished his perilous ascent, and explored the intricate labyrinth of wheels, pinions and oscillating pendulum, he hesitates whether to retrace his steps or to delve still far-ther into the unexplored mysteries of this queer contrivance. But suddenly, close to his velvety ear, there breaks upon the silence of the night a loud, jarring sound, half stunning him by its proximity, and throwing him into a state, of quivering terror as he crouches behind the farthest clock wheel and lis-tens to the ebbing, throbbing waves of sound vibrating with the detonation of the stroke through the metallic fabric of the works. Then, the innate instinct of self-preservation asserting itself, he makes a dash for safety, half sliding, half tumbling down 190 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. the clock-weights' chain and scurries away to his dark abode. Does he not typify all too well that over-ambitious spirit which strives to attain impossible ends, and to climb to heights where the atmosphere is too rare when the summit is finally reached, and the baffled, disappointed and heart-sick seeker is glad to return to his allotted place in the universe, just as the frightened mouse besought his subterranean retreat ? The last line, a repetition of the first, is intended to show how the clock went on ticking, in its accustomed manner, after the mouse had fled. Even so the great world goes on. Man is born—a diminutive mouse in the vast mansion of creation— he explores for a brief time, as the mouse did, mysteries too great for his feeble comprehension, and then returns to that place whence he came. And now, dear reader, have you not formed a better opinion of this doggerel rhyme which haunted your childish memory; and have you not conceived for it that appreciation which it so richly deserves ? 1 "A soul to fear its maker and to feel The finer things of life in their full measure ; A soul to hear God in the twilight calm And see him in the varied hues of dawn. A heart to hold some loves that closer lie Than aught of earth comparable ; a heart That spells its charity in words of deeds, A mind to commonsense, and those high acts That, welded, shape great Labor in its glory ; An arm to wield and mould all that these three Design, contrive—this constitutes a man.-' - ** # THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 191 ■*• A VISIT TO McKINLEYS TOMB. BRUCE COBAUGH, '05. AT the end of a short avenue which leads from the main wes-tern street of Canton, Ohio, lies the beautiful West-lawn Cemetery. To the many visitors it is of special interest as being the burial place of our late President McKinley, and it is for the purpose of visiting his tomb that we pass through the large gate at the entrance on a Sunday afternoon in July. On entering we are greeted by a pleasant surprise as we note the natural beauty of the place, for it is a veritable park. We cannot help but contrast it with other burial grounds we have known, many of whose chief characteristics are the long rows of cold marble and granite with their intermittent spaces laid out with mathematical precision, as if old Mother Earth were jealous of giving one man more than an alotted resting place in her spacious bosom. Nor do we experience that cold un-comfortable feeling that often passes over one on entering a cemetery. On the contrary, as we stroll along the winding avenue which leads through the cemetery, we pause as our attention is attracted to some new beauty of the place. To our left rises a ridge covered with trees. Here the stately oaks are sighing softly in the summer breeze. From their branches comes the songs of their feathered tenants in joyful melody as if inviting all to rejoice. We pause in the shade of a large oak and listen while nature speaks with an eloquence that can never be surpassed. Descending below, to the right, is a slope whose gently un-dulating surface is covered with green. It is bounded below by a brook whose clear waters sparkle in the sunlight The bank is covered with willows which dip their overshadowing branches into the stream. Here and there along its course are ponds in which swim the little sunfish among the floating lilies. We follow a short path from the main avenue and this brings us to the object of our visit. On the eastern slope of the wooded ridge is the exterior of the ** 192 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. large vault. In the .stone front with its solid arch and massive pillars, hangs the heavy iron gate that guards the entrance. It gives one an impression of stability and its general appearance is plain. We can approach no nearer than a distance of about fifty feet for it is guarded day and night by armed sentries who are pacing to and fro about the tomb. As we gaze on the walls which enclose his mortal remains, our thoughts turn back on McKinley's life. Thoughts of his public career come to our mind. We think of how he rose step by step from one position to a higher by proving himself worthy of promotion. His ability as a statesman, his election to the office of chief ruler of our nation and the integrity with which he served his country are among our thoughts. He seems to us a true American in the highest sense of the word. No less than these, however, is his great example of charac-ter. Again, we think of his death, his patience in suffering and the spirit of forgiveness which he showed for the man who gave him a mortal wound. And his calm resignation in the dying hour along with his trust in God make him a worthy example of a true Christian spirit. The sun is sinking behind the treetops and we have time to stay no longer. We return with thoughts of our visit that will ever be pleasant in our memory. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 193 THE HOUSE WE BUILD. IN the land of the East there once lived a king who gave to twelve of his subjects a sum of money with the command that each should build him a house. Each man took the allot-ted sum and set out to obey the command. Eleven bought the cheapest materials in the market and constructed their buildings on the simplest plan, so that they might save some money for their own use and complete their tasks; but the twelfth secured the most durable materials he could find and with painstaking care built his house as nearly perfect as pos-sible. When the buildings were finished, the king issued a de-cree that each subject, for the rest of his life, should live in the house which he himself had constructed. Imagine the chagrin of the eleven when they found that they must dwell in such unstable structures. Repairs soon became necessary as part after part gave way, and in a short time the buildings, too weak to stand the wear of time, collapsed. But the twelfth subject dwelt in his substantial home until the end of his days. Although this is only a legend, there is hidden vVithin it a truth which is applicable to mankind. Each individual must rear a building for himself—that unseen and uncomprehensible being or spirit—to dwell in. Perhaps we are carrying this on unconsciously, nevertheless, each day has its effect upon these structures. Either we are fashioning pillars and supports which will make our house a strong and beautiful one—fit to contain the noblest aims and purposes—or we are, by living lives of in-difference and ease, rearing such a structure as one finds on a neglected farm, which can contain nothing securely and which every adverse wind threatens to destroy. And there is no ex-change of property, no rental, sale or giving away. Each man must keep his own building and live in it as he himself has built it. Our acts, our thoughts, our feelings, our resolves, our aims and the influences which we receive from associates, books and surroundings are as really the material for our buildings as the t 194 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. lumber and nails for the carpenter. And just as essential for us is a plan. Each one should have a definite ideal as he takes up his work of art. For such an ideal, observe nature in her perfection as she manifests herself in the snowflake with its per-fect arrangement and whiteness, the globe of dew in its round-edness and purity, the new blown rose in its fresh beauty, the magnificent forests in their strength and grandeur,and the lofty mountains in their towering might. And the human body in itself, in its harmonious structure and workings, is a model for perfect symmetry and order. One of our writers speaks of it thus:— Not in the world of light alone, Where God hath built his blazing throne, Nor yet alone in earth below, With belted seas that come and go And endless isles of sunlit green, Is all thy maker's glory seen. Look in upon thy wondrous frame, Eternal wisdom still the same. One should carefully consider both the exterior and interior of the building which he erects. The exterior, while not most important, should receive some care. Have a good strong frame secured by temperate living and proper exercise, an erect form. A clear interior structure, with its furnishings, is import-ant, not only because it is the character, or at least what makes the character of the individual, but because it affects the exterior and makes it what it is to a very great extent. Our houses are more or less transparent, and one without can tell the nature of the man who lives within. On the outside we post the signs which describe the resident. Ruskin says on this subject: "There is no virtue, the exercise of which, even momentarily, will not impress a new fairness upon the features, neither on them only, but on the whole body." In the furnishings let a good strong individuality form the centre piece and let it secure for itself an appropriate setting; let it secure those qualities which make us noble and images of the divine. Let earnestness, enthusiasm, tenderness, a love for THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 195 beauty and harmony, observation, unselfishness and determina-tion be essentials in the equipments. If a man wished to build a perfect house, he would give his attention to every detail and try to make it complete. So in rearing our house, let us not polish and adorn one part to the neglect of another. The young girl who strives only for grace in a ball room and popularity in the social world, and the young man who develops only his muscles in athletics, are building very deficient houses. Symmetry and proportion are two qualities necessary to a beautiful building. In this work of building, we may often improve our own structures by helping our companions as they toil. While we are supporting a pillar or repairing a broken part for them, what is our surprise to find a new beauty in our own, while rough edges have become beautifully rounded curves. How delightful it is to live in a country that is adorned with beautiful and well constructed buildings ! In us lies the ability to adorn or mar the world by the structures which we rear in it. In addition to their improving our surroundings, they serve as incentives to others in perfecting their own buildings. The poet Holmes gives us an inspiration in the words: "Build ye more stately mansions, O my Soul, While the swift seasons roll. Leave thy low vaulted past, Let each new temple nobler than the last Shut thee from Heaven with a dome more vast, Till thou at length art free, Leaving thine outgrown shell, By life's unresting sea." "ORLANDO." THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY Entered at the Postoffi.ee at Gettysburg as second-class matter VOL. XII GETTYSBURG, PA., OCTOBER, 1903 No. 5 Editor-in-chief LYMAN A. GUSS, '04 Exchange Editor M. ROY HAMSHER, '04 Business Manager F. GARMAN MASTERS, '04 Asst. Business Manager A. TY. DTT.LENBECK, '05 Associate Editors M. ADA MCLINN, '04 BRUCE P. COBADGH, '05 C. EDWIN BUTLER, '05 Advisory Board PROF. J. A. HIMES, L-ITT. D. PROF. G. D. STAHI.EY, M.D. PROF. J. W. RICHARD, D.D. Published each month, from October to June inclusive, by the joint literary societies of Pennsylvania (Gettysburg) College. Subscription price, one dollar a year in advance; single copies 15 cents. Notice to discontinue sending the MERCURY to any address must be accompanied by all arrearages. Students, Professors and Alumni are cordially invited to contribute. All subscriptions and business matter should be addressed to the Busi-ness Manager. Articles for publication should be addressed to the Editor. Address THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY, GETTYSBURG, PA. EDITORIALS. What a great thing it is ! What a commendable TRUTH trait of character! What a power in everything! And yet how often debased, how often contaminated, how often distorted! It is our purpose to briefly set forth herein a few facts bear-ing directly on the welfare of this college; to reconstruct cer-tain distortions of the truth, which have been circulated by yel-low journalism to our detriment; and to assure our friends and supporters that Gettysburg is a college of gentlemen and not of "hoodlooms," as certain press manipulators, with clouded vision, would make us. During the past two months, there have been evil and ma-licious reports scattered broadcast, within no small radius of THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. I97 our college community, in which the boys of Gettysburg have been deprecated as a gang of rowdies, rogues and general roustabouts ; have been designated in all sorts of terms, border-ing on the villiainous; have had epithets, becoming anything but gentlemen heaped upon them in profusion; and have been characterized as an aggregation of degenerates. If these things were true, ours it would be to "grin and bear," but no individual, without a word of protest, much less a body of loyal college students, can see such maledictions afloat and such slander indulged in with impunity. We labor with righteous indignation under the knowledge that the good name of our college, undefiled for decades, is being vitiated without provocation. Therefore, we refute with vigor these monstrous prevarications. To the friends of Gettysburg we would say that the reports referred to above are not true, are utter falsehoods, and are not warranted. Instead of all kinds of devilment, which these vile, disgraceful recitals portray, such a state of affairs is non-exist-ent almost in totality. Class spirit, college spirit—all kinds of spirit, we are loath to confess, is at a lower ebb than it has been for a number of years, and, consequently, the real and only ex-cess, conducted by the student body, is thereby removed; for, be it known, that there by no means exists an organized quota of students in the college whose aim and object is the destruc-tion of property, and the debasement of their fellow-students. Such personalities Gettysburg does not support. To be sure, occasionally, a sudden outburst of college en-thusiasm does impel prudence a little beyond the limit, but never, within the time during which we have been flailed with the confounded misstatements of a debauched press, has it been carried to an end approaching that which these enlarged, in-flated, falsified and perverse specimens of a journal of the "yellow" type would have you believe. To the source of this polluted literature we consider it be-neath our dignity to directly refer. It suffices to state the facts connected with its origin and promulgation. These we offer to you as explanatory of these disseminated articles so liberally 198 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. savored with prevarication. We trust they may serve to right your estimate of our college; to reinstate you in your former attitude of good will toward us, if you have fallen therefrom by the great injustice done, and being done, us without cause, real or sham; to lead you "to believe that we are not "hood-looms," but men, such as Gettysburg has merited and owned in the past, and yet finds perpetuated in our persons. We ask you to discount these reports, which appear at our expense, with a reduction of one-half or three-fourths, which they will readily bear, and then the residue may, perhaps, be taken at par. These remarks may seem somewhat eulogistic, but we are given to self-laudation only in case of stringent necessity. This is one such case. What we want you to believe, alumni and friends, is that Gettysburg is a college, not composed of men of ideal character,but equally on a level basis with our contemporary institutions. We are not tainted and debased in character, in a class of our own, but whole and sound as any. The Pennypacker press muzzle was met with derision and denunciation when it became law. It was fairly paralyzed with a storm of opposition. And yet there is quality in that piece of legislation. While its operation, for the most part, is out of harmony with American principle, it could be made to operate with admirable results in specific cases. It is not our intention to justify the "muzzier," but would it not justify itself in our instance ? It would purge e\^il from the local press, perchance. Shall we try it? DIALECT 1'ne fed °f writing stories in various dialects, STORIES. particularly that of the Negro, the Irishman, the Westerner or Backwoodsman, is becoming very contagious. These stories, while they are comical and interesting and serve the purpose intended perhaps well enough, may become very detrimental to our language and especially so if they continue to multiply. The colloquial form of the English language is now ungram- THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 199 matical enough, as every one will acknowledge, but what it might become if these corruptions are acquired, I should fear to state. For example the colloquy of the Westerner put into the speech of our fairly educated men of today would be unbecom-ing and distasteful, to say nothing of its effect. While this illustration may be an absurd one, yet it is not far in advance of the result of dialect writing. If we are given this species of literature we are going to acquire more and more of this kind of language. Another example only too realistic is that of the college student whose corrupt terms and phrases are understood only by himself and those associated with him. How often when speaking to an outside man does he find himself uttering these corruptions, which are, it may be, Hebrew to his hearer. This is an example of how easily we may acquire the lore of the different dialects if they are thrust upon us for our constant amusement or edification. Our tongues would be confused far more than the tongues of historic Babel. To the student of English, dialect stories, when they exceed the limit in number and quality, should be especially repulsive and, by heeding them with little or no regard, the student will be justified, the'offender punished, and the dignity of our English preserved. EXCHANGES. The most delightful bit of optimism, for it does seem to savor of the optimist, that we have noticed in our last month's reading, has been penned with regard to the college publica-tions. Hear some of the soul-cheering words of the Georgetown College Journal's ex-man, who has been so highly esteemed as to be re-elected to office: "They bring to us a message of the thousands of college men and women of this country who are giving their time to the study of letters and are becoming writ-ers of good English. We do most emphatically believe in col-lege journalism; and it is our firm conviction that out of the 200 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. humble efforts that the college editor is to-day making will come the great American novel, and the great American epic, and the great American essay; in short, will come the great American literature, a golden age, that will outshine all that have gone before it." May college journalism result in a de-velopment of our literature equal to the expectations of our sanguine friend. There is much in the college magazine that does not warrant such expectations. But there are some col-lege men who, although their literary efforts are now making but a feeble light, are, nevertheless, blazing a pathway for grander and nobler things in literature. The Carthage Collegia?i has this interesting preface to its last number, which is intended, no doubt, for critics who become cynical in their observations:— "Kind reader, ere you turn away From viewing this small booklet's pages, And judge, perchance, correctly too, That they who wrote it are not sages, Think well, before you place it on the shelf, You might have written it yourself. Forget the weak, the poor, and of the rest, Though it be poor, remember thou the best." If there were made a classification of the college magazines into those seemingly making a special effort to present college news, with one or more literary articles to fill up the space, and those devoted principally to literary work, we would, no doubt, place such magazines as Tlie Monthly Maroon and University of Virginia Magazine in the second class. They belong to the part of college journalism that will result in the "Great Ameri-can Literature." The Ursinus Weekly has just come out with its first Literary Supplement of the year. The essay on "Seventeenth Century Lyric Poetry" shows a knowledge of the spirit of that time. The writer compares the songs of the "light-hearted" Robert Herrick with the "deep, sonorous" notes of Tennyson in an in-teresting manner. The exchange editor seems to have a good word for every one.
Threats To International Peace And Security. The Situation In The Middle East ; United Nations S/PV.8233 Security Council Seventy-third year 8233rd meeting Saturday, 14 April 2018, 11 a.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Meza-Cuadra . (Peru) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Ma Zhaoxu Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Netherlands. . Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren Poland. . Mr. Radomski Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Ms. Pierce United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda Threats to international peace and security The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-10891 (E) *1810891* S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 2/26 18-10891 The meeting was called to order at 11.10 a.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. Threats to international peace and security The situation in the Middle East The President (spoke in Spanish): In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I wish to warmly welcome His Excellency Secretary-General António Guterres, to whom I now give the floor. The Secretary-General: I have been following closely the reports of air strikes in Syria conducted by the United States, France and United Kingdom. Last night at 10 p.m. New York time, the United States President announced the beginning of air strikes with the participation of France and the United Kingdom, indicating they were targeting the chemical-weapons capabilities of the Syrian Government to deter their future use. The statement was followed by announcements from Prime Minister May and President Macron. The air strikes were reportedly limited to three military locations inside Syria. The first targets included the Syrian Scientific Studies and Research Centre at Al-Mazzah airport in Damascus, the second an alleged chemical-weapons storage facility west of Homs and the third an alleged chemical-weapons equipment storage site and command post, also near Homs. The Syrian Government announced surface-to-air missile responsive activity. Both United States and Russian sources indicated there were no civilian casualties. However, the United Nations is unable to independently verify the details of all those reports. As Secretary-General of the United Nations, it is my duty to remind Member States that there is an obligation, particularly when dealing with matters of peace and security, to act consistently with the Charter of the United Nations, and with international law in general. The Charter is very clear on these issues. The Security Council has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. I call on the members of the Security Council to unite and exercise that responsibility, and I urge all members to show restraint in these dangerous circumstances and to avoid any act that could escalate matters and worsen the suffering of the Syrian people. As I did yesterday (see S/PV.8231), I stress the importance of preventing the situation from spiralling out of control. Any use of chemical weapons is abhorrent, and the suffering it causes is horrendous. I have repeatedly expressed my deep disappointment that the Security Council has failed to agree on a dedicated mechanism for ensuring effective accountability for the use of chemical weapons in Syria. I urge the Security Council to assume its responsibilities and fill that gap, and I will continue to engage with Member States to help to achieve that objective. A lack of accountability emboldens those who use such weapons by providing them with the reassurance of impunity, and that in turn further weakens the norm proscribing the use of chemical weapons, as well as undermining the international disarmament and non-proliferation architecture as a whole. The seriousness of the recent allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Douma requires a thorough investigation using impartial, independent and professional expertise. I reaffirm my full support for the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and its Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic in undertaking the required investigation. The team is already in Syria. I am informed that its operations plan for visiting the site is complete and that the Mission is ready to go. I am confident it will have full access, without any restrictions or impediments to its performance of its activities. To repeat what I said yesterday, Syria represents the most serious threat to international peace and security in the world today. In Syria we see confrontations and proxy wars involving several national armies, a number of armed opposition groups, many national and international militias, foreign fighters from all over the world and various terrorist organizations. From the beginning, we have witnessed systematic violations of international humanitarian law, international human rights law and international law in general, in utter disregard of the letter and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. For eight long years, the people of Syria have endured suffering upon suffering. They have lived 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 3/26 through a litany of horrors, atrocity crimes, sieges, starvation, indiscriminate attacks on civilians and civilian infrastructure, the use of chemical weapons, forced displacement, sexual violence, torture, detention and enforced disappearances. The list goes on. At this critical juncture, I call on all States Members to act consistently with the Charter of the United Nations and international law, including the norms against chemical weapons. If the law is ignored, it is undermined. There can be no military solution to the crisis. The solution must be political, and we must find ways to make real progress towards a genuine and credible political solution that meets the aspirations of the Syrian people to dignity and freedom, in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015) and the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex). I have asked my Special Envoy to come to New York as soon as possible to consult with me on the most effective way to accelerate the political process. The President (spoke in Spanish): I thank the Secretary-General for his valuable briefing. I shall now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Russia has called this emergency meeting of the Security Council to discuss the aggressive actions of the United States and its allies against Syria. This is now our fifth meeting on the subject in a week. President Putin of the Russian Federation made a special statement today. "On 14 April, the United States, with the support of its allies, launched an air strike on military and civilian infrastructure targets in the Syrian Arab Republic. An act of aggression against a sovereign State on the front lines in the fight against terrorism was committed without permission from the Security Council and in violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the norms and principles of international law. Just as it did a year ago, when it attacked Syria's Al-Shayrat airbase in Syria, the United States took a staged use of toxic substances against civilians as a pretext, this time in Douma, outside Damascus. Having visited the site of the alleged incident, Russian military experts found no traces of chlorine or any other toxic agent. Not a single local resident could confirm that such an attack had occurred. "The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) has sent experts to Syria to investigate all the circumstances. However, a group of Western countries cynically ignored this and took military action without waiting for the results of the investigation. "Russia vehemently condemns this attack on Syria, where Russian military personnel are helping the legitimate Government to combat terrorism. "The actions of the United States are making the already catastrophic humanitarian situation in Syria even worse, inflicting suffering on civilians, for all intents and purposes enabling the terrorists who have been tormenting the Syrian people for seven years, and producing yet another wave of refugees fleeing the country and the region in general. The current escalation of the Syrian situation is having a destructive effect on the entire system of international relations. History will have the last word, and it has already revealed the heavy responsibility that Washington bears for the carnage in Yugoslavia, Iraq and Libya." Russia has done everything it could to persuade the United States and its allies to abandon their militaristic plans threatening a new round of violence in Syria and destabilization in the Middle East. Today, and at the Council meeting we called yesterday (see S/PV.8231), the Secretary-General expressed his concern about how events are developing. Washington, London and Paris, however, preferred to let the calls for sanity go unheard. The United States and its allies continue to demonstrate a flagrant disregard for international law, although as permanent members of the Security Council they have a special duty to uphold the provisions of the Charter. It was a disgrace to hear an article of the United States Constitution cited as justification of this aggression. We respect the right of every State to honour its own fundamental law. But it is high time that Washington learned that it is the Charter of the United Nations that governs the international code of conduct on the use of force. It will be interesting to see how the peoples of Great Britain and France react to the fact that their leaders are participating in unlawful military ventures that invoke the United States Constitution. These three countries constantly lean towards neocolonialism. They scorn the Charter and the Security Council, which they attempt, shamelessly, to use for their own unscrupulous purposes. They do no serious S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 4/26 18-10891 work in the Council. They refuse to consult with us, while falsely assuring everyone of the opposite. They are undermining the Council's authority. The alleged use of chemical weapons in the Syrian city of Douma has been cited as the excuse for this aggression. After an inspection by our specialists, Russia's representatives stated unequivocally that no such incident took place. Moreover, people were found to have taken part in staging the incident, which was inspired and organized by foreign intelligence services. After the matter emerged, the Syrian authorities immediately invited experts from the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to try to establish all the circumstances through a field mission to Douma. The visa formalities were dealt with quickly and security guarantees given. As the air strikes began, the specialists were already in Syria and preparing to begin their work. I would like to remind Council members and everyone else that on 10 April (see S/PV.8228), when our draft resolution (S/2018/322) on ensuring the security of the work of the OPCW's special mission was blocked, we were assured that there was no need for such a document. They said that no additional effort on the part of the Security Council was necessary to ensure that the mission could reach Douma and conduct an investigation of the chemical incident. Now, however, we can see that we were absolutely right. Yesterday, some of our colleagues — some out of naivety and others out of cynicism — told us that this situation had allegedly arisen owing to the lack of an independent investigative mechanism. The aggression today has shown, as we said, that this had nothing whatever to do with it. The OPCW-United Nations Joint Investigative Mission (JIM) was in place during last year's attack on the Al-Shayrat airbase, but that did not stop the United States from launching a missile attack. After that, the JIM spent six months tailoring its conclusions to justify the strike. We have said over and over again that they do not need any investigations. They did not need them then and they do not need them now. The organizers of the aggression did not even wait for the international organization that is authorized to establish the basic facts to do so. Apparently they had established and instantly identified the perpetrators, after disseminating rumours about them through social networks with the help of the militias they sponsor and the non-governmental organizations that are their clients. This was backed up by mythical secret intelligence. Their masks — or rather the White Helmets — have come off once again. We have become accustomed to the fact that their efforts to achieve their dubious geopolitical aims, the aggressor countries deliberately blame the so-called Assad regime for every evil. There has been a trend recently to shift the blame onto Russia, which, as they tell it, has been unable to restrain Syria's so-called dictator. All of this goes according to a tried-and- true formula, whereby a provocation results in a false accusation, which results in a false verdict, which results in punishment. Is that how these people want to conduct international affairs? This is hooliganism in international relations, and not on a petty scale, given that we are talking about the actions of key nuclear Powers. Several missiles were aimed at the research centre facilities in Barzeh and Jamraya. There have been two recent OPCW inspections there with unrestricted access to their entire premises. The specialists found no trace of activities that would contravene the Chemical Weapons Convention. Syria's scientific research institutions are used for strictly peaceful activities aimed at improving the efficiency of the national economy. Do they want Syria to have no national economy left at all? Do they want to kick this country — only a few years ago one of the most developed in the Middle East — back into the Stone Age? Do they want to finish whatever their sanctions have not yet accomplished? And yet they still contrive false breast-beating about the sufferings of ordinary Syrians. But they have no interest in ordinary Syrians, who are sick of war and glad about the restoration of the legitimate authorities in the liberated territories. Their aggressive actions merely worsen the humanitarian situation that they claim to care about so deeply. They could end the conflict in Syria in the space of 24 hours. All that is needed is for Washington, London and Paris to give the order to their tame terrorists to stop fighting the legitimate authorities and their own people. The attacks were aimed at Syrian military airfields that are used for operations against terrorist organizations, a highly original contribution to the fight against international terrorism, which, as Washington never tires of saying, is the sole reason for its military presence in Syria, something that we are extremely doubtful about. Rather, it is becoming increasingly clear that those in the West who hide 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 5/26 behind humanitarian rhetoric and try to justify their military presence in Syria based on the need to defeat the jihadists are in fact acting in concert with them to dismember the country, a design confirmed by the categorical refusal of the United States and its allies to assist in the restoration of the areas of Syria that have been liberated by Government forces. Their aggression is a powerful blow and a threat to the prospects for continuing the political process under the auspices of the United Nations, which, despite the real difficulties, is moving forward, albeit at varying speed. Why do they bother endlessly pinning all their hopes on the Geneva process when they themselves are driving it straight towards yet another crisis? We urge the United States and its allies to immediately halt their acts of aggression against Syria and refrain from them going forward. We have proposed a brief draft resolution for the Council's attention on which we request that a vote be held at the end of this meeting. We appeal to the members of the Security Council. Now is not the time to evade responsibility. The world is watching. Stand up for our principles. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing today. This is the fifth Security Council meeting in the past week in which we have addressed the situation in Syria. A week has gone by in which we have talked. We have talked about the victims in Douma. We have talked about the Al-Assad regime and its patrons, Russia and Iran. We have spent a week talking about the unique horror of chemical weapons. The time for talk ended last night. We are here today because three permanent members of the Security Council acted. The United Kingdom, France, and the United States acted not in revenge, not in punishment and not in a symbolic show of force. We acted to deter the future use of chemical weapons by holding the Syrian regime responsible for its crimes against humanity. We can all see that a Russian disinformation campaign is in full force this morning, but Russia's desperate attempts at deflection cannot change the facts. A large body of information indicates that the Syrian regime used chemical weapons in Douma on 7 April. There is clear information demonstrating Al-Assad's culpability. The pictures of dead children were not fake news; they were the result of the Syrian regime's barbaric inhumanity. And they were the result of the regime's and Russia's failure to live up to their international commitments to remove all chemical weapons from Syria. The United States, France and the United Kingdom acted after careful evaluation of those facts. The targets we selected were at the heart of the Syrian regime's illegal chemical-weapon programme. The strikes were carefully planned to minimize civilian casualties. The responses were justified, legitimate and proportionate. The United States and its allies did everything they could to use the tools of diplomacy to get rid of Al-Assad's arsenal of chemical weapons. We did not give diplomacy just one chance. We gave it chance after chance. Six times. That is how many times Russia vetoed Security Council resolutions to address chemical weapons in Syria. Our efforts go back even further. In 2013, the Security Council adopted resolution 2118 (2013), requiring the Al-Assad regime to destroy its stockpile of chemical weapons. Syria committed to abiding by the Chemical Weapons Convention, meaning that it could no longer have chemical weapons on its soil. President Putin said that Russia would guarantee that Syria complied. We hoped that this diplomacy would succeed in putting an end to the horror of chemical attacks in Syria, but as we have seen from the past year, that did not happen. While Russia was busy protecting the regime, Al-Assad took notice. The regime knew that it could act with impunity, and it did. In November, Russia used its veto to kill the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, the main tool we had to figure out who used chemical weapons in Syria. Just as Russia was using its veto (see S/PV.8107), the Al-Assad regime used sarin, leading to dozens of injuries and deaths. Russia's veto was the green light for the Al-Assad regime to use these most barbaric weapons against the Syrian people, in complete violation of international law. The United States and our allies were not going to let that stand. Chemical weapons are a threat to us all. They are a unique threat — a type of weapon so evil that the international community agreed that they must be banned. We cannot stand by and let Russia trash every international norm that we stand for, and allow the use of chemical weapons to go unanswered. Just as the Syrian regime's use of chemical weapons last weekend was not an isolated incident, our response is part of a new course charted last year to deter future use of chemical weapons. Our Syrian strategy has not changed. S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 6/26 18-10891 However, the Syrian regime has forced us to take action based on its repeated use of chemical weapons. Since the April 2017 chemical attack at Khan Shaykhoun, the United States has imposed hundreds of sanctions on individuals and entities involved in chemical-weapons use in Syria and North Korea. We have designated entities in Asia, the Middle East and Africa that have facilitated chemical-weapons proliferation. We have revoked the visas of Russian intelligence officers in response to the chemical attack in Salisbury. We will continue to seek out and call out anyone who uses and anyone who aids in the use of chemical weapons. With yesterday's military action, our message was crystal clear. The United States of America will not allow the Al-Assad regime to continue to use chemical weapons. Last night, we obliterated the major research facility that it used to assemble weapons of mass murder. I spoke to the President this morning, and he said that if the Syrian regime should use this poison gas again, the United States is locked and loaded. When our President draws a red line, our President enforces the red line. The United States is deeply grateful to the United Kingdom and France for their part in the coalition to defend the prohibition of chemical weapons. We worked in lock step; we were in complete agreement. Last night, our great friends and indispensable allies shouldered a burden that benefits all of us. The civilized world owes them its thanks. In the weeks and months to come, the Security Council should take time to reflect on its role in defending the international rule of law. The Security Council has failed in its duty to hold those who use chemical weapons to account. That failure is largely due to Russian obstruction. We call on Russia to take a hard look at the company it keeps, live up to its responsibilities as a permanent member of the Council, and defend the actual principles the United Nations was meant to promote. Last night, we successfully hit the heart of Syria's chemical weapons enterprise, and because of these actions we are confident that we have crippled Syria's chemical weapons programme. We are prepared to sustain this pressure if the Syrian regime is foolish enough to test our will. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): These are uncertain times and today we deal with exceptional circumstance. Acting with our American and French allies, in the early hours of this morning the United Kingdom conducted coordinated, targeted and precise strikes to degrade Al-Assad's chemical weapons capability and deter their future use. The British Royal Air Force launched Storm Shadow missiles at a military facility some 15 miles west of Homs, where the regime is assessed to keep chemical weapons in breach of Syria's obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention. A full assessment has not yet been completed, but we believe that the strikes to have been successful. Furthermore, none of the British, United States or French aircraft or missiles involved in this operation were successfully engaged by Syrian air defences, and there is also no indication that Russian air defence systems were employed. Our action was a limited, targeted and effective strike. There were clear boundaries that expressly sought to avoid escalation, and we did everything possible, including rigorous planning, before any action was undertaken to ensure that we mitigated and minimized the impact on civilians. Together, our action will significantly degrade the Syrian regime's ability to research, develop and deploy chemical weapons and deter their future use. The United Kingdom Prime Minister has said that we are clear about who is responsible for the atrocity of the use of chemical weapons. A significant body of information, including intelligence, indicates that the Syrian regime is responsible for the attack we saw last Saturday. Some of the evidence that leads us to this conclusion is as follows. There are open source accounts alleging that a barrel bomb was used to deliver the chemicals. Multiple open source reports claim that a regime helicopter was observed above the city of Douma on the evening of 7 April. The opposition does not operate helicopters or use barrel bombs. And reliable intelligence indicates that Syrian military officials coordinated what appears to be the use of chlorine in Douma on 7 April. No other group could have carried out this attack. Indeed, Da'esh, for example, does not even have a presence in Douma. The Syrian regime has been killing its own people for seven years. Its use of chemical weapons, which has exacerbated the human suffering, is a serious crime of international concern as a breach of the customary international law prohibition on the use of chemical weapons, and that amounts to a war crime and a crime against humanity. Any State is permitted under international law, on an exceptional basis, to 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 7/26 take measures in order to alleviate overwhelming humanitarian suffering. The legal basis for the use of force for the United Kingdom is humanitarian intervention, which requires that three conditions to be met. First, there must be convincing evidence, generally accepted by the international community as a whole, of extreme humanitarian distress on a large scale, requiring immediate and urgent relief. I think that the debates in the Council and the briefings we have had from the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and others have proved that. Secondly, it must be objectively clear that there is no practicable alternative to the use of force if lives are to be saved. I think that the vetoes have shown us that. Thirdly, the proposed use of force must be necessary and proportionate to the aim of relief of humanitarian suffering. It must be strictly limited in time and in scope to this aim. I think we have heard both in my intervention in Ambassador Haley's how that has also been met. The history of the Syrian conflict is a litany of threats to peace and violations of international law. The Security Council has met 113 times since the Syrian war started. It was therefore not for want of international diplomatic effort that we find ourselves in this position today. After a pattern of chemical-weapons use since the outbreak of the conflict, Al-Assad defied the international community in 2013 by launching a sarin gas attack on eastern Ghouta, which left more than 800 people dead. Despite the adoption of resolution 2118 (2013) and despite four years of patient engagement, Syria continues to use chemical weapons against its people and has failed to answer a long list of serious questions. The only conclusion we can reach is that Syria has not declared or destroyed all of its chemical weapons, despite its obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention. This is not assertion on our part but a matter of record, and I draw the Russian Ambassador's attention to his points about Barazan and Jimrya. The Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) still has unanswered questions and discrepancies. He knows this. We all know this. The Council was briefed by the OPCW Director-General. Resolution 2118 (2013) decides in the event of non-compliance to impose measures under Chapter VII of the Charter. Yet on 28 February 2017, when the United Kingdom together with France, proposed a draft resolution (S/2017/172) taking measures under Chapter VII short of the use of force, Russia vetoed (see S/PV.7893). The very least the Security Council should have been able to do was to follow up on the findings of the report of the Joint Investigative Mechanism by extending its mandate. Yet four times Russia vetoed different proposals from different Council Members to do just that. The Syrian regime and it supporters are responsible for the gravest violations of international humanitarian law in modern history. They have used indiscriminate weapons, notably barrel bombs and cluster munitions, against civilians, and they have deliberately targeted medical facilities and schools, as well as humanitarian personnel and civilian objects. They have used sieges and starvation as methods of warfare, accompanied by attacks on opposition-held civilian areas. The regime has persistently obstructed humanitarian aid and medical evacuations. Tens of thousands of people have been illegally detained, tortured and executed by the regime. This is one of the most serious challenges to the international non-proliferation regime we have ever faced. A State party has violated the Chemical Weapons Convention, it has defied the Security Council, and it has broken international law. Repeated attempts over several years to hold them to account have been met with Russian obstruction and resistance. In the Security Council, we have repeatedly attempted to overcome this obstruction without success. We are faced with a litany of violations, no sense of guilt, no sense of regret, no sense of responsibility, a shameful record, wrapped in a mix of denial, deceit and disinformation. I would invite those like the Russian Ambassador who speak about the Charter to consider the following. It is hard to believe that it is in line with the principles and purposes of the Charter to use or condone the use of chemical weapons, and in the United Kingdom's view it cannot be illegal to use force to prevent the killing of such numbers of innocent people. I will take no lessons in international law from Russia. Despite all the foregoing, we would like to look forward. The United Kingdom, together with France and the United States, will continue to pursue a diplomatic resolution to the Syrian crisis. My French colleague will say more about our work in a few moments. We believe that it must comprise four elements. S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 8/26 18-10891 First, Syria's chemical weapons programme must be ended and the chemical weapons stockpiles destroyed once and for all. Secondly, there must be an immediate cessation of hostilities and compliance with all Security Council resolutions, including those that mandate humanitarian access. Thirdly, the regime must return to the Geneva talks and agree to engage on the substantial agenda put forward by the United Nations Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura. Fourthly and finally, there must be accountability for the use of chemical weapons and other war crimes in Syria. The Secretary-General rightly highlighted the political process. We propose that, as we members of the Security Council will all be together next weekend in the retreat with the Secretary-General very kindly hosted by Sweden, we use that opportunity to reflect on next steps and the way back to the political process. And with our allies, we stand ready to work with all members of the Security Council towards this end. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): A week after the chemical massacre in Douma and a day after last night's strikes, I want to say again straight away to those who pretend to wonder that France has no doubt whatsoever about the responsibility of the Al-Assad regime in this attack. This morning we made public a notice comprising information collected by our intelligence services. We dismiss those who try once again to challenge what is obvious and to disguise the facts before the world. For years now, Bashar Al-Assad, with the active support of his allies, has been devising a strategy of destruction designed to crush any opposition with contempt for the most basic principles of humanity and at the cost of the lives of hundreds of thousands of civilians in Syria. We saw it in Aleppo, in Homs, in eastern Ghouta. For years, the Syrian regime has used the most terrifying weapons of destruction — chemical weapons — to massacre and terrorize its civilian population. We had another demonstration of this in Douma, as we had seen before in Khan Shaykhun, Sarmin, Telemens and Qaminas, where its responsibility was clearly established by the Joint Investigative Mechanism of the United Nations and the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). No one can say he or she did not know. For years, the Syrian regime has systematically and repeatedly violated all its international obligations. The list of such violations is long; it is overwhelming. We all know them: violations of all international chemical-weapons obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention, to which Syria has been a party since 2013, and the 1925 Geneva Protocol, which prohibits the use of such weapons against civilians; violations of the very foundations of international humanitarian law, namely, the principles of distinction, precaution and proportionality; violations of successive Security Council resolutions 2118 (2013), 2209 (2015) and 2235 (2015) and, by the same token, of its obligations under the Charter of the United Nations; finally, the use of chemical weapons against civilian populations constitutes a war crime within the meaning of the Statute of the International Criminal Court. In August 2013, the Secretary-General even described the use of chemical weapons as a crime against humanity. In view of the repeated and proven violations by the Damascus regime of all the rules on which our security is based, France has consistently called for strong action by the international community. We have made every effort to ensure that these horrors do not remain without consequences at the United Nations and the OPCW and that they are stopped. The Security Council had undertaken by successive resolutions 2118 (2013), 2209 (2015) and 2235 (2015) to impose coercive measures within the meaning of Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations in the event of new violations. It has been prevented from acting in conformity with its commitments because of the vetoes systematically used by Russia. By making such systematic use of its veto in the Security Council, Russia has betrayed the commitment it made to the Council in 2013 to ensure the destruction of the Syrian chemical arsenal. The Security Council's blockade of the mass atrocities committed in Syria is a deadly and dangerous trap from which we must escape. When it ordered the 7 April chemical attack, the Syrian regime knew exactly to what it was exposing itself. It wanted to once again test the international community's threshold of tolerance and it found it. In the face of this attack on the principles, values and rights that are the basis of United Nations action, silence is no longer a solution. We cannot tolerate the downplaying of the use of chemical weapons, which is an immediate danger to the Syrian people and to our collective security. We cannot let the deadly genie of proliferation out of its bottle. We had clearly warned Al-Assad's regime and its supporters that such a transgression would not remain without reaction. We have acted in 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 9/26 accordance with our role and responsibility. We have done so in a controlled, transparent framework, taking care to avoid any escalation with the actors present on the ground. The President of the Republic and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of France have spoken on this subject. Some who for years have flouted the most elementary rules of international law now assert that our action is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations. I would remind them that the Charter was not designed to protect criminals. Our action is fully in line with the objectives and values proclaimed from the outset by the Charter of the United Nations. The Organization's mission is "to establish conditions under which justice and respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained". This action was indeed necessary in order to address the repeated violations by the Syrian regime of its obligations — obligations stemming from the law, treaties and its own commitments. Finally, our response was conceived within an proportionate framework, with precise objectives. The main research centre of the chemical weapons programme and two major production sites were hit. Through those objectives, Syria's capacity to develop, perfect and produce chemical weapons has been put out of commission. That was the only objective, and it has been achieved. My country, which knew at first hand the devastating effects of chemical weapons during the First World War, will never again allow impunity for their use. We will never stop identifying those responsible, who must be brought to justice. That is the purpose of the International Partnership against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons, which we launched last January. Allow me to stress this point: last night's strikes are a necessary response to the chemical massacres in Syria. They are a response in the service of law and our political strategy to put an end to the Syrian tragedy. To be more specific, we have four imperatives on the Syrian issue that are in the immediate interest of Syrians, but also in the interest of the entire international community, as the Secretary-General reminded us, and I want to thank him for his briefing. Let me recall those four imperatives. First, the Syrian chemical-weapons programme must be dismantled in a verifiable and irreversible way. We must spare no effort to establish an international mechanism for establishing responsibility, to prevent impunity and to prevent any repeat attempts to the Syrian regime to use chemical. Secondly, terrorism must be eradicated by permanently defeating Da'esh. That is a long-standing commitment that still requires genuine effort to ensure a definitive victory. Thirdly, there must be a ceasefire throughout the Syrian territory and humanitarian access to the civilian populations, as required by Security Council resolutions. We need full and unhindered humanitarian access in order to help people in need, in accordance with resolution 2401 (2018). In particular, it is essential and urgent that humanitarian convoys safely reach eastern Ghouta on a daily basis. Fourthly, we need a crisis-exit strategy, with a lasting political solution. We can sustainably resolve the Syrian crisis only through an inclusive political solution on the basis of the full implementation of resolution 2254 (2015). We have been calling for that for seven years. It has never been so urgent to implement it and to relaunch genuine negotiations under the auspices of the United Nations with a view to achieving a political transition in Syria. Only that road map will allow us to finally emerge from the Syrian impasse. France is ready to tackle it, as of today, with all those who are ready to put all their efforts to that end. In that spirit, at the initiative of France and in line with President Emmanuel Macron's statement tonight, we will submit as soon as possible a draft resolution on those different aspects with our British and American partners. Today I ask Russia, first and foremost, to call on the Damascus regime to enter into a plan for a negotiated solution so that the long-lasting suffering of Syrian civilians can finally be brought to an end. Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. Just yesterday we were gathered in this Chamber for a meeting on the situation in Syria, during which China made clear its position on the issue of Syria, expressed profound concern about the further escalation of the tensions in Syria and made a clarion call for a political solution to the issue of Syria (see S/PV.8231). I would like to restate the following. S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 10/26 18-10891 China has consistently stood for the peaceful settlement of disputes and against the use of force in international relations. We advocate respect for the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of all countries. Any unilateral military actions that circumvent the Security Council contravene the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, violate the basic norms enshrined in international law and those governing international relations, and would hamper the settlement of the Syrian issue with new compounding factors. We urge all the parties concerned to refrain from any actions that may lead to a further escalation of the situation, to return to the framework of international law and to resolve the issue through dialogue and consultation. China believes a comprehensive, impartial and objective investigation of the suspected chemical-weapons attack in Syria is necessary in order to arrive at a reliable conclusion that can withstand the test of history. Until that happens, no party must prejudge the outcome. There is no alternative to a political settlement in resolving the Syrian issue. The parties concerned in the international community should continue to support the role of the United Nations as the main mediator and should work together unremittingly towards a political settlement of the Syrian issue. I would like to restate that China stands ready to continue its positive and constructive role in the efforts to achieve a political settlement of the Syrian issue in the interests of peace and stability in the Middle East and in the world at large. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): Kazakhstan expresses its serious concern about the sharp escalation of the situation in Syria. We call on all parties to prevent further military escalation and take effective steps aimed at restoring confidence and establishing peace and ensuring security in the long-suffering land of Syria on the basis of the Charter of the United Nations and the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. We called yesterday and the day before yesterday, and every time when we have observed increasing tensions, in this Chamber for responsible action in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Who else, if not Council members, should show the world an example of compliance with the principles and provisions of the Charter? We are telling others to strictly follow international law and order, but sadly, yesterday we witnessed a different example. Whatever action taken under whatever good pretext cannot and will not justify the military use of force. Violence carried out against violence will never bring about peace and stability. Kazakhstan's position has always been, and continues to be, that military action is the last resort, to be used only in cases approved by the Security Council. There was no approval by the Council of the military strikes that took place yesterday. "Humanity hoped that the twenty-first century would herald a new era of global cooperation. This, however, may turn out to be a mirage. Our world is once again in danger and the risks cannot be underestimated. The threat is a deadly war on a global scale. Our planet is now on the edge of a new cold war that could have devastating consequences for all humankind." (S/2016/317, annex, p.2) That is an exact quote from the manifesto of my President, entitled "The World. The Twenty-First Century", of 31 March 2016. Just yesterday Secretary- General António Guterres confirmed, to our regret, that the Cold War is back with a vengeance (see S/PV.8231). Kazakhstan appeals to the parties to adhere to both the Charter of the United Nations and international law. We think that the time has come for serious talks encouraging the United States and the Russian Federation, given their standing as the co-Chairs of the International Syria Support Group and their respective influence on the parties, to move actively in the direction of finding middle ground and a political settlement to the conflict in Syria. The United Nations has a vital role to play in convening those negotiations and helping the parties resolve their disputes. My delegation is also extremely concerned about recent developments and the lack of unity among Security Council members with regard to the chemical attack in Syria. From its early days of independence, through a series of practical steps, Kazakhstan has consistently promoted peace initiatives in the international arena to achieve disarmament, non-proliferation and the prohibition of weapons of mass destruction, including chemical weapons, and strongly condemns their development, testing and use. I repeat: Kazakhstan strongly condemns the use of chemical weapons. 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 11/26 It is important to conduct a thorough, objective and impartial investigation into all aspects of the alleged chemical attack in Douma so as to enable the international community to render a fair verdict against the perpetrators, in full compliance with international law. The Government and other parties must thoroughly execute their obligations to comply with the relevant recommendations made by the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and the United Nations by accepting designated personnel, while providing for and ensuring the security of the activities undertaken by such personnel. We would like to remind the members of the Council that Kazakhstan's principled position is not only to condemn in the strongest terms the use of weapons of mass destruction by anyone, in particular against the civilian population, but also to resolve conflicts exclusively by peaceful means. President Nazarbayev stressed in his manifesto that the main tools for resolving disputes among States should be peaceful dialogue and constructive negotiations on the basis of equal responsibility for peace and security, mutual respect and non-inference in the domestic affairs of other States. Preventing the escalation of conflict and ending wars are the most challenging tasks; there are no other reasonable options. World leaders must treat such tasks as the highest priority on the global agenda. We must also respect the sovereignty of States Members of the United Nations and the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter. We urgently need a political solution. Only a political, diplomatic approach, dialogue and confidence-building measures in the spirit of the Charter and Security Council documents on preventive diplomacy and sustaining peace can bring about proper results. We therefore call upon the international community to show political will to overcome differences and resume negotiations, in the belief that only a United Nations-led political transition in accordance with resolution 2254 (2015) can end the Syrian conflict, which, in turn, can advance only if the Council is united. There is great need to continue to support the aims of the Astana talks and further the Geneva negotiations in order to see positive results. All parties at the international, regional and Syrian levels should support an immediate ceasefire and seriously and objectively move forward without any preconditions within the framework of the International Syria Support Group, under the auspices of the United Nations Office in Geneva. We believe that the Syrian people are capable of determining their own future. However, achieving their aspirations for democracy, reconstruction and stability is impossible without genuine international support to contain the negative impact of spoilers and to help Syrians combat terrorism and build their State on a firm and stable foundation. Kazakhstan has always stood for dialogue and the resolution of international conflicts. All parties must ensure that the situation does not further deteriorate. Military means will not work; only political solutions will succeed. My President warned that there will be no winners in any modern war, as everyone will be on the losing side. He proposed to work towards the total elimination of war and a world without conflict. Finally, we again call upon all relevant parties to persist in diplomatic efforts, seek political solutions, engage in dialogue and support the United Nations as the main mediation channel. Kazakhstan is ready to work with all colleagues to preserve peace and security on the basis of mutual understanding, goodwill and determination to make the world a safer place. Mr. Radomski (Poland): I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. Poland views the recent events in the context of repeated chemical-weapons attacks against Syria's civilian population as a consequence of the impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators so far. The lack of an appropriate response encourages a greater number of attacks with the use of weapons that are both banned under international law and blatantly inhumane. In such circumstances the international community cannot remain passive. It should take all the necessary measures to prevent such attacks from being repeated in the future, in particular against a defenceless civilian population. At the same time, the competent international bodies should take decisions that will enable the perpetrators to be identified and brought to justice. We fully understand the reasons behind the action taken last night by the United States, the United Kingdom and France against Syrian chemical-weapons capabilities. We support that action, as it is intended to deter chemical-weapons attacks against the people of Syria. Let me underline that it is the primary responsibility of the Security Council to set up an S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 12/26 18-10891 investigative mechanism to examine the use of chemical weapons in Syria. In that context, we reiterate our disappointment with the politically motivated Russian veto on the proposal for establishing an independent, impartial investigative mechanism on the use of chemical weapons in Syria. Poland will continue its international efforts aimed at the complete elimination of chemical weapons. The use of such weapons is unacceptable and should be prosecuted vigorously in every instance and location in which they are used. Poland calls for refraining from actions that could escalate the situation. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): I thank you, Sir, for convening today's important meeting. I also thank the Secretary- General for his briefing. The conflict in Syria is now in its eighth year. That is longer than the Second World War. President Al-Assad is responsible for one of the worst and most enduring humanitarian disasters of our time. From the beginning of the crisis, we have witnessed terrible violations and violence and a flagrant lack of respect for international law, in particular by Syrian Government forces. We must also never forget the atrocities committed by Da'esh. As the Secretary-General stated yesterday, we have witnessed "systematic violations of international humanitarian law, international human rights law and international law tout court — in utter disregard for the letter and the spirit of the United Nations Charter". Indeed, there are numerous and flagrant violations of Security Council resolutions, international protocols and conventions Chemical weapons have been used repeatedly in Syria. The Joint Investigative Mechanism concluded that the Syrian authorities were responsible for four chemical-weapons attacks, and Da'esh for two. The use of such weapons is abhorrent, intolerable, a war crime and a crime against humanity. That is why, as has been noted here before, the international community banned their use in the international armed conflict more than a century ago. Subsequent developments have confirmed the prohibition of the use of chemical weapons as a norm of customary international law. We will spare no effort to end the use and proliferation of chemical weapons by State or non-State actors anywhere in the world. Those responsible for such crimes must be held accountable; there can be no further impunity. The Security Council has the primary responsibility to act in response to threats to international peace and security. It is our joint responsibility to uphold the prohibition on the use of chemical weapons in armed conflict. It is our common legal and moral duty to defend the non-proliferation regimes that we have established and confirmed. That is best done through true multilateralism and broad international consensus. In that regard, we welcome the deployment of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapon's Fact-finding Mission to Syria and we look forward to its findings. It is regrettable that the Council was unable to come together and agree on a timely, clear and unified response to the repeated use of chemical weapons in Syria. We regret that Russia, again this week, blocked the Council from setting up a truly impartial and independent attribution mechanism. That has contributed to the situation in which we find ourselves now. The use of chemical weapons is a serious violation of international law and it constitutes a threat to international peace and security. Deterrence and prevention of their use is the concern of the entire international community. We therefore share the rage and anger and are appalled by the repeated use of such weapons in Syria. It is necessary to rid Syria of chemical weapons once and for all, and hold those responsible accountable. At the same time, as the Secretary-General said in his statement yesterday, there is an obligation, particularly when dealing with matters of peace and security, to act consistently with the Charter of the United Nations, and international law in general. We are at a dangerous moment. We call for restraint and for avoiding any acts that could escalate, or further fuel, tensions. We need to avoid the situation spiralling out of control. Over the past few days, we have tried to ensure that all peaceful means to respond are exhausted. We worked tirelessly so that no stone was left unturned in efforts to find a way for the Council to shoulder its responsibility in accordance with the Charter. We have shared a proposal with Council members to achieve that objective by inviting the Secretary-General to come back to the Council with a proposal. In order to be successful, diplomacy needs to be backed by clear demands. The Secretary-General called on the Council to take action, but regrettably the Council could not unite. It was indeed a missed opportunity, but we stand ready to continue those efforts. 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 13/26 In the light of all that has now happened, it is more critical than ever to avoid an escalation and revert to the track of diplomacy for a political solution in line with resolution 2254 (2015). We reiterate our total support for the United Nations-led political process, which urgently needs to be reinvigorated, as well as the efforts of Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura and the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) for the cessation of hostilities. Humanitarian access can wait no longer. A sustainable political solution is the only way to end the suffering of the Syrian people. Let us all then rally around that objective. Let us redouble our efforts and put an end to the long, brutal and meaningless conflict once and for all. Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren (Netherlands): I would like to begin by thanking the Secretary-General for his briefing today. Both yesterday and today, he spoke of the litany horrors that the Syrian population has experienced in the past seven years, of which the chemical-weapons attacks are among the most gruesome. The world hardly needs reminding of the unspeakable suffering that countless Syrian men, women and children have endured. It is a suffering that comes at the hands of Al-Assad and his allies. The Syrian regime has left the world no doubt as to its willingness to unleash terror on its own population. The repeated use of chemical weapons counts as the most cynical expression of that campaign. Just a week ago, the world was yet again confronted with reports of chemical-weapons use — that time in Douma. All the while, the Russian Federation has made clear to the world its readiness to stand by Al-Assad every step of the way. It has blocked draft resolutions in the Council that could have stopped the violence. I call upon all members of the Security Council to support a collective, meaningful response to the use of chemical weapons. But even if the Council fails to act, it should be clear to the world that the use of chemical weapons is never permissible. Against the background of past horrors and the unabated risk of recurrence, the response by France, the United Kingdom and the United States is understandable. The response was measured in targeting a limited number of military facilities that were used by the Syrian regime in the context of its illegal chemical-weapons arsenal. The action taken by those three countries made clear that the use of chemical weapons is unacceptable. Last night's response was aimed at reducing the capabilities to execute future chemical attacks. But do not let the Syrian regime and the Russian Federation think for a moment that we will waver in our pursuit of full accountability for the perpetrators of past chemical attacks. We will not settle for anything less than an independent, impartial attribution mechanism, so that the culprits of those heinous attacks can be identified and held accountable. We call on the Russian Federation to stop opposing that. The use of chemical weapons is a serious violation of international law and may constitute a war crime or crime against humanity. The Kingdom of the Netherlands strongly believes that the international community must fully uphold the standard that the use of chemical weapons is never permissible. Impunity cannot, and will not, prevail. However, should the Council continue to suffer from the paralysis inflicted by a single permanent member, we must not forget that the United Nations is bigger than the Council alone. We have strong leadership at the top of the United Nations Organization, and we have a powerful General Assembly. Both have to consider all instruments to advance accountability for the use of chemical weapons. The Kingdom of the Netherlands welcomes every option to establish an independent and impartial mechanism, whether within the framework of the United Nations framework or of other relevant international organizations, as long as it results in a mechanism that can establish who is responsible, so that the perpetrators can subsequently be held to account. Any new mechanism should build upon the important work of the Joint Investigative Mechanism and the ongoing Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission. It is therefore crucial that the Mission have complete and unhindered access to all information and sites it deems necessary to conduct its investigations with regard to the attack with chemical weapons in Douma last weekend. The international norms against the use of chemical weapons must be respected, and the Syrian people must be relieved from the violence, hardship and injustice that has haunted them for so long. To that end, we call for a political solution and an immediate cessation of violence, as agreed upon earlier by the Council, as well as full, unhindered and immediate humanitarian access. We reiterate our determination to achieve justice for the victims. The need to collectively stand up for the fate of the Syrian people is now more apparent than ever. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation would like to thank the Secretary-General for his presence and participation S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 14/26 18-10891 in this meeting. Bolivia would also like to thank the Russian Federation for its initiative in convening this emergency meeting of the Security Council. Today is a dark day in the history of the Council. Three permanent members have made the decision, in violation of the Charter of the United Nations, to take unilateral action against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of another State Member of the Organization. Bolivia would like to clearly and categorically express its condemnation of the use of chemical weapons or the use of chemical substances as weapons, as it is unjustifiable and criminal wherever and whenever it happens, by whomever, given it constitutes a serious crime against international law and international peace and security. Those responsible for committing such terrible and criminal acts must be identified, investigated, prosecuted and punished with the utmost rigour. Bolivia continues to demand a transparent and impartial investigation to determine who the culprits are. Aside from that topic, the purpose of this meeting is linked to the fact that, as I stated, three permanent members of the Council have used force in breach of the Charter. It is impossible to combat the alleged violation of international law by violating international law. Bolivia is surprised by the fact that, given that, they have a greater a greater responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, the permanent Council members bypass the United Nations when it suits them. They advocate for multilateralism as long as it serves their purposes and then simply discard it. When multilateralism is no longer in their interest, it no longer concerns them. This is not the only case in which, sadly, unilateral action has been used. We recall, and will not tire in recalling, such use in Iraq in 2003 and in Libya in 2011. Any such action must be authorized by the Security Council under the Charter of the United Nations. All unilateral actions run counter to international law, as well as to the values and principles of the Charter. Bolivia rejects the use and the threat of the use of force. Unilateral actions not only respond to the specific interests of those who carry them out, but are also measures that are — allow me to use the word — imperialist. It so happens that the empires that we mentioned earlier consider themselves morally superior to the rest of the world. They consider themselves exceptional and indispensable, and therefore believe that they are above the law and international law, but in reality the interest of those who unilaterally use force and violate the Charter is not to advance democracy or freedom or to combat the use of chemical weapons. Their goal is to expand their power and domination. What we have witnessed over the past few hours is an attack on the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism, which has not begun the work that was scheduled to begin today. A unilateral attack is an attack on multilateral organizations, such as the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons. It is an attack on the Council and its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. It is an attack on the Charter, and it is an attack on the entire international community. I wonder, with regard to the permanent members that used force just a few hours ago, how much money have they invested in arming and training the armed groups in Syria? What natural resources are they after? With what moral authority will they be able invoke the Charter in the future? Sadly, the history of violating the purposes and principles of the Charter is a long one. We mentioned Libya and Iraq, which were recent cases. The unilateral decision concerning Jerusalem also sent another absolutely clear signal of the lack of respect for international law. Who are the ones selling weapons to those who are bombing civilians in Yemen? Who are the ones who rejected the Paris Agreement on climate change? Who are the ones who stepped away from the global compact for safe, orderly and regular migration? Who are the ones who build walls? We nevertheless believe that it is also important to talk about history over the long term. Above all, we have been experiencing the consequences of the havoc wreaked by some of the colonialist Powers and of their disdain for international law in the Middle East that dates back over 100 years. We are currently reliving the same scenario in Syria, characterized by total disregard for international law. To a certain extent, we relived it, for example, when the United Kingdom refused to return the sovereignty of the Malvinas islands to Argentina or when the Chagos Archipelago issue was not resolved. I hope that the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice concerning that matter will be respected. In other words, we are talking about a whole range of policies that are detrimental to international peace and security. 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 15/26 The Permanent Representative of the United States said that the United States, her country, has its finger on the trigger — "locked and loaded". Of course, we clearly heard her words with a great deal of concern and sadness. We know that the United States has aircraft carriers, satellites, smart bombs and an arsenal of nuclear weapons, and we also know that it has nothing but scorn for international law. But we have this — we have the purposes and principles of the Charter, and ultimately, as history has shown time and again, those principles will prevail. Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): At the outset, we thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his briefing at the beginning of this meeting. The State of Kuwait believes in and is committed to the Charter and principles of the United Nations, respect for the sovereignty of States, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Article 24 of the Charter of the United Nations confers upon the Security Council the responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, whereby it can act on behalf of Member States to carry out that mandate. Article 25 stipulates that the Members of the United Nations agree to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security Council. What we have witnessed in the Syrian crisis is an impasse concerning the international community's efforts and the flagrant violation of its resolutions. We have followed very closely and with great concern the dangerous developments in Syria relating to recent military operations in response to the use by the Syrian authorities of chemical weapons prohibited by international law. We underscore that those developments are the result of the impasse in the international community's efforts embodied by the Security Council to reach a political settlement to the bloody conflict in Syria, which has gone on for more than seven years. It has led to hundreds of thousands of casualties and millions of displaced Syrians and resulted in the major destruction of civilian infrastructure in several cities. The chemical weapons issue long enjoyed a unified approach in the Council, which condemned the use of all chemical weapons in Syria regardless of who uses such weapons. Moreover, the Security Council adopted resolution 2118 (2013) unanimously, imposing measures under Chapter VII of the Charter in case of the non-compliance of various parties with its provisions or the continued use in Syria of chemical weapons, which, as we have said, are internationally banned weapons. In order to ensure the implementation of that resolution, in August 2015 the Security Council adopted resolution 2235 (2015), established the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons-United Nations Joint Investigative Mechanism to determine those responsible for any crime involving the use of chemical weapons in Syria. In fact, the Mechanism identified the perpetrators of such crimes on several incidents. The unfortunate divide in the positions of the Council encouraged the parties to the crisis to continue their violations of resolutions of international legitimacy, international human rights law and international humanitarian law, as well as relevant Security Council resolutions. The most recent resolution 2401 (2018), adopted unanimously, is another example of resolutions being violated. It calls for the immediate cessation of hostilities in order to allow for humanitarian access to the besieged areas. Unfortunately, that humanitarian resolution was not implemented, as we know. The State of Kuwait regrets this escalation and calls on members to overcome their differences within the Security Council and to restore the unity of the Council so that it can shoulder its responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. We also call on members to bridge the existing gap by establishing a new, independent, impartial and professional mechanism to investigate the use of any chemical weapons in Syria and to determine who is accountable for such crimes. We reiterate our full readiness to participate in any effort aimed at achieving a compromise among the positions of members of the Council so as to ensure that those who are responsible for these crimes will be held accountable and punished, and to preserve the non-proliferation regime. It is certain that there is no military solution to the Syrian crisis. Intensive efforts must be made to spare the Syrian people further suffering. We reiterate our principled and firm position regarding the Syrian crisis, which is in line with the position of the League of Arab States calling for the preservation of the unity, sovereignty and independence of Syria; putting an end to acts of violence and the killing; avoiding bloodshed; saving Syrian lives; and reaching a peaceful settlement under the auspices of the United Nations on the basis of the 2012 Geneva First Communique, and resolution 2254 (2015), through a process of political transition S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 16/26 18-10891 with the involvement of all Syrian parties so that the Syrian people can achieve their legitimate aspirations. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): I would like to thank the Peruvian presidency for responding quickly to the request for the holding of this meeting, and we would like to express our appreciation to Russia for making the request. It would have been a serious dereliction of duty on the part of the Council if it had failed to meet in the light of what transpired yesterday. We also thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and his presence today. For those of us who are elected members of the Security Council, the responsibility is indeed extremely heavy, to the point of being unbearable. Let us not forget that we are here representing 193 countries, to which, like permanent members, we have made solemn promises that are generally encapsulated in the Charter of the United Nations. For those of us who are members of the African Union, an organization that for obvious historical reasons attaches huge importance to scrupulous adherence to the principles of the Charter, the obligation that we have to tell the truth and to stand up and be counted for peace is also enormously heavy — all the more so when the parties involved, from our own national perspective, are friends. It was only yesterday that the Secretary-General urged Member States to act responsibility in these dangerous circumstances and stressed the need to avoid the serious situation from spiralling out of control (see S/PV.8231); indeed, he repeated the same sentiment today. We have also been repeatedly expressing our concern that the dynamic in Syria could lead to devastating consequences not only nationally, but regionally and internationally. No doubt, the strike undertaken by the three countries yesterday appears not to have led to the situation spiralling out of control. We do not take that lightly, even though it might be difficult to be consoled by that fact in the light of the potential danger we still face. That is why we call for maximum restraint, the exercise of wisdom and a quick return to dialogue among the major powers that have enormous influence on the current situation in Syria. As we stressed yesterday and previously, it is absolutely vital to resume the path of diplomacy. The alternative is without a doubt catastrophic beyond our imagination. We hope that no one wants to see that happen, but it could if we do not act together with a huge sense of urgency to defuse the current tension and reduce further military escalation. By no means do we overlook the genesis of this tragedy we are facing. It has to do with the alleged use of chemical weapons in Douma. At least, that is what ratcheted up the tension, leading to what took place yesterday, which is difficult to defend as being consistent with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. But there is also one point that makes it difficult for us to understand what took place yesterday. The Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) is arriving, or, as just said by the Secretary-General, has already arrived in Syria to investigate the alleged use of chemical weapons, which is the cause of all this tension. In the light of that, you must excuse us, Mr. President, if we were a little perplexed. While the priority of the time is clearly to avert the further escalation of the latest development, we are not underestimating the importance of ensuring accountability for any confirmed use of chemical weapons in Syria. In that regard, the OPCW Fact-finding Mission should be allowed to conduct a thorough investigation to establish the facts related to the alleged chemical weapons attack in Douma. The sustainable way to end impunity, which we believe is extremely important, to deter and stop the use of chemicals as weapons is through united and concerted action, including through an attribution mechanism that the Council could and must set up. That has become all the more critical now, when, as we all know, truth is becoming very difficult to establish. An opportunity has been created for parties and even individuals to claim the veracity of their own facts. We know that we are all disappointed by the current deadlock, but that should not justify overlooking the obligation to adhere to the principles of the Charter. Let me conclude by referring to what the Secretary-General said yesterday. I wanted to refer to it again because it reflects the truth and is, therefore, worth repeating: "[T]he Cold War is back with a vengeance — but with a difference. The mechanisms and the safeguards to manage the risks of escalation that existed in the past no longer seem to be present." (S/PV.8231, p. 2) That is why we must appeal to the members of the Security Council, especially the Permanent Five, to help create a situation where diplomacy would have the upper hand and the primacy of politics will be our guide for coming out of what is a troubled moment in our 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 17/26 recent history. The Geneva process and Special Envoy de Mistura need the unqualified support of the Council. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): I thank Secretary-General Guterres for his statement, which clearly illustrates the perspective of the United Nations on this issue. What took place last night was clearly not a surprise to any member of the Security Council. It remained to establish only the day and the time. In fact, as we said in our statement yesterday (see S/PV.8232), we are concerned about the rhetoric that we are hearing and where it will lead us. It has now led us to where we feared and did not want to go — military attacks against Syria. Yesterday in this Chamber, Secretary-General António Guterres spoke about the memory of the Cold War, which in fact returned with a vengeance in the early hours of the morning, reminding the peoples of the world of the conflict of interests that still exists between two blocs. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea has followed with great concern the reports on the attacks carried out by the United States, with the support of the armed forces of France and the United Kingdom. According to estimates, the coalition fired more than 100 cruise missiles and air-to-ground missiles from two United States naval ships stationed in the Red Sea, as well as from tactical warplanes that overflew the Mediterranean and B-1B bombers from another area. The coalition launched a coordinated attack on three targets, which included a scientific research centre in an area of Damascus, a facility to the west of Homs and a command post near that facility. While surgical and very selective, last night's strikes are a violation of Chapter V of the Charter of the United Nations and of the principles and norms of international law. It is important to recall that, according to Article 24 of the Charter, the Security Council has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Members of the Council must therefore refrain from creating situations of insecurity and instability. The Security Council should not highlight or disregard the fact that those strikes may have unpredictable and potentially tragic consequences for the Middle East by encouraging or justifying the development of nuclear programmes in order to prevent any further aggression. Experts of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) are already in Douma to carry out investigations. Until we have reliable and irrefutable proof of the alleged chemical attack in Douma last week, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea is of the view that no aggression can be justified. Our delegation also reiterates that, in accordance with Article 33 of the Charter, in the case of any dispute that is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security, it is imperative to seek a solution first and foremost through negotiation, mediation or other peaceful means. History continues to show us that military interventions never resolves conflicts but, instead, cause them to proliferate and to continue, causing devastation and destruction. We must ensure that that does not happen again in the case of the Syrian Arab Republic. We again point out that the military intervention in Libya in 2011 and its consequences today should be a clear lesson to the international community. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea opposes the use of force in international relations. We accept its use only when it is in line with the principles of international law and the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. As we have already said, in the case of Syria, it would not bring about any substantial change in the overall situation in the country. We reiterate that political agreement is the only viable way to find a lasting solution to the Syrian problem. All the parties involved must resolve their differences through dialogue, agreement and consultation. That process requires the support of the international community. The failure of diplomacy only exacerbates the suffering of the Syrian people and is the highest expression of the Security Council's failure. Equatorial Guinea continues to believe that, in order to fully clarify the 7 April events in Douma, a thorough, impartial and objective investigation must be carried out in order to reach a reliable conclusion. We urge the OPCW Fact-finding Mission in the Syrian Arab Republic to promptly carry out an investigation and to report to the Security Council on its conclusions as soon as possible. We also again reiterate the urgent need to establish, under the auspices of the Secretary- General, a professional, independent and transparent investigative body to attribute responsibility for and identify the perpetrators of the use of chemical weapons so that those responsible, whoever they are, are brought to international justice. Only in that way can that thorny issue achieve consensus and unity among the members of the Security Council. S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 18/26 18-10891 I conclude my statement by reiterating the unequivocal position of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, which is that we wholeheartedly condemned the use of chemical weapons by whomever. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): The delegation of Cote d'Ivoire would like to thank the Secretary-General for his presence and for his briefing on the latest developments in Syria following the air strikes carried out by certain members of the Security Council during the night of Friday, 13 April. Côte d'Ivoire requests all the actors involved in the Syrian conflict at the various levels to show restraint and not to further complicate the disastrous situation in which the Syrian people find themselves. Weapons and bombs have struck Syria too often in disregard for our collective action towards peace. Is it necessary to recall that, by signing the Charter of the United Nations in 1945, the founding Members sought to establish a new world order based on multilateralism and its resolve to make peace a universal common good, the maintenance of which was entrusted to the United Nations and the Security Council as its primary responsibility? The Secretary- General has just reminded us of that. In every situation in which the Charter of the United Nations has guided the action of the international community, respect for its principles has always enabled us to overcome the most inextricable challenges, thereby preventing many disasters for humanity. Based on its strong conviction in the virtues of multilateralism, my country therefore believes that resorting to force in order to maintain international peace and security must be authorized by the Security Council in order to preserve its essential legal authority and to thereby prevent any deviation or abuse. Only a Security Council that is strong and representative of our time will be able to mobilize all Member States of the United Nations in support of its primary responsibility of maintaining international peace and security. Côte d'Ivoire would therefore like to express its deep concern over the inability of the Council to relaunch the dialogue in Syria and to sideline the supporters of a military solution. Côte d'Ivoire would like to take this opportunity to reiterate its unequivocal condemnation of the use of chemical weapons, no matter who is responsible, and we call for the establishment of a multilateral mechanism to attribute responsibility and to bring those responsible for the use of chemical weapons to justice in the appropriate international tribunals. In that context, my delegation reiterates its support for the investigation to be conducted by the Fact-finding Mission of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons in order to shed light on the allegations of the use of chemical weapons in Douma in eastern Ghouta. Côte d'Ivoire once again urges the members of the Security Council to unite with a view to putting an end to their differences and to effect the establishment of this mechanism to establish responsibility, which all the members of the Council would like to see set up. Côte d'Ivoire would like to reassert its conviction and its position of principle that the response to the crisis in Syria cannot be a military response. Quite to the contrary; it must be sought in the framework of dialogue and an inclusive political process, as envisioned in the road map set out in resolution 2254 (2015). The time has come to decisively give every opportunity for dialogue a chance and to make sure that the Council is in step with history. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Peru. Peru notes with great concern the developments in Syria. In the face of military action, as a response to information on the use of chemical weapons against the civilian population in the country, we reiterate the need to keep the situation from spiralling out of control and causing a greater threat to stability in the region and to international peace and security. Peru condemns any use of chemical weapons as an atrocity crime. For that reason, we have supported the urgent deployment to Syria of an Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons Fact-finding Mission, as well as the establishment of a dedicated, independent, objective and impartial attribution mechanism. We regret the stalemate in the Security Council and our inability to take a decision on the issue. In that regard, Peru encourages the Secretary-General to redouble his efforts in accordance with the prerogatives entrusted to him in the Charter of the United Nations with a view to helping to resolve the stalemate in the Council and to establish the attribution mechanism. Peru believes that any response to the crimes committed in Syria, as well as a solution to the conflict in Syria overall, must be consistent with the Charter, with international law and with the Council's resolutions. 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 19/26 As the Secretary-General has reminded us, the Council is the organ with the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, and it is up to its members to act in unity and to uphold that responsibility. Peru joins the Secretary-General's urgent appeal to all Member States to act with restraint in these dangerous circumstances and to avoid any act that could escalate the situation and worsen the suffering of the Syrian people. My delegation reaffirms its commitment to continue working in order to achieve sustainable peace in Syria, to guarantee protection for the civilian population, to ensure that there is no impunity for atrocious crimes, as well as to help defuse the situation. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. The representative of the United Kingdom has asked for the floor to make a further statement. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I should like to respond to the remarks made by the Ambassador of Bolivia about the United Kingdom. We have no doubt about the sovereignty of the United Kingdom over the Falkland Islands, South Georgia, South Sandwich Islands and surrounding maritime areas. Successive British Governments have made clear that sovereignty will not be transferred against the wishes of the Falkland Islands. The Falkland Islanders voted overwhelmingly to maintain their current constitutional arrangements with the United Kingdom. Turning to the Chagos archipelago, the United Kingdom is participating in the proceedings before the International Court of Justice, even as we disagree with jurisdiction in that case. The President (spoke in Spanish): The representative of the Plurinational State of Bolivia has asked for the floor to make a further statement. Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): I will be very brief and limit myself to reading out what it says in the special declaration on the question of the Malvinas Islands, signed by all the Heads of State and Government of Latin America and the Caribbean. The Heads of State and Government: "Reiterate their strongest support for the legitimate rights of the Argentine Republic in the sovereignty dispute over the Malvinas, South Georgias and South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas and the permanent interest of the countries of the region in the Governments of the Argentine Republic and of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland resuming negotiations in order to find — as soon as possible — a peaceful and definitive solution to such dispute, pursuant to the relevant resolutions of the United Nations .". That would include in particular General Assembly resolution 2065 (XX). The President (spoke in Spanish): I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): I welcome the presence of the Secretary- General at this very important moment in the history and the work of the Security Council. In his important statement yesterday, the Secretary-General warned that the Cold War had returned (see S/PV.8231). That is exactly right. We all agree with the relevance of this remark. I take this opportunity to recall those who relaunched the logic of the Cold War. Of course, we all remember, following the collapse of the former Soviet Union, that a number of philosophical books were published here in this country, including The End of History and the Last Man, by Francis Fukuyama. Another author, American thinker Samuel Huntington, wrote an essay entitled The Clash of Civilizations. Those two works marked the return of the Cold War logic. Indeed, the message of those two books was as follows: To the people of the world, you must take the American approach and surrender to the American will or we will attack you. "My way or the highway", as the American saying goes. That marked the return of the Cold War philosophy. Lies serve no purpose. They serve the person who lies once and only once. Lies deceive only once. When a lie is repeated it becomes exposed and exposes the person who is lying. My colleague the Ambassador of France announced that the aggression of his country, along with the United States and the United Kingdom, was carried out on behalf of the international community. If that is the case, I wonder which international community my colleague the French Ambassador is speaking of. Is he speaking of a real international community that S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 20/26 18-10891 actually exists? Has the international community that he represents authorized this tripartite aggression against my country? Did their Governments obtain a mandate from this international community to attack my country? My American, French and British colleagues claimed that they have bombarded centres for the production of chemical weapons in Syria. If the Governments of these three countries knew the actual location of these production centres that they claim to have bombarded, why did they not share that information with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW)? Why did they not share this information with the Fact-finding Mission in Damascus before attacking my country? It is just a question I am putting to the Security Council. Furthermore, I would like to assure Council members that the OPCW investigation team arrived today at noon. Obviously, the team was delayed for a full day getting from Beirut to Damascus before the attack, for reasons that we do not know, as though the team was asked not to go to Damascus until after the bombing took place. But the team did reach Damascus today at noon and will hold a meeting in two hours, at 7 p.m., Damascus time, with the local authorities. My Government will, of course, provide every support to the team so that it may carry out its mission successfully. The facility of the Barzah Research and Development Centre, the building that was targeted by the tripartite aggression, was visited twice last year by experts from the OPCW. They inspected it, after which they gave us an official document stating that Syria had complied with its obligations under the OPCW and that no chemical activities had taken place in the inspected building. If the OPCW experts gave us an official document confirming that the Barzah Centre was not used for any type of chemical activity in contravention to our obligations with respect to the OPCW, how do Council members reconcile that with what we have heard this morning? How do they reconcile that with all the accusations and claims that the aggression targeted a chemical-weapons production centre? My American colleague said that the time for discussion is over — that it was over yesterday (see S/PV.8231). If that is so, then what are we doing today as diplomats an ambassadors at the Security Council? Our mission here is to speak, to explain what happened, to shed light on all the issues. We are not here in the Security Council simply to justify an aggression. How can we state that the discussion is over? No, the discussion is continuing in this Chamber, if the idea is to put an end to aggressions or to implement the provisions of the Charter and international law. That is why we are here. My British and French colleagues spoke of a plan of action and have invited the Secretary-General to implement it before the Council and the Syrian Government have agreed to it. Their plan of action is in fact a very strange one. But I would like to present on behalf of my Government a counter plan of action, which, I assume, should have been presented today. First, we should read the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and define and recall the responsibilities of the three States in maintaining international peace and security, rather than threatening it. I happen to have three versions of the Charter, two in English and one in French. Perhaps these three States should read what the Charter actually states. Secondly, these three States must immediately stop supporting the armed terrorist groups that are active in my country. Thirdly, they should put an end to the lies and fabrications being used to justify their aggression against my country. Fourthly, these three States should realize that, after seven years of a terrorist war that was imposed on my country, Syria, a war carried out by these three countries and their agents in the region, their missiles, airplanes and bombs will not weaken our determination to defeat and destroy their terrorists. This will not prevent the Syrian people from deciding their own political future without foreign intervention. I will repeat this for the thousandth time — the Syrian people will not allow any foreign intervention to define our future. I promised yesterday that we will not remain inactive in the face of any aggression, and we have kept our promise. I will explain how we have kept our promise. Allow me now to address those States that remain committed to international law. I would tell them that the Syrian Arab Republic and its many friends and allies are perfectly capable of dealing with the brutal aggression that my country has had to face. But what we are asking the diplomats and ambassadors today who are committed to international legitimacy and the Charter to call on the United States, Britain and France to read the provisions of the United Nations Charter, in particular those pertaining to respect for 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 21/26 the sovereignty of States and to the non-use of force in international relations. Perhaps the Governments of these three countries will realize, if only once, that their role in the Security Council is to maintain international peace and security rather than to undermine it. As I just said, I have three copies of the Charter, and I would ask the Council's secretariat to distribute them to the three delegations so that they might enlighten or awaken themselves from their ignorance and their tyranny. In flagrant violation of the principles of international law and the United Nations Charter, the United States, Britain and France, at 3:55 a.m. on Saturday, 14 April, Damascus time, attacked the Syrian Arab Republic by launching some 110 missiles against Damascus and other Syrian cities and areas. In response to this terrible aggression, the Syrian Arab Republic has exercised its legitimate right in line with Article 51 of the Charter to defend itself, and we have defended ourselves against this evil attack. Syrian air defences were able to intercept a number of rockets launched by the tripartite aggression, while some of them reached the Barzah Centre in — not outside — the capital Damascus. The Centre in that location that includes laboratories and classrooms. Fortunately, the damage was only material. Some of those modern, charming and smart rockets were intercepted, while others targeted a military site near Homs, wounding three civilians. The Governments of these three States prepared for this evil attack by issuing aggressive statements through their senior officials, saying that their only excuse for preventing the advance of the Syrian Arab Army against armed groups was these allegations of the use of chemical weapons. Indeed, in a race against time, the armed terrorist groups did receive instructions from those aggressors to fabricate this charade of the use of chemical weapons in Douma. They found false witnesses and manipulated the alleged crime scene as they did before, which served as the pretext for this scandalous aggression. This can only be explained by the fact that the original aggressors — the United States of America, Britain and France — decided to interfere directly in order to avenge the defeat of their proxies in Ghouta. In fact, those who fabricated the charade of the chemical attack in Ghouta were arrested and admitted on television that it was a fabricated attack. We have a video of that if the presidency wishes to see it. I would like to draw the attention of those who align themselves with the Charter of the United Nations and international legitimacy to the fact that this evil aggression sends another message from those three aggressors to the terrorist groups that they can continue using chemical weapons in the future and committing their terrorist crimes, not against Syrian civilians only but in other countries. There is no doubt about that. In 146 letters we have drawn the Council's attention to the plans of the terrorist groups to use chemical weapons in Syria. There are 146 letters that have been sent to the Council and the Secretariat. Today, some Council members are suddenly reinventing the wheel. The Council knows that this aggression took place just as a fact-finding team from the OPCW was supposed to arrive in Syria at the request of the Syrian Government to examine the allegations of a chemical attack in Douma. Obviously, the main message that these aggressors are sending to the Council and to the world is that they are not actually interested in the Council's mandate and that they do not want a transparent and independent investigation. They are trying to undermine the work of the investigative mission and anticipating the results. They are trying to put pressure on that mission to conceal their lies and fabrications, just as happened six years ago, in 2013, when Mr. Sellström went to Khan Al-Assal from Damascus, as I have explained in a previous statement to the Council. This morning's attack was not just an attack on Syria, as my dear friend, the representative of Bolivia said; rather, it was an attack against the Charter, the Council, international law and 193 members of this Organization. The attempt by Washington, D.C., London and Paris to ensure the failure of the United Nations working groups and fact-finding missions is systematic. While those three States boast of their support for these bodies, behind the closed doors of the Organization they pressure and blackmail them not to carry out the mandates for which they were established. We recall what took place with the investigative missions in Iraq, Libya, Yugoslavia and Africa. No investigative mission can be successful if it is subjected to political blackmailing. It cannot succeed. Of the three aggressors, I say they are liars. They are compulsive liars. They are hypocrites. They are attempting to ensure the failure of any action of the Organization that does not serve their interests. Ever since the Organization was established, they have tried to undermine the efforts of international investigative bodies. They have tried to exploit them. I need only mention Iraq, Yugoslavia, Libya, Syria, and Africa. The aggressors exhausted the Council agendas for decades S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 22/26 18-10891 with their attempts to divert its attention from its role in the maintenance of international peace and security. They used the Council to pursue their aggressive policy of interference and colonialism. Yesterday, in the press of the United States and of the West, the main theme was lying in the context of a campaign that was claiming success, but they know it was a lie. While these three Governments were launching their evil aggression against my country, Syria, and while my country's air defence system was countering the attacks with a great deal of bravery — one hundred missiles were destroyed and did not reach their target — the American Secretary of Defense and the Army Chief of Staff were before the American and international press in an outrageous surrealist scenario. They were not actually able to answer objective questions. Millions of television viewers must have pitied those two men because they were like dunces, repeating phrases without any meaning, and were unable to respond to the legitimate questions of a journalist about their attempts to target chemical weapons facilities and the danger that posed to civilians if the alleged chemical weapons were to spread. They did not respond. They were also unable to respond to a journalist who asked the Secretary of Defense, "You said yesterday that you had no proof that the Syrian Government was responsible for the attack in Douma. What happened in the past few hours? What made you change your mind?" His answer was that he received confirmation from intelligence services. The Syrian Arab Republic condemns in the strongest terms this tripartite attack, which once again shows undeniably that those three countries pay no heed to international legitimacy, even though they repeatedly say they do. Those countries have revealed their belief in the law of the jungle and the law of the most powerful even as they are permanent members of the Security Council, an organ entrusted with maintaining international peace and security and with stopping any aggression, in accordance with the principles and purposes of the Charter. The Syrian Arab Republic is disgusted by the scandalous position of the rulers in Sheikhdom of Qatar, who supported this Western colonial tripartite aggression by allowing planes to take off from the American Al Udeid air base in Qatar. It is not surprising that the little boys of the Sheikhdom of Qatar took that position. They have supported terrorist gangs, such as the Muslim Brotherhood and others, in a variety of ways in order to destabilize Arab countries, including Syria. The Syrian Arab Republic is asking the international community, if it exists — we have heard a new definition of the international community today — and the Security Council to firmly condemn this aggression, which will exacerbate the tensions in the region and which is a threat to international peace and security throughout the world. I call upon those who are committed to international legitimacy to imagine with me the meeting in which the United States National Security Council decided to carry out this attack. I cannot help wondering what was said. "We have no legal basis for attacking Syria. We have no proof that a toxic chemical weapons attack took place in Douma, but let us set that aside. We did not need international legitimacy or any legal argument to conduct military interventions in the past." I am just imagining the discussion that might have taken place among them yesterday. "This military action is necessary for us and for our allies in order to distract public attention in our countries from the scandals involving our own political elite and ensure that the corrupt system in some Gulf States pays the price of such aggression. Most important is how to protect the terrorism that we have sponsored in Syria for years." The President (spoke in Spanish): Members of the Council have before them document S/2018/355, which contains the text of a draft resolution submitted by the delegation of the Russian Federation. The Council is ready to proceed to the vote on the draft resolution before it. I shall put the draft resolution to the vote now. A vote was taken by show of hands. In favour: Bolivia (Plurinational State of), China, Russian Federation Against: Côte d'Ivoire, France, Kuwait, Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 23/26 Abstaining: Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Kazakhstan, Peru The President (spoke in Spanish): The draft resolution received 3 votes in favour, 8 against and 4 abstentions. The draft resolution has not been adopted, having failed to obtain the required number of votes. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements after the voting. Mr. Skoog (Sweden): We voted against the draft resolution submitted by the Russian Federation (S/2018/355) because we believe that its language was unbalanced. It was not comprehensive and failed to address all of our concerns about the current situation. At the same time, we agree with the Secretary-General that actions must be consistent with the Charter of the United Nations and with international law in general. In our national statement delivered earlier today, we explained our view on the current situation in Syria and condemned the use of chemical weapons and the many other flagrant violations of international law in Syria. We also underscore the importance of a sustainable political solution. As members of the Security Council, we reiterate that we must unite and exercise our responsibility with regard to the situation in Syria. If there is any encouragement today, it is that it appears that everyone around the table insists on a sustainable political solution as the only way to end the suffering of the Syrian population. We therefore reiterate our full support for the United Nations political process, which must now be urgently reinvigorated, including through strong support for the efforts of Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We would like to explain why we abstained in the voting on the draft resolution proposed by Russia (S/2018/355). We abstained not because the text does not contain a great deal of truth — indeed it does — or because it does not adhere to principles to which we should all adhere; it does. We abstained on the grounds of pragmatism. We know that even if it had received nine votes, it would have been vetoed. Therefore it would have had only symbolic value. Nonetheless, that is not unimportant. However, for us, it is critical to defuse tensions and prevent the situation from spiralling out of control. We would like to play a constructive role in that regard. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): Kazakhstan abstained in the voting today on draft resolution S/2018/355 because we believe that all disputes among States should be resolved through peaceful dialogue and constructive negotiations on the basis of equal responsibility for peace and security. As I mentioned in my statement earlier today, we call for all parties to refrain from actions that could aggravate tensions and cause the situation to spiral out of control. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): Our abstention reflects the frustration of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea with regard to the failure to adopt a resolution to establish an attribution and accountability mechanism to identify those responsible for the use of chemical weapons. We reiterate our call for a consensus-based resolution that would establish that mechanism and prevent a repeat of the action we witnessed yesterday. In that regard, we recall that the Swedish initiative was endorsed by the 10 elected members of the Council. We could introduce the required changes into the draft resolution to enable its adoption by consensus, which would allow the mechanism to be established under the auspices of the Secretary-General. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): The draft resolution submitted by Russia (S/2018/355) has just been categorically rejected. The result of the voting sends a clear message that the members of the Council understand the circumstances, reason for and objectives of the military action taken yesterday. The Council understands why such action, which has been acknowledged as proportional and targeted, was required. No one has refuted the fact that the use of chemical weapons cannot be tolerated and must be deterred. That is the key point. It is important that we now look towards the future. As I have just said, the air strikes were necessary and served to uphold international law and our political strategy to end the tragic situation in Syria. It is for that reason that, together with our American and British partners, France will work with all members of the Security Council to submit a draft resolution on the political, chemical and humanitarian aspects of the Syrian conflict with a view to devising a lasting political solution to the conflict. Mrs. Gregoire Van Haaren (Netherlands): The Kingdom of the Netherlands voted against the draft resolution proposed by the Russian Federation S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 24/26 18-10891 (S/2018/355) because the text does not provide for the urgent action that the Security Council must take in response to the use of chemical weapons in Syria. It ignores the very essence of the action that must be taken by the Council. It should condemn the use of chemical weapons in Syria, protect its people and hold accountable those responsible. Today's draft resolution does none of the above. Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): Kuwait voted against draft resolution S/2018/355. At the time when the State of Kuwait reiterates its adherence to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which prohibits the threat or use of force as a means to settle disputes and requires them to be settled by peaceful means, yesterday's use of force was the result of efforts to disrupt the will of the international community, specifically by hindering the Security Council in its determination to take measures at its disposal to end the ongoing use of internationally prohibited chemical weapons in Syria. That is a flagrant violation of resolution 2118 (2013), which unequivocally expresses the Security Council's intention to act under Chapter VII of the Charter when one party or several parties fail to comply with its provisions or in the case of the continued use of chemical weapons in Syria. The Council must once again show its unity and bear its responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, in accordance with the Charter. It must agree on a new independent, impartial and professional mechanism for investigating any use of chemical weapons, bring those responsible for such crimes to account, and ensure that they do not enjoy impunity. We call for intensified efforts and a return to the political track, under the auspices of the United Nations, with the aim of reaching a peaceful settlement to the crisis based on the first Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex) and resolution 2254 (2015). Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): China has always opposed the use of force in the context of international relations. We advocate for respecting the sovereignty, independence, unity, and the territorial integrity of all countries. Any unilateral military action bypassing the Security Council runs counter to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, violates the principles of international law and the basic norms governing international relations and, in the present case, will further complicate the Syrian issue. Based on that principled position, China voted in favour of draft resolution S/2018/355, proposed by the Russian Federation. I would like to emphasize here that a political settlement is the only viable pathway to solving the Syrian issue. China urges the parties involved to remain calm, exercise restraint, return to the framework of international law and resolve issues through dialogue and negotiations We support the role of the United Nations as the main channel for mediation, and we will spare no effort to reach a political settlement of the situation in Syria together with the international community. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): Today is the day when the Security Council and the world community should raise their voices in the defence of peace, security, the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Every delegation in this Chamber is a sovereign country, and no one should attempt to pressure or dictate to any of us how to interpret international law and the Charter of the United Nations, or how to consult our own consciences. We have never hesitated to vote in accordance with the dictates of international law, the Charter, our conscience and truth. Today's meeting confirms that the United States, Britain and France, all permanent members of the Security Council, continue to plunge world politics and diplomacy into a realm of myths, myths that have been created in Washington, London and Paris. That is dangerous work, representing a kind of diplomacy that traffics in myths, hypocrisy, deceit and counterfeit ideas. Soon we will arrive at the diplomacy of the absurd. These three countries create these myths and try to force everyone to believe in them. We counter their myths with facts and a true picture of what is going on. But they do not want to see or hear. They simply ignore what they are told. They have come up with a legend about Russia as a constant wielder of the Security Council veto whom they purposely provoke into using the veto so as to then present themselves in a favourable light, especially right now. They are distorting international law and replacing its concepts with counterfeits. They are unabashedly hypocritical. They demand an investigation, and before the investigation has even started they name and punish the guilty parties. Why did they not wait for the result of the investigation that they themselves all called for? The Security Council is paralysed because of these countries' persistent deceptions both of us 14/04/2018 Threats to international peace and security S/PV.8233 18-10891 25/26 and the international community. They are not only putting themselves above international law, they are trying to rewrite it. They violate international law and try to convince everyone that their actions are legal. The representative of the United Kingdom gave three reasons justifying the missile strikes based on the concept of humanitarian intervention. They are trying to substitute them for the Charter. That is why we and other countries did not support it then and do not support it now, because we do not want it to become the justification for their crimes. We demand once again that that they halt this aggression immediately and refrain from the illegal use of force in the future. Today we once again showed the whole world how we play our underhanded games. In Soviet times there was a pamphlet entitled Where Does the Threat to Peace Come From? that described Washington and the NATO countries' military preparations. Nothing has changed. The threat to peace comes from exactly the same place. Look at what they say and listen to the war drums that they are beating in Washington today in the guise of hypocritical concern for democracy, human rights and people in general. The five-minute rule in the latest presidential note's rules of procedure (S/2017/507) will not allow me to list them, because the list is too long. I could cite other examples, as for example how the President of France showed interest in a conversation with President Putin in an investigation in Douma and was ready to send French experts there when that idea suddenly disappeared. Because a different algorithm was put forward. That is obvious. Today is a sad day. It is a sad day for the world, the United Nations and its Charter, which has been blatantly violated, and the Security Council, which has shirked its responsibilities. I should like to believe that will not see another day as bad as today. The President (spoke in Spanish): I shall now make another statement in my national capacity. Peru abstained in the voting because we believe that the draft resolution did not adequately reflect the need to guarantee due accountability for the use of chemical weapons throughout Syrian terrority and because its language is imbalanced and would not help to restore the Council's unity, which is critical to addressing the events in Syria in a comprehensive manner. I now resume my functions as President of the Security Council. The representative of the United Kingdom has asked to make another statement. Ms. Pierce (United Kingdom): I think it is obvious why we voted against the draft resolution. We support completely what the French representative laid out about next steps and we will work tirelessly to that objective, along with partners on the Council. The Russian Ambassador referred to myths. These are not our myths. The way forward in the Council has been blocked. The second of our own criteria for taking this action on an exceptional basis must be objectively clear. There is no practicable alternative to the use of force if lives are to be saved. In the 113 meetings of the Council on Syria, I think that has been demonstrated absolutely crystally clear. The United Kingdom believes that it cannot be illegal to prevent the use of force to save lives in such numbers as we have seen in Syria. The reason we took this action — our legal basis — was that of humanitarian intervention. We believe that that is wholly within the principles and purposes of the United Nations. The President (spoke in Spanish): The representative of the Syrian Arab Republic has ask for the floor to make a new statement. I now give him the floor. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): I apologize for requesting the floor once again. The scene that we have just witnessed is quite sad. There are those in the Council who prefer to overlook an enormous elephant that we have spoken of before. The elephant is the direct American military occupation of one-third of my country's territory — a direct American military occupation of one-third of the Syrian Arab Republic territory. However, there are those who speak of minor details which they believe to be pivotal. No, the political scene is far more dangerous than that. We are a State whose sovereignty has been facing a direct military violation by a permanent member of the Council. That is the true scene, and not the allegations and the film prepared by the terrorist organization known as the White Helmets established by British intelligence. We need to focus on the main scene here. Some would claim that they are fighting Da'esh in Syria and Iraq. However they have given air cover to Da'esh. Whenever the Syrian Arab Army makes advances against Da'esh, United States, British and French war planes bombard our military sites. Why? To prevent our decisive victory against that entity. However, they failed S/PV.8233 Threats to international peace and security 14/04/2018 26/26 18-10891 and we were able to achieve victory against Da'esh with our brothers in Iraq in three years and not in thirty, as former President Obama predicted. We understand that the capitals of the three countries that launched the aggression against my country are frustrated. Some colleagues who voted against the Russian draft resolution (S/2018/355) claim to support a political settlement. We tell them now, after their shameful vote against the draft resolution, that those who voted against it are no longer partners of the Syrian Government in any political process. The British Ambassador explained things about the Malvinas Islands. That testimony reveals the facts about the imperialistic policies of Britain. I am actually the Rapporteur of the Special Committee on Decolonization (C-24) and I work under the agenda of the United Nations and the Secretary-General. My task and that of my colleagues in the C-24 is to end colonialism throught the world. The Malvinas are on the list of territories that do not enjoy self-governance. We are working in accordance with the United Nations agenda to end the British occupation of the Malvinas. As for my colleague the Ambassador of Kuwait, I remind him — although he and his Government are well aware of it — that when my country participated in the liberation of Kuwait, we did not justify our principled position to the people of Kuwait. Our position was a principled one. We did not need draft resolutions, meetings or any tripartite aggression. We did not look into the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations or undermine our national obligations to our brothers in Kuwait, nor did we join any bloc that was hostile to Kuwait. We fulfilled our national duty towards our brothers in Kuwait. The Ambassador of Kuwait will also recall that my country could have played a different role at the time and could have negatively impacted the peace, safety and security of Kuwait, but we chose not to do so. We acted pursuant to a national principled position that was not subject to negotiation or discussion. The meeting rose at 1.50 p.m.
Transcript of an oral history interview with Theodore A. "Ted" Arcidi conducted by Sarah Yahm at the interviewee's business in Manchester, New Hampshire, on 11 March 2015, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Ted Arcidi is a member of the Norwich University Class of 1982 and a former professional wrestler, actor and power lifter. His interview includes discussion of both his career and his experiences as an athlete and a student attending Norwich University. ; 1 Theodore A. "Ted" Arcidi NU 1982, Oral History Interview March 11, 2015 At interviewee's business in Manchester, NH Interviewed by Sarah Yahm Transcribed by C.T. Haywood, NU '12, April 4, 2015 SY: Whenever you're ready we can let the games begin. TA: Alright, shoot. SY: So can you introduce yourself for the mic. TA: Ted Arcidi, graduate of Norwich in '82. SY: Excellent, and we're here at your business in Manchester, New Hampshire. What's the name of your business? TA: Building and business. I developed this building. It's a mill building, an older building and I also have my business here, Weightlifters Warehouse where we sell fitness equipment. SY: Excellent, can I borrow a pen? Interview pauses SY: Okay, so the thing with oral history is we get to start out early. So where were you born? And when you were a kid what did you want to be when you grew up? TA: A Norwich grad [said in joking tone]—hold on I'll get there SY: Okay, okay. TA: I was born in, I was born in Buffalo, New York and what did I want to aspire to? I didn't even know until like high school. I wanted to be a pro hockey player because I was I was really good in hockey and I played it, you know, religiously – practiced, practiced, practiced, practiced. I think I got my work ethic from my parents. I mean I'd be on the pond skating when—I went to private school so it was great I'd be skating by myself just doing drills, shooting drills, things like that for hours. Stick handling. I was a defenseman but I was small. I didn't really grow until like college, you know, late bloomer. And during that time I got into weight training and I just I just caught the bug you know. I was red shirting for Norwich. I was playing hockey at Salem State. I was in the JV's over there. They brought me up a couple of times to the varsity but I still needed some more work so I just started lifting weights and doing my cardio, doing my running and when I went to Norwich I had to red shirt because when you transfer you have to you know sit out a year. And that's when I just started lifting even more and more and making like I said those five pound gains on the bench every week. SY So [coughs] what did you like about it? TA: I loved it because I could just see my body changing and getting stronger. And maybe helped out my self-esteem too you know because I was kind of scrawny. I was wiry, I was strong. All's I used to do before was push-ups, sit ups, a lot of calisthenics, which are good which I find out are really advantageous to weight lifting because all those years that I was doing that I was, my tendons were getting stronger and my ligaments. I was getting a good base core. 2 SY: Yeah. So I'm just, going back to you, you at like five years old or ten years old how would you felt at that moment… TA: If I knew what was gonna happen? SY: Yeah when you got the title, "strongest man in the world!" TA: Oh it would be, I wouldn't believe it, they would have the wrong guy. It wasn't even in my wheelhouse, wasn't even in my radar. It was like, yeah I mean it was just like reserved for people that were born big or maybe they were just lived on farms or something I don't know. But I, but I never had that type of diligence then. And it wasn't a popular sport you know, so. I mean you'd watch it on TV and stuff the people, you know the big Russians and stuff concentrating and stuff, but that's as far as it went as far as like you know inquiring about that. SY: And did it drive you crazy that you were small? TA: I knew I was gonna grow. But I didn't, I didn't like any kid especially when it comes to sports you know you want to have some size because you're competing against other people especially in a sport like hockey. I did a lot of baseball, basketball, you know, recreational stuff. Little league. I didn't get much past that. Then I just concentrated on hockey like in the sixth/seventh grade. Started with the recreation then went to youth hockey and then high school hockey. That's the Bobby Orrick era, you know, that was big. Everybody did, everybody played street hockey all day. I mean that's a difference today, kids don't do that. They're not outside. They're like on their, you know their iPhones and stuff. They're missing a beautiful segment of their life, you know. SY: I know it's true. You're preaching to the choir on that one. Okay so you were at Salem State for a while and then how'd you end up at Norwich? TA: I flunked out [laughs]. I almost flunked out. I was there and I didn't have a real good first semester and I was bouncing on the side. This is, this is when I started lifting weights and you know yeah you wanna work your loins, you wanna get the benefits, you know? Because I'd never, I'm thinking, "Wow," you know, I could actually go to bars and hang out with the guys and stuff. It was like a whole new identity, you know. So like anyone else that gets anatomically more fit and more muscular you, you're young, God, you know, and so I worked at a bar, and a place called Face's in Salem. It was like a bikey bar and the homework, and I was like still training to play hockey but the homework just, I just wasn't doing it, you know. And I got like a 0.0 average [laughs]. SY: That's impressive. TA: Yeah, yeah. And then I had the talk with the dad and he says ah, he knew I need direction, he didn't even know I worked there. But I thought it was cool, you know, because I'm making money off my physique, so. So what I did was, we had the talk, he says, "You know, you got to improve. And you improve, we're gonna send you to another school, send you to Norwich." Because he went to Norwich himself. SY: Oh he did, so is he a military guy? TA: Yeah, he didn't graduate. He ended up transferring to UVM, but he did a freshmen year there. But he knew about it. He had friends there and stuff. SY: And did he think you needed the military discipline? 3 TA: I needed, yeah, to just get more focused. And I did like it. I did the tour up there in senior year, but I wasn't ready for it. And then now I was, you know, at the time. So I had to really bust my ass and really do well in school that second semester or else if I didn't get my grade average up to like B, which I knew I could do, I was gonna be working like a regular job. He says, "You're out of your house. I'm not gonna support, and you've obviously made a choice, go work in the real world." Which, he was a thousand percent right. SY: So you were like, "Okay I'm gonna be a bouncer forever or I'm gonna get my shit together." TA: Or work construction or something else, you know, or go try to play junior hockey in Canada which I wasn't good enough to play major junior A. So I really focused on—and that was a time when I was starting to lift and I'm thinking, "You know I'm just gonna see where lifting takes me," you know. Because I read about body building and lifting and power lifting and stuff, but I never entered any contests or anything. So I got my grade cume up and it worked out well. I gutted it out and I ended up getting enough credits and a good cume to get into Norwich. SY: As a? TA: As a sophomore. SY: As a sophomore. So you didn't have to do Rook Week? You didn't have to—? TA: Oh yeah I still had to do that. I got Recognized a little earlier than the other guys but I still had to do that, get in there in August and stuff, you know. SY: So what was that like? TA: That wasn't bad. I wish they'd fed me more. I was so hungry. They didn't give me enough food, because I was lifting. Everybody thought I was a football player. Now the football players got to eat more because they were athletes but it's like, "Come on man, I'm a weight lifter, you know, I lift more than these guys do. Cut me some slack." I almost left the school. SY: Because you were just hungry? TA: I was starving. You only get a serving and stuff. And that all changed, yeah, because most of those football players and athletes were on work study, they had the waiter coats back then and they could eat as much as they want. I mean I'm paying the same tuition as these guys, these guys are in there for nothing, and they're eating better than me. This is outrageous. So I almost left the school. SY: So what did you do? Did you complain? TAL Yeah, yeah I complained and the and the straw broke the camel's back, when I was there for six months – I had already gotten Recognized - and I was going in for a late mess hall and I grabbed some eggs, you know, boiled eggs. And the head football coach - and I don't mind saying it now [laughs] but he was a real jerk, Barry Mynter, he grabbed my wrist and he said, "Put the eggs back." And I go, "No, I'm gonna eat." "Well it's only football players." "Well I'm an athlete too and people come in late and why are you doing this to me?", so. I went right to the president. SY: Who was it then? TA: Loring Hart, yeah. SY: And what did he say? 4 TA: I said, "You know I'm a lifter." And I think I started competing and, "I need the calories and I need the protein and I'm, you know even if I wasn't a competing athlete, for the money I should be able to eat more." So he signed a thing, a requisition, that I can get two steaks or two servings of whatever the meat was then, you know. And I thought it was so stupid it's like, man what about these other kids that didn't complain. That was a problem and I brought it up to them and I think things changed after that. You don't deprive people that are, you know, working their ass off in a school and these guys are paying top dollar and stuff. They might not be athletes but you don't do that to people. So anyway ah… SY: So you won that battle? TA: Yeah, yeah, and I wasn't trying to win or like get a scho—I just wanted to eat, you know, and then immediately it was fine, it was no big deal. SY: And if you were lifting that much you must have just been ravenous? TA: Yeah then I would have to get food from my house on weekends and stuff or go down to Lemory's at the time was there, I used to buy roast beef and stuff because they didn't feed you, they didn't feed you enough. And now it's different, I think you get to eat as much as you want right, probably? So I'm glad. Yeah I had it out with him too, that guy Mynter, he was a real horse's ass and I'll him to this day, man, look what you gave up [laughs]. Now I'm glad I did it for the other people though, there was a lot of lifters, because lifting was big, and they could only eat like one meal. This is insane, this is totally insane, so…. SY: Did you end up getting, so you got to eat to more, but did your lifting friends? TA: Yeah they started too. I said, "Tell them you're gonna leave. This is bullshit." You don't mind if I? SY: No of course I don't mind. That's fine. So I wonder if -- I also can picture you, you're this big guy at this point and you're in the Corps… TA: I was bigger than most of these football players. I mean I wasn't as tall but you know I could blow them away. And maybe there was some animosity there with them too. I mean they liked me and a couple of guys did help me lift and stuff in the old Armory. Jimmy Pavao who was a football player, he helped me out, real good guy. Arty and his brother, their last name was Stringfellow, they helped me out. And there was another kid I don't want to forget - um, what was his name? [pause]. I'll think of it. He helped me when, when we moved the weight system. We had the new complex which wasn't new now but it was in '81, the new place that I was lifting there, and he helped me a lot this other kid. I'll, I'll get his name. SY: Yeah, you'll remember it. So I'm trying to imagine it. Here you are, you're a year older than the other freshman. The cadre are, because you're a sophomore, the cadre are like doing their Rook thing and you're big, right? TA: Well I started getting some size. Everybody thought I was a full-back. I was still benching around 400 then, 420. SY: So did they mess with you less the cadre? TA: Uh they kind of picked on me a couple of times and stuff, I guess the whole breaking thing. You play the game, you know. I mean and I didn't want to get any different treatment, I just wanted to ah, you know I knew I was gonna get Recognized early as an upperclassmen so I was just going through things. Part of the, part of the regiment, because hey I decided to go to a military school and I should, you know, partake in their traditions, you know. Yeah and it's a character builder. It is. 5 SY: And do you feel like it ended up building your character? TA: I think so. I think that and then when I honed in on my skill, my, my ah, my attributes of becoming a competitive weightlifter. I think it just all came together and everybody's thinking you know, "Ted, you know he's representing the school," so that kind of gave me some status there too. But I busted my ass you know, and um… SY: Yeah what was your daily regimen? TA: Ah well I get up, I probably lift about 4 days a week, do my running still too. But when I lifted, I lifted very heavy, very heavy, twice a week, heavy on the upper body and two times a week on the squats. But I knew my forte was the bench because I was just like making five pound gains a week. That was insane. SY: That's insane--and I just can't imagine seeing your body transform that much. TA: Every time I looked in the mirror, and I wasn't on steroids at all you know um… SY: What was that like? TA: Did I take them later? Yeah I took 'em when I was World Class because everybody did, and that's the only way you're gonna compete. I mean these same people if you took 'em off steroids they're still gonna be number one and two in the world because they have genetics and they have built themselves up because of their workout routine and stuff, so that's just how it goes. SY: And that's the pressures of the competitive scene? TA: Well you have to do that especially if you want to make a name for yourself. I mean it opened up the doors to a ton of things, you know, being the best in the world, being the first man to bench press 700 pounds. That was a big thing, that was really big that was in all the, you know, Wide World of Sports and all that stuff. And that was, that was big. SY: So what does it do to your head to see your body changing that much? TA: Yeah getting back between my sophomore and junior year, and senior year every year. I mean I went there and I was benching as a fresh--well as sophomore like 400/420. And then there's a 100 pound gain after that for the next year, and another 100 pound gain after that. And I'm just saying to myself, "I'm not, I better not blow this," you know? Because at one point I was, I was thinking you know I have a shot to be the first man to bench press 700 pounds. I mean that's gonna, that's gonna be earth shattering. No one's ever done it. The world record at the time was 661. You're breaking it by like forty something pounds, that's like Bob Beamon in the long jump. You just blew it away. SY: So you sort of realized you could push the capacity of a human? TA: I knew that I could do 7, I think I had the ability to do 7 my [phone buzzes]. Can you cut for a second, okay? [tape turns off and then on again] SY: So alright, so okay, here's what I keep thinking about. TA: Where was I though? SY: You were talking about realizing you could bench press 7. 6 TA: Oh yeah because I was making these extraordinary gains, still not on the juice. I got up to, people don't believe this but I got up to a 600 pound bench without steroids. No one's ever done that. SY: What made your body able to do that? TA: I think it's good genetics and I was always into taking vitamins back when I was playing hockey. My mother being a nurse, my dad's an orthodontist, she got me on the B vitamins--take 'em every day. And then vitamin C. That was a new thing then but that helped a lot because while you're growing it does decrease your inflammation and makes you recuperate better. But I still think the big thing was I always ate well and I ate smart, you know, because of those two people. And I think the fact that, you know, partaking in sports is important, but even when I was doing sports the calisthenics, I was like insane about it. And I really feel that doing--I used to do dips like an animal, push-ups, chin-ups. And I really feel that that just commenced a great basis for weight training because my tendons were really strong. I, I because I did that for years. I did that for at least three years before I even touched the weight. SY: How many hours a day? TA: Oh not too long. I mean just enough to do my things. I do it like three days a week, but little did I know that was laying out the base. Because some people when they start weight training they ah, they're hitting walls and stuff because they don't have the foundation. I think I built up a foundation just doing a lot of good calisthenics -- clean, full-range of motion, yeah. SY: So when you were lifting then, what would go through your head or were you really not thinking? Was it almost like meditative? There was no…? TA: Oh you mean when I was doing maxes or just working out? SY: Just working out. TA: I loved the feeling of moving big weights. SY: What about it? TA: It's, it's hard to describe, because it feels like another rep. Even if it's one rep. It's not painful, it's just like, you're just putting all your effort into that one push, you know? And then of course you do supplementary exercises. I didn't just do bench pressing, I did a lot of triceps work behind the neck press which I had the world record at one time too. It's an odd lift but it's not really measured, but I did up to 375 for five, standing behind the neck press. SY: So it seems like part of it for you was just sort of like, it was kind of blowing your mind that you were lifting these things. TA: Yeah but I went with it. I went with it and that was what I gonna say. I was, because you know when you're training with heavy weight you gotta warm up. If I get injured, I'm screwed. A lot of guys were pulling pecs because you try too much and I just made sure I warmed up and stuff 'cause now you're getting into no man's land which is scary. And when you get three people spotting you: one in the middle, and one on each side ,when you're going for like reps over 500 pounds, one wrong tweak, you're screwed. You blow a peck, go back to dental school, you know [laughs]. That's where I would have been. And I said that to myself. I know I'm jumping ahead, but before I went out there in front of that crowd, I ah I felt a twinge when I was in the warm-up room and I was thinking, "Well you know something, if it's gonna rip, let it rip out there," you know. But it was just a nerve twinge because the thing went up like butter, it was--the crowd psyches you up you know. So yeah I had to watch myself but 7 I knew I was in no man's land and I made sure, three major things, because I you know, what was great was with school being a phys ed major you're doing so much anatomy and physiology, chemistry, and this was great because I correlated this into my body and it made perfect sense. I got it, you know, where a lot of people don't. And its three major things for weight training: plenty of protein, plenty of sleep, and recuperation. As I was getting heavier and heavier into lifting heavier weight I needed more days to recuperate, so then I was only benching heavier once a week and couldn't do that three days a week, you know, Monday through Friday because you're gonna beat the shit out of your system. You're gonna blow something. So you gotta listen to your body and that, that's what it took too. Because a lot people, there's a lot of decent athletes out there but they over train and then you once pull a peck or separate a shoulder you're out of the running man, you're never the same. SY: And you didn't have a coach or mentor? TA: No, all me, all me. SY: You were your own case study for phys ed? TA: Pretty much, yeah. I mean I was so thankful and I am to this day - um his first name was Scott, you can write that in there, the other kid that helped me out - just to get spotters. Now what was awesome was at the point, even when I was there as a sophomore you go in there and you're putting on weights and people aren't stupid, they're gonna stop and just see what you're doing and then you got a picture, "Okay next year he comes in 100 pounds gain." I would just be a show stopper, people would stop what they're doing and they're very willing to help and stuff too you know and get you psyched up, because you gotta get to that mental frame of mind. You're going for weight that you haven't seen rolled, you know. And I just had the three major components from my muscle groups: I had my pecs, my shoulders, and my tri's those things right there. And I trained them to the max so they had the best rest and the best ah reflex and reaction because speed's involved too, you can't you know you want to get a good explosive burst. And um, yeah and it's always been like a show time thing. SY: Yeah it is a show. TA: Yeah because you start, the whole gym stopped. They're never gonna see that weight again by anybody you know, so even when I was wrestling on the road at Gold's Gym. SY: Did you like it? TA: Yeah, yeah, it was like cool it was like [laughs] you know the clapping, I'm warming up with 400 and they're clapping. When I went do tours on the um, in Europe and stuff, Greece, I was very lucky with my vitamin line and and as a world record holder to do exhibitions. I made a lot of money doing that and I put it back into the company. And they're very cordial out there. They clap all the time. They're very, very nice people. Yeah, yeah, yeah, it was pretty cool. It was pretty cool. So yeah, it all, ah. God. SY: Did it go to your head? Here you are you got this young guy, you're stronger that everybody…? TA: Naw I didn't get cocky or nothing. I mean if I got drunk a few times with the guys, you know, it was guy stuff but I wouldn't no. I, I remain grounded because I knew where it got me and it you know everything is a circle, you go around and do something stupid it's gonna come back and get you. I've seen it happen to people in all sports and it just wasn't me. SY: So alright so you finish, you finish Norwich, you've started competing --8 TA: Right, well I was competing already, yeah, but now when I finished Norwich it was, I'm at a World Class level. SY: And meanwhile your dad's like, "Go to dental school." TA: Yeah, and I wanted to go to dental school because he had that speech with me my senior year when I was going up to graduation with my mom. He knew that, and I knew, especially in Concord, Mass where I grew up. First of all they're not gonna pick me as a Phys Ed teacher because they just, it's cronyism, even in public schools, you know. And where the jobs are so few and far between -- I mean you look at a globe it's probably the same way today, you know try to go teach at a decent school system where the money, which was great back then, might be 25 or 30, but you're never gonna get in. You're behind all these people and there's favorites. And then he's thinking, that's the beauty of my dad, he's still around, he was looking towards the future: "How you gonna have a family? You know, how are you gonna? Your wife's gonna have to work, she can't be home with the kids. You know that's gonna be tough." And he just kind of spelled it out for me. And he says, "You got some good sciences, you got a good base, I say take a year and do more prerequisites, and apply to dental school." And I did that while I was still lifting. And I got into Tufts. I did a year of prerequisites at Northeastern. I did some at Middlesex Community College, some other prerequisites. All science. I did that course "Stanley Kaplan for DAT's." I did well on my DAT's. I did average. For a phys ed major that's phenomenal! [laughs] So I ended getting into Tufts, Marquette, and NYU, and Georgetown. SY: Those are really good schools. TA: Yeah, yeah. SY: Look at that from failing out of Salem State. TA: Yeah, yeah. And the interviews and everything -- they knew I was a competitor too and they asked me, "Are you gonna compete?" "Yeah I'm still gonna compete." And I did. But my freshman year at Tufts, it's a very heavy course load you're with the med students, and with my working out it was getting tough because I got invited for the second time to the Hawaiian International Powerlifting Championships. And I couldn't handle both so I had a talk with the dean. I said, "Listen, I got to try this out. I mean I could be on the verge of really setting a big big record here." And they understood because they had some athletes, some kids who played minor ball and stuff, they took a leave of absence and they would come back and that's what I told them. And I told my father that and my father knew off the bat, he goes, "You're not gonna come back," and he was pissed and my mother was upset. But my dad really took it hard, because he was he was part of the Tufts program over there. My sister had gone there, he had done lectures there and I felt like I was letting him down but I said, "I'm never gonna have this chance again. I'm never gonna have it again." And at the time I was 283 or something, and I was gonna go for like the world record then to be beat 661. And that was 1984. So I left. I took the leave of absence January of '84,and still on leave [laughs]. SY: I was gonna say, so you gonna go back to dental school [laughs]? I'm kidding. TA: And yeah and…. SY: I'm still technically on leave from my Ph.D. program. TA: Really, yeah? SY: And it's been a long time [laughs].9 TA: Well you know, you only got one life, you know, so. So I did that and that really set the stage because I knew I was getting invited to the next one. Now keep in mind at the time these weights I'm going for - 650, 666, 700 you only can cycle, my workouts you can only cycle those like once a year because it does takes so much out of your body. And so I was really thinking this thing out smart, I said, "I'm gonna do this right, I want to get that seven. I know I can do it, but without getting injured, I'm not gonna have, I don't want to do 2/3 contests a year because I'll burn myself out. I'll get stale, I'll get hurt." So I planned it out well and um, I, the extension, the leave of absence continued you know for well the next year, 1985. And that's when I did it - March 3, 1985 in Hawaii. The third time I was out there, the Hawaiian International Powerlifting Championships. SY: So tell me about that day. TA: Yeah there's a sign right up there. That was the first one I did when I --you can see the--it was April 5, 1983. That's when I was on my leave of absence, not leave of absence I was doing my qualifications, my general, my studies for prerequisites for Tufts. And the next year I was in dental school. And then that was only like, I don't know four months, then I got out. So yeah he took it, he took it hard but I--it's like okay, I'm getting ready for this meet. So what I did was I ah…. SY: Did he not get the powerlifting thing too? What did he think? TA: I can't blame him because no one makes a living lifting weights, you know? There's no money in that. SY: Was he was he Polish? Was he the Polish? TA: He's Italian. SY: He's Italian. TA: Oh yeah. SY: Is he an immigrant? TA: Ah son of an immigrant. SY: Son of an immigrant so…. TA: It's in that category, that culture still you know - someone's gonna take your spot you know you're not gonna come back, and you know they think the worst, they're alarmists. That's the beauty of the man, he saw down the road. He wants to see not just the next ten years, you know, but what happens later because it goes by quick you know, time. So he ah, he was worried. I said, "Listen, if I don't get the record, I'm going back to school." I ended up getting the record. And wrestling was big and then the Globe like I said yesterday, the Globe did a big article on me and um… SY: So once that started happening did he stop worrying? TA: No. He assumed that I was going back to dental school. But he was the first one to find out that I wanted to get into pro-wrestling by reading the article. And I had that tape recording with the old machines, the voice machines, the uh telephone machines, answering machines, and I kept it for the longest time: "Ted, I just saw the Boston Globe article. If you even harbor a thought of joining that circus I'm changing the locks." Click. He didn't talk to me for several months. SY: Really? 10 TA: Yeah, I could see you know he's like, "What the hell are you doing now?" And I told him, I said, "Wrestling is really big now." And I went down to see Vince McMahon, you know he had contacted me and he heard of what I did and stuff. And Ken Patera who was a big wrestler back then who happened to be in the Olympics, in Olympic lifting, that's how he got in there like years before me. He was in jail because him, there was this big thing during WrestleMania, him and this other wrestler Saito they, they broke into a McDonald's. The guy was closing he said, "No I see the hambuger's here." They went in and then he had to do some time, so they needed another strongman. So timing is everything. He was like the strongest Olympic lifter at the time, silver medalist anyway. But was legit because people want to see a real strongman in wrestling. I don't care what they, you still see that today. Excuse me, hold that thought. [phone vibrates] SY: Holding that thought, holding that thought. Interview pauses and resumes. Okay so we were in the middle of you, you were talking about you were talking about '85. TA: Yeah, okay, so where was I? Um yeah, obviously still on my leave of absence. Is this before I set the record? SY: This is, well okay, we're talking about your dad, your dad's voice mail. TA: So I set the record, yeah and uh… SY: We still haven't gotten to the day of the record…. TA: and I'm hopping on the wrestling thing you know. SY: Right. TA: I want to make some money with this body. I mean I'm right there, I'm bigger than the wrestlers, you know? SY: But you hadn't done any wrestling? TA: No. No. And I knew I had to go camp, wrestling camp, so they put me in wrestling camp for six months down the WWF in Orange, Connecticut. And at the time now I started my vitamin company while I was student teaching in 1984, May of '84. And… SY: So you're back to phys ed? TA: Well I was, I was not student teaching, I was working as a sub and sometimes the full time teacher too like filling in and stuff because I was still um--yeah I was I was… SY: Because it's less time than dental school? TA: Yeah, yeah, yeah. Because let me see now, when did? Yeah I lasted until January and done with school, January of '84. So I had to make a living. And I got back into, I got into teaching. I was always like subbing even while I was doing my prerequisites. I was subbing while I was going to Northeastern, Middlesex. And I did, I had a good name subbing, kids liked me, you know. And I was doing mostly sciences, I loved science because you know, biology, physical science, and I got paid the same money and I didn't have to run around in a sweat suit and stuff. Hell I wanted to save my energy for lifting you know? So at the time I was substituting and filling in as teachers, so I, at the same time I started my vitamin company in May of '84 with like four or five products out of Powerlifting USA. It was a magazine for powerlifters that got about maybe 15,000 subscribers but it was enough to start [sneezing from interviewer] --bless you, must have been the horse -- ah enough to like generate money selling 11 products you know? It was only vitamins I had. The basic ones - amino acids, um mega packs, protein, couple of other little things like orchic, glandulars, carbo fuel. And there's an interesting twist on this how I got into that. Because at the time I was letting somebody use - you know how you get endorsements, small endorsements - out of that magazine because I was up an coming and I had set some records in the 275 pound weight class. And I was a super heavy weight so everyone's, you know, they want you to advertise their products. And this guy was John Buckley out of out of Plymouth, I'd like to say, down that way Plymouth, Mass. He wanted me to endorse some vitamin pills. I didn't know much about it, I said, "Yeah, as long as I can get some free vitamins and give me some money," you know. It wasn't a lot but I figured hey I can get free training supplies and vitamins. So I didn't have a contract. I just "yeah, sure." And I found out because I went down to visit him and his wife and him are like, this like from a little ad in Powerlifting USA, I went down unannounced just to pick up some vitamins you know some amino acids, throw me a few bottles, you know. And they're wrapping boxes. There must have been like twenty or thirty boxes. Those were orders that came in every day. So the mechanism starts turning, and I'm like, "What is this guy? I can do what he does, and it's my name." I didn't have a contract I got out of it. He was bullshit. I started my own. I went to the same supplier too. SY: There you go. TA: Yeah because I saw it. It was on the label - distributed by or manufactured by and I said, "Listen, I'm the guy. I've been endorsing this thing for a year and I want to do it my own." And it worked out great. And after teaching I would come home and there would be a couple of blinks on the answering machine and they could be catalogs or orders. I was doing pretty good. I was doing like, I don't know, started out light that, that ah, that spring. But as my, as I got out there and people knew it was my company and I would talk to them on the phone about their progress in lifting and stuff, which is good like a lot of vitamin companies are not gonna do that, you just buy their stuff through GNC. But I was giving them programs, telling them how to do things, how to take the supplements, and I built up a hell of a fan base and business, you know. So that kept me going. I didn't have to do any teaching anymore as I got into that, and then that culminated into ah, once I got the record I had two things. The vitamin company got really big. I was in a guy's basement and you could smell vitamins. It was boxes and boxes of vitamins. I'd go to the ah, I had a box company deliver there. On this neighborhood in Newton, Mass., an eighteen wheeler would pull up where he's not supposed to and, and give me mail order supplies. And the owner was cool, Neil Todd, and he liked it. He thought it was pretty cool. He was a professor at BU but he knew I was getting big with the supplements because you walk down there and I had it down. I had my computer. It was an old Apple. Type out the labels. I had like a thing I got at Vista--I don't think they had it back then, Vista print, a little catalog on how to take the supplements, ah prices. And UPS came every day and it was the balls. It was great. And I was training. I was like okay this like being a professional athlete. I'm endorsing my own stuff, which was different. A lot people didn't know about doing that. SY: So you kind of made it? TA: Yeah, yeah and but I did it. I marketed myself which was good, you know. All because of that visit that I had: "Hey I can do what he's doing, and its mine, my name. Let me do it." you know? SY: So you turned yourself into a brand? You branded yourself? TA: Yes. I branded myself, yeah. SY: That's interesting. 12 TA: And then after I set the record in '85, the world record, the 705, man I'd go to the PO boxes I'd get like fifteen orders a day. And I had to get out there because it was just getting too big. SY: Let's talk about making that record that day because I want to know what you remember. TA: Ok yeah, March 3, 1985. I flew out there a week -- I was really smart about this too and I think like I said it goes back to my education and you know my instinct, sensing my body, of what I needed to do to just have that peak performance for literally two seconds. That's it, two seconds. So I get there a week ahead, get acclimated, ate good food, relaxed. You're not getting any stronger. I did a light, light, super light workout. Oh God it was maybe 225 for a set of ten, light triceps, real light just to stimulate the nerves, you know. Did some like light jogging, you know. And I ate really good. I stayed with Hawaiian out there who was also competing with his family and so I hung out with him but we'd go out and have steaks and eat well and just relax until the meet, which is kind of serene. It's kind of a good feeling because whatever happens, happens. That record, whether it's gonna happen or not, that happened back at home in the mainland doing all those reps. God, my last workout set before I left, ten days before the actual meet I did six, thirty-five for two sets of three reps; and then I did six, fifty for two and a half reps. I knew I was ready. Because then when I do my warm-ups for the stage and stuff and you got the adrenaline out there I knew if I'm on I'm gonna get this son-of-a-bitch. SY: So you walk out and there's a whole crowd there? TA: Two thousand people. Because they knew me already from the two previous years because I'm always setting records out there in different weight classes, you know? SY: Are you nervous, you don't get nervous? TA: Nah, nah you don't get it. SY: Just adrenaline? TA: It's, it's you just psy--you got be to be controlled, you know. And I think that's on YouTube, my world record, you can see it. Yeah it's on YouTube, along with some clips from acting. SY: So you walk out there and you, you know, you get started…. TA: Well I open up, I'm like when you, you have three attempts in the bench, in any lift: bench, squat, dead lift. And I would do a token, when I did this they start with squats. I just did a token 500 pounds. It was just to get on the board because you have to do three lifts, you have to compete in three lifts in order to get a world record it has to be official. Comes to the bench, you get the lightweights, it all starts light you know, people weighing 100 pounds - lightweights, mediumweights, heavy, all the way up to heavyweights. And I warm up and my first attempt was 608 and it was like me and one other guy left. He was going for 600 maybe, or mid-sixes, or early sixes like 620. So it was just me and him and people loved this, you know. Because this is now the heaviest weight of the whole meet, and everybody loves the bench press. I don't care what you say, it's not how much you can squat. You look at somebody, "What do you bench man, like the state of Rhode Island?" you know. So I opened up with 608. It flew, it flew. Remember I told you that thing about in the locker room, in the warm up room I felt a twinge? If I'm gonna go, let me go, you know? I'm going back to dental school, you know. 608 flew. That kid ended up trying like 630. He bombed and now it was just me. Next attempt: 650. Blew it up [snaps finger]. Could have done four reps with that thing. Everything was clicking. It's just like one of those times you know? And then they said, "He's gonna go for a world record, 678." That means a 661, 71 that's like what? Sixteen pounds, fifteen pounds more. I ultimately wanted to go out for 7 but jeez, God forbid if something 13 happened I got to get away with a world record anyway. That went up. Put the bar down, and then you could hear the announcer Aand the crowd's going crazy. They want seven." I'm out there, "Seven, you want seven?" you know. And they went shithouse. And then, "He's gonna go for seven, load it up, this is history folks! This is history!" And the way it's set up because it's, it's kilos, the metric system, 699 and three quarters, now what's the next number? 705.5, set it up. Set that goddamn thing up. And uh they show me resting in between chalking me, TV cameras and on, I said, "I'm just focused, whatever it is God it's in your hands," you know? I just get emotional thinking about it you know? So uh I got out there and it's like, it's almost like surreal. I could just feel the, [pause] I didn't hear anything, you know. And I got the lift off, I brought it down, and I heard the judge. You could see the picture out there she's yelling, "Rack!" because you have to hold it on your chest for like a minute, not a minute, a second but it's the longest second in the world. But I didn't care and I locked it up and it was just, it was unbelievable. The place went shithouse. And ah, I threw my belt in the crowd and I just knew like it's gonna open up so much, you know? So… SY: And you also knew you'd done something no human…. TA: Oh yeah, "Strongest Guy on the Planet," you know, "Strongest Guy on the Planet." SY: What does it feel like to be the "Strongest Guy?" You know literally every single person you walk past, you know, "Oh I'm stronger than him, I'm stronger than him." TA: Oh yeah, well you're flying to Hawaii and you're looking at the world. You know I mean just puts it in perspective but it was just like, because it's so hard to get there you know. And it was great. It was like ah it just changed it everything overnight, you know? Then I got the calls from the wrestling, more endorsements and stuff and then the vitamin company grew like a bastard. But I wanted to focus on wrestling because I wanted to get into the wrestling. And yeah they sent me to camp. They all knew about the record. It was everywhere. And even some of the wrestlers they knew I was coming in with the World: "Well we can do seven too!" but it's just a joke you know? But I did it and they were lifters too and they respected that. I would talk to them and stuff. It was, it was great, yeah. I went to wrestling camp after that, I, my brother helped me with the company, vitamin company in that basement there and then I had somebody else, we moved it up to Concord, New Hampshire. One of the kids, one of the lifting friends, had a place up there and we did it out of at his house for a while. Then I just moved into like an industrial park because it was just getting bigger. Then I moved here, fast forwarding, in '88. SY: Oh you've been here since '88? TA: I've been here since '88 yeah but that was phenomenal. SY: And so that was the beginning. TA: That was the beginning, yeah. SY: And then um… TA: I can still picture it. SY: Yeah? TA: Yeah it's like - SY: What's the image? 14 TA: It's dark on the side and ah, it went up easy, it went up unbelievable. It was unbelievable. It went up so, I think I could have done two reps with it, I swear to God, or at least one and a half which is absurd, you know? SY: That's amazing. TA: Oh yeah the crowd helped. I mean how can you not? You see why like in football and stuff they go crazy, they're running that extra yard. You got the crowd too. I mean it's insane, you're like a gladiator, you know. But it was just that record it was all due to the training I did by myself you know? Didn't have a coach. And I had the right formula just watching my ass, you know, don't over train and eat well, and sleep well. Sounds simple but you gotta have good workouts too. You gotta really work out hard when you're doing your work outs. You gotta really try to work your triceps and your shoulder presses and your bench presses, but that can only be done if you have the other two. So if you screw up there's always one of those triads that you mess up. Yeah. SY: And so you didn't get hurt before then you haven't gotten hurt since? TA: Never, never. Ah just from training yeah just from training. I, I think I should have just--I came back and I did the record again in '91 and that's when they had those bench shirts, those real heavy bench shirts and they were so easy I trained for six months and I got 725. But I was getting problems with my elbows. I couldn't lock them out. So they disqualified that. But you know I should have gotten out at least by 1990 because for some reason I was just building up a lot of bone calcification in my shoulders and in my elbows to the point that you couldn't extend and I'm thinking, you know I'm not gonna tell, even though you could tell the judge that's as far as your go, you look like shit because you only go up like halfway or three quarters and people are saying, "lock it out," you can't lock it out. SY: And this is a performance, right so you need to give the people what they want? TA: Yeah, yeah but I just knew my time, you know, I just I just concentrated on the vita--I still do exhibitions and stuff but I had to get my elbows operated on. And they did a great job, they took all the calcification out so I can unlock my elbows and I had to wear a brace. I still wear a brace to this day on both arms just to keep it stretched so it doesn't get that way because I lift light but that's what I should have done more was stretching I think, then I wouldn't have that problem. I didn't stretch enough and that's what builds up like barnacles because your body has so much pressure and its bones on a joint, on the bone matter, that it reacts by building more bone even if it's like like bone spurs and things like that. It will find a way. SY: Was it hard to let go of competing? I'm just thinking…. TA: Not really because you know I started getting sore. When your work outs get hard and your wrists hurt because of the elbows, and then you have all this other index pain it hurts. It's time to get out. And I'm glad I did. I think I did my last heavy workouts I did a rep record for reps in '96, this is after the surgery. And I did ten clean reps with 500, which was easy. I did it for an exhibition in Boston but I knew that was it, you know move onto other things so yeah. SY: And that was okay? TA: That was good. I did the biggest lift, it's still the biggest lift ever, pounds over body weight. SY: It's still the biggest lift ever?15 TA: For a super heavyweight. They're breaking it now like 727-30 but they're weighing 400 pounds. I weighed 293. SY: What about the pressure? The steroids pressure. How can, how can, because that takes a toll on the body? TA: Ah yeah but you got to be methodical about that too, you know. I went and had a doctor I didn't want to take the shit off the street. I went to a real doctor. I had blood tests. And what was beautiful, the beautiful thing was I was cycling once a year for heavyweight and that was smart. Because I'd be off for a lot of the year and just get on for a few months. SY: Did it affect your personality? TA: No. No not at all, didn't affect my health at all, not at all. It gets a bad rap. It's medicine if you take it the right way. It's, it's fine but if you overdose on that. SY: What about the 'roid rage and all that stuff? TA: Yeah I…maybe those people didn't know how to contain themselves and they didn't cycle. I think it's overdrawn because I still think it's their ego that's hidden and they just get more boastful and arrogant assholes, you know. SY: Sort of like a mean drunk usually is-- TA: Yeah exactly, is usually mean prick anyway, yeah absolutely. SY: You learn a lot from people. TA: Oh yeah and you see that in gyms and stuff. But I did get some knowledge from bodybuilders, the ones that were really really good like Olympias. They would only do one show a year, Olympia. And they took a lot of stuff, I mean they took diuretics and everything else but they wouldn't put their body through that three or four times a year. You'd die. Do it once a year. That was the greatest thing just doing one meet a year that last two years. SY: Interesting. TA: Yeah. SY: Yeah. TA: Peaking is everything, everything peaking. SY: Hm. What do you mean? TA: Your body peaking. If you do two or three, four meets, your body doesn't have enough sufficient rest, it gets stale. If you focus on one meet and you train naturally for like three quarters of that year, nothing, you're building up your tendons and then you're building up into a heavier weight. So it's still fresh and your body reacts and it welcomes that. It's not getting beaten toward uh catabolism and anabolism. Catabolically is when you're breaking down and anabolically is when you're building up. So you want to make sure that the circumstances and your surroundings are favorable for that type of genesis, you know. And it is, it was and its it's pretty simple. Luckily as I said I had this science background. I mean when I went out I was dumbfounded. I mean there were some other competitors, there was some strong kids out there, strong guys, one from Alabama - what's he eating the night before? McDonalds. He, he died. I mean he didn't die, he couldn't even get his opening attempt. You don't eat 16 McDonalds food. So they didn't have the knowledge, they didn't have the knowledge, and the knowledge is power. SY: Alright so let's talk about wrestling. So what was it like to be part of as your father called it - TA: The circus. SY: That crazy circus. TA: Yeah, yeah. I ah, I went to wrestling camp in July and I was on TV in December. Starting with the interviews and stuff like that they're building me up you know I was the "World's Strongest Man," so they gave me all squash matches and stuff like that just to build me up. And that was awesome, it's on national TV. Every morning they showed the world record bencher in Hawaii, so like this guy's legit. So whenever I would go to a match they liked me because I would bring asses into the seats you know? I didn't have the greatest technique in wrestling but I still can throw people around, you know. SY: Which is pretty much what they want in wrestling. TA: Yeah, yeah, and there's theater and I started off as a good guy and all the way to WrestleMania I was a good guy, and then they wanted, I wanted to change, I wanted to go to, I liked the drama of being a bad guy. And they wanted me to be a heel because I had that persona, so I went to a couple different territories to wrestle, just to build that up, to build up your craft you know, to work your system. And I went to Calgary and worked up there after. I did, I was in the WWF for like a year and then I went to Calgary for maybe three months, and then I went, I got recruited down to World Class Wrestling with the Von Erich's and that's where I really became a good heel. And the vitamin company still growing; I got people working in the vitamin company. And I ended up falling in love and just going back to work and I had a kid on the way and I didn't go back to WWF. I went back to here, I went here. It changes you know when you have a kid. And the road is--plus I mean I had a great income on the side. It wasn't on the side, that was even making more than wrestling. At the time I was in GNC's. I'd do the demonstrations too. Immediately they order thousands and thousands of dollars especially if they knew I was gonna come in and do a demonstration and sign autographs which is great. Anytime a fan to this this day from TV or from this how it's tied into together - they want an autograph I give an autograph. They paid me. I can't fathom these people that just won't give them the time of day and stuff. It's very sad. SY: So you came back here and you've been running this company and helping develop this building and then now you're doing acting. So tell me about that. TA: Yeah I um, after I did that rep record in Boston for WHDH sports - it was like a big thing down in Boston, promote something. It was on TV and stuff. It was good. I wanted to do something, I always wanted to get into acting. Some of my fellow wrestlers would be in acting and they were doing thug stuff and I'd like to try that you know? And I'm glad I did it the right way. I went to acting school in Boston for a couple of years and I started doing a lot of student films. Those are the best because these are kids as you know Emerson College, BU, this is a mecca here. And all these student films, graduate films, they can use as much tape and free cameras. I mean it's in their tuition. And all I wanted to get was my best scenes where I can a reel together to send to New York. Because I knew I, you know I ended up scoring some decent commercials that made national, made area commercials. You know CVS was one of my first ones. Nevada Bob's - remember them? Nevada Bob's, that was a sporting goods store. Um… SY: Was this as Ted Aricidi or as? 17 TA: As Ted Aricidi, yeah. And I would go in and they knew I lifted but they, it didn't make that crossov-- and I didn't want it to. I wanted to make as an actor you know, just the bones, the chops. But I did a ton of student films and one of the student films went to Sundance which is cool SY: What film? TA: Bobby Loves Mangos. SY: Gotta write it down I haven't seen it. And what do you like about acting? TA: I love getting int different personas. I'm a character actor. I love it and now I'm getting. Yeah it's just, you start out with a character and you bring what you can bring to the table. They want to see you, they don't want to see you act like somebody else. And I get that for auditions and stuff. SY: Do you think that your time, because your body was, you know your body was a tool when you were a weightlifter, right? And when you're an actor your body is an instrument that's the word I'm looking for. Do you think there's a parallel? TA: I think there is. I think I got my work ethic still. I mean I still go to New York a lot and I'll take classes with other actors, other working actors. Because you always want to hone your craft you know like workshops and stuff with casting directors. I do that all the time, even when I'm busy. It just keeps you sharp, it just keeps you on your thing and they'll throw you a scene and sometimes it's cold read and stuff. I love it. It's very instinctive, very instinctive. SY: Do you feel like you get typecast or you? TA: Ah not anymore. I lost a lot of weight you know I can wear a long shirt. I can be a detective, I could be a blue collar guy. Last one I did I owned a bowling alley, Donald Cried,that should be coming out probably in another year I would think. We just finished that. I had some really good scenes in that. And then I was with Rosanna Arquette in a movie too, Born Guilty. That was just filmed a couple months ago. And I played a deli owner, like her friend. She shoots the shit with me. [Laughs] that was cool. So yeah I like all the different ones and I'm glad I did lose though a lot of weight because I don't want to be typecast as just a thug. I could do that, you know I'll do if I have to, you know. But like in the movie the Family I did that as a bodyguard, no as a hit man trying to kill Deniro and his family. Me and six other hit men from New York. And ah, but they gave me a subst--a decent role in that too so it wasn't just a guy with a gun and just say a couple of words. I had, I had some decent stuff. SY: You got to be more nuanced. TA: Yeah, yeah and they throw stuff at you, and then like there's the fighter too. How could I forget that! I played an ESPN fight promoter, a matchmaker, you know? And they hide me for who I was. They, he didn't know and I never tell you know? Let them find out later, you know. So yeah character acting is great. I love it. It's just such a, it's a different, it's different than lifting. But it's something that I know I'm good at and, and I love doing it. I'll do it until the day I die. I'm very lucky to be able to jump into a, into another field like this. SY: And the vitamin business makes that possible? TA: Yeah well the vitamin business is no longer because when I got out of the competitive thing I figured I had a good trailing, I had a good following but it's almost like hmmm mid-nineties, that was about it, you know. 18 SY: Bit this sports equipment business-- TA: Yeah that's doing well, that's doing very well downstairs. And we sell new fitness equipment - the stations, multi gyms, the single stations, weights, and everything. And then what's really big though is the cardio business: treadmills, ellipticals, bikes, steppers. But I get them from Precorp, I get them used and I have a tech care, and we refurbish them and we end up having a good niche on the market. I mean, these things go for - the kind you see in the gyms, the real good ones like, like Life Fitness, Precorp's a big name - they'll go for six/seven thousand dollars. I'll get them through this distributor who distributes for Precorp in all the schools, colleges. And I get 'em from them and I have a good tech and we basically refurbish them back to like new standards. And we, and they and they we sell them at half the price. There's only two of us in New England - me and this other guy in Rhode Island. And that's doing great, yeah. SY: So. TA: And then I got the building too. SY: The building to. So I'm just thinking, you know when I - wresting and weightlifting were not on my radar as a kid growing up, definitely it just wasn't. But when I mentioned to my husband who I was gonna interview, and he grew up in the '80s, and he was like, "Ted Arcidi! Holy shit, da da da da, right?" TA: Lot of people know, yeah. SY: And he, this is not like, he doesn't follow wrestling, he doesn't follow. But you, when he was a kid you were a big deal, right? So what do you think represent to people? What do you think you represented to like you know eight-year-olds when you were um…? TA: Oh I was like a super hero to them, absolutely, especially when wrestling was getting catapulted like that. Wrestling peaks and valleys, crests, and troughs, and I hit it at a, I hit it at a crest. And oh yeah especially when you're in the WWF and that's when there wasn't a lot of cable. People watched WWF religiously. Hulk Hogan - I mean I trained with him. We're in matches together. I mean it was phenomenal. That's why I think it was easier to transcend into acting because I was with these guys. It's not like, "Okay I'm working with Mark Wahlberg -whoo!" You know who gives a shit? He's an actor, he's a good actor, I'm gonna work with him. I could hold up my own against him and they come up to you after and they and they talk to you and stuff and shoot the shit because they get it from all angles, at that level it's insane. SY: And did--I bet Mark Wahlberg grew up with you? TA: He probably saw me. Yeah, I didn't pick his brain. He wanted to go golfing. If I'd golfed that day, we were gonna go golfing I didn't golf. I go, "My father golfed, so" [laughs]. SY: I'm just wondering if I have any concluding thoughts. So do you, yeah let's go back to Norwich because this is about Norwich. So do you think about your time at Norwich? Do you feel like you? TA: That was instrumental. I don't think I would have been in the right environment to be as diligent and committed and ambitious in my weight training in my weight lifting to be the best in the world if I was somewhere else. Because there would be too many distractions. I mean I was a big fly fisherman, trout fisherman, so all's I did was eat, lift, do my studies, plenty of time to do the studies, and I would go fishing. I'd be fishing every weekend. SY: So it provided you with the environment where you could? 19 TA: Conducive to do that. And you're with other guys that look up to you too. Every workout was like a show there. And they were just pushing me. I'm representing the school so that was really good after that by junior year yeah it was like, I don't want say the big man on campus but they knew what was going on. They read articles and stuff and it's great for Norwich I mean the president, "hey I gave him extra food" [laughs]. But they see an article in the Globe and they see Norwich, that's great for the school and I think they started a weight lifting club with me there. SY: Did you contemplate going into the military at some point or did you know? TA: No. I just wanted to do my two years mandatory up there, yeah. SY: And then you knew you were done? TA: Yeah. But you have to do the two, you know, because you are technically I mean it says they could call you in those two years. That's when we had that static with the Iran hostages and all that. I could have got called in because I was still commissioned for two years at, in ROTC, you know. But there's a thing there, they could still call you in. SY: Were you worried about it at the time? TA: Nah, no because I didn't think we were gonna get called in. They had Marines ready to go in there you know SY:Yeah. What are they gonna call you in for. I don't know if I have any other questions. TA: Well if you have any more call me. Scott Norton! write it down! SY: Scott Norton! TA: Scott Norton! SY: We got it on tape. TA: Okay great. SY: You remembered it! TA: Yeah, yeah. He was instrumental big time, Scotty. SY: Yeah, how? TA: Just helped me when I was benching over 550 he was giving me lift offs. That's insane. That's when I bent two bars, two of Mynter's bars [laughs]. Oh I should tell you about this though. No one really knows about this but before when I was training for Hawaii, the big lift 1985, I had a bad lift off in the gym in Waltham, Mass. The kid gave me the lift off and this is when I was doing 635, 630. This is like, no this is in '84. It was like 630 for two I was at time then. This is in 1984 this is…April-May? I got the lift off, this is 630. He gives me the lift off but when he rolls it off he twists his hand like that and it made the weight go down like that and it just went, free falled on my chest up and down, 630 pounds. People thought I was dead. I'm in shock and they had me there. They were gonna call the ambulance. I could kill 20 somebody. It bounced up and down. I must have tensed up. And he felt like shit. I felt so sorry I said, "Listen it could happen to anybody, you know?" But they had me sit down, rest, because I could have internal bleeding, I could be dying there. It's like when people have a stroke or an aneurysm, they're talking to you and then all of a sudden they're out you know? That could have been it down there. I could have blown a valve or something. And I felt like a pain, a twinge, but it wasn't that bad. If it was you know it wasn't swelling up or nothing. And I finished my fucking workout. I went back there and I did 630 for three. I had a seminar in Iowa that weekend to do behind the neck presses, and I couldn't even bring my hands back. I couldn't sneeze. It was bruised, a bruised sternum. I had an X-ray done that night. Not broken, nothing. I mean that's just testimony to like how strong and how well developed with tendons and muscles just doing an instinctive freeze that it just literarily bounced up and down. That would kill somebody. That would kill them. SY: I think it would kill, it would've killed any other human. Alright so let's have a big reflective question. TA: Yeah. SY: What lesson have you learned or can you impart from having been the strongest man in the world? What does that teach you? TA: Never give up. If you know you, I mean people have to have a perception of what they're capable of. I still think that a lot of people are over stroked today, "you can do anything." No you can't do everything but there's something you can do good. And if you think you can do good, and if you think you can do better than others, that's the whole idea behind competition, and I knew that the way I was making the gains I'm gonna stick this thing out and be smart about it, you know? SY: So everybody should just find their thing. TA: Find their thing, yeah. I think everyone could do something and if they work out hard enough -whether that's acting or you know pushing a broom or running a company, there's something there's some trait everyone has and just follow that and don't get dismayed. I had a lot, you get backstabbers everybody gets backstabber you know, jealously. The guy's record I broke, Bill Kazmaier. Oh God he was sending people to buy supplements from me saying they got sick. He called the FDA on me he was trying to say the lift wasn't legal. I said, "Hey, get over it man. I broke your fucking record. I broke it by forty-six pounds you know?" SY: Deal with it. TA: Yeah. yeah, so yeah. You get the, they call deterrers, yeah you get them. You know [laughs] it's jealousy. It's jealousy. It's basically a reflection on them, you know, what they're inadequate of doing something. SY: So did your dad ever forgive you for not being a dentist? TA: Oh yeah. Yeah, yeah, he saw I was doing well. But even when I--I bring him here and he realized that I could probably do this for the rest of my life if I stuck with it, with the vitamins but I got into the equipment and then I started a women's gym here, women's only fitness. And he was such a great guy he, like I say he's still around, this building was a distressed building, we bought it from the FDIC together 21 and I developed it. This whole mill building it's like a huge horseshoe. We got this this wing and the half of the wing on the riverfront. Then there's a middle section guy who owns it and then you have another people, another owner on the other side. But he was really proud what I did because I never had to take a loan. I made it with my money, you know, with my businesses and that was phenomenal. SY: You were, it's really interesting you were very smart in terms of you were like, "I have this skill, I have the science background, I'm developing my body, and then I'm turning myself into a brand…" TA: I could make products, vitamin products but with more potency for weightlifters you know with my name on it because I'm proven. There's a poster out there - "owner tested, owner approved." I mean that sticks in people's heads. Not that your gonna bench 700 but this guy knows what he's talking about. And I would do seminars and talk about science and muscle recuperation and stuff and you know people. I'm not trying to impress people I'm just telling like it was. But that's because of that great education at Norwich you know? Um hmm…what else? SY: I don't know that's a lot. We've talked a lot. TA: Yeah it goes by quick huh? SY: This was great. TA: Thank you for coming up.
Open Peer Review reports Background Perinatal mental health problems affect up to one in five women worldwide [1, 2]. Stress, anxiety and depression in pregnancy affect not only the mother but can also have long-term adverse effects on her child via biological mechanisms in utero [3]. Along with the impact on the mother and her developing infant, antenatal depression and anxiety are the most common predictors of postnatal depression [4, 5]. Postnatal depression can reduce her ability to provide sensitive and responsive caregiving that can potentially impair child development [6]. Mental health problems in the perinatal period are a particular challenge in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) where they can be at least twice as frequent as in higher-income countries [1]. Our geographical context for this work will be The Gambia, in West Africa, where mental health services are minimal, services for perinatal mental health are non-existent and high levels of stigma associated with mental health issues, as well as specific local attitudes and beliefs, impede recognition and prevent help-seeking behaviour. It is thus of high priority to develop new low-cost, low-resource, non-stigmatising and culturally appropriate approaches to reduce symptoms of anxiety and depression perinatally, for the benefit of both the mother and child. The current project will test the hypothesis that the creative arts—in particular group-singing—will show special promise in alleviating perinatal mental distress in The Gambia. In high-income countries, such as the UK and the USA, singing in groups has been shown to be a powerful modulator of mood and emotion, evoking positive effects on mental health, well-being and social affiliation [7] via mechanisms involving synchrony and entrainment [8], the saliency of relational communicative features in musical interaction [9] and significant effects on the endocrine system [10]. In addition, the mother's voice is a key channel through which meaningful, sensitive and contingent interactions between the caregiver and infant can take place [11]. Recent studies have found that music and its use specifically during the perinatal period can reduce women's stress levels and depressive symptoms and increase women's attachment to their infant [12,13,14,15]. Music-centred approaches may be particularly fruitful in The Gambia as there are already a range of musical practices that specifically engage pregnant women and new mothers [16]. For instance, infant naming ceremonies occur 7 days after birth and are musical celebrations to recognise the new mother and her family [16]. Performances by Kanyeleng groups are closely associated with pregnancy and motherhood and are important in health communication [17]. These pre-existing cultural and creative practices provide an excellent context from which to explore, co-design and ultimately evaluate culturally situated, music-centred interventions that aim to reduce symptoms of anxiety and depression perinatally and facilitate mother-infant caregiving. Study aims This is a feasibility study which aims to inform the design of a larger trial to investigate a Community Health Intervention through Musical Engagement (CHIME) to help reduce symptoms of anxiety and depression in pregnant women compared to standard care. This article describes the trial protocol (version 1.0, 11/11/18). The protocol was prepared in accordance with the Standard Protocol Items: Recommendations for Interventional Trials (SPIRIT) guidance. The trial SPIRIT checklist can be viewed in Additional file 1. Objectives Our primary objective is to test (a) the feasibility of delivering a group-singing intervention to a sample of pregnant women in The Gambia using a stepped wedge design and (b) the feasibility of using standardised tools to measure the impact of this intervention on anxiety and depression symptoms, before and after the intervention. This objective can be broken down into five specific feasibility objectives: 1) To obtain demographic information on the eligible population 2) To determine if our measurement tools, the Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale (EPDS) and the Self-Reporting Questionnaire (SRQ-20), are useable 3) To determine if the intervention is deliverable 4) To determine if the stepped wedge trial design is deliverable and obtain information that will inform the definitive study. Specifically to: a. Assess recruitment and acceptability of randomising clinics b. Assess the recruitment rate of women to control and intervention groups c. Assess participants' adherence to the intervention group and follow-up in both arms d. Test the feasibility of data collection 5) To determine if this type of intervention is culturally appropriate and well received by the community and health workers. Methods/design We will be testing the feasibility of a stepped wedge cluster design, which differs from a parallel arm cluster design in that all clinics involved in the study receive the intervention [18]. Advantages over a parallel arm cluster trial include the requirement of a smaller sample size due to the availability of a within group comparison and prevention of potential disappointment for health clinics who are not randomised into the intervention. Study setting This multi-site study will recruit from four antenatal clinics in western Gambia. Study population All participants will be Mandinka or Wolof Gambian women who are pregnant. Inclusion criteria Pregnant (14–24 weeks gestation) Speak Wolof or Mandinka fluently Exclusion criteria At least one previous late term miscarriage Current psychosis or history of psychosis Withdrawal criteria If the participant develops any serious medical condition or the participant's mental health significantly declines (as assessed by the care team), and the care team deem it necessary, then she may be withdrawn from the study. Intervention The intervention will be delivered on the community level, meaning that it will include women with a range of anxiety and depression symptoms. Our primary aim is to reduce symptoms in those experiencing them (whether these are at a high level or a medium or low level). We anticipate this may also help to reduce their symptoms into the postnatal period. By including those with low and high levels of symptoms, rather than screening and including only those with high levels of symptoms, we will aim to avoid stigma and increase acceptability. The intervention has been developed following focus groups with various stakeholders including health professionals (midwives and community birth companions), pregnant women and musicians (griots and Kanyeleng groups). Four groups of 20 women between 14 and 24 weeks gestation will attend six 60-min group-singing sessions at their local antenatal clinic. This will take place in the morning as this is the time deemed to best suit the majority of women and clinics. Local Kanyeleng groups who specialise in musical practices to support women's health will lead the sessions. The content of the six sessions will be co-designed with the Kanyeleng groups via two extended workshops with the research team. All sessions will begin with a welcome song and end with a closing song. Some of the songs used during the main body of the session will cover topics including the (a) importance of the singing group in supporting each other, (b) importance of other positive relationships in their lives, (c) resilience to challenges and empowerment and (d) importance of being open, removing stigma to discuss challenges. One lullaby will be introduced at each session. Kanyeleng leaders will also be encouraged to ensure that all the women feel comfortable and are participating when they can. The nature of the intervention will necessarily vary somewhat across the four settings, especially as Wolof speaking groups and Mandinka groups have different and distinct cultural beliefs, practices and language. By using the Kanyeleng groups local to each of the four clinics involved, the sessions will be contextually appropriate, while the workshop with all four Kanyeleng groups before the intervention begins will ensure that the overarching goals, content and approach to session delivery are broadly standardised. Over the course of the 6-week intervention period, a research assistant will observe and video and audio record two singing sessions (the first and the fourth sessions) from each of the four clinics to ascertain, using a checklist, the extent to which the sessions conform to our articulated goals. A community health nurse at each clinic will be engaged to take attendance data and report any issues of concern to the research team. The control group will consist of four groups of 20 women between 14 and 24 weeks gestation from the same four clinics. These women will receive only standard care without any additional intervention. Randomisation and blinding As we will be testing the feasibility of delivering a stepped wedge cluster design, the four different antenatal clinics will be randomised with two sites starting first (creating the first sequence) and two starting 6 weeks later (the second sequence). Randomisation will be performed by the study statistician who will generate a randomisation list using software and apply it to the pre-concealed list of clinics. The researchers and participants will not be blinded to whether they are in the intervention or the control cohort. Outcome measurements Two local research assistants (RAs) will collect all measures orally as there is a high rate of illiteracy among the target population. All scales have been translated into Mandinka and Wolof. The translation method used was based on suggestions by the World Health Organisation, Hanlon et al. [19] and Cox, Holden and Henshaw [20]. First, the scales were translated into Mandinka and Wolof. An expert panel discussion then refined the translation before back translating it into English. The expert panel came together once more to resolve any remaining issues before finalising the translation. Two questionnaires will measure antenatal anxiety and depression symptoms. The Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale (EPDS) [21] is a ten-item scale that was developed to screen for postnatal depression. It has subsequently been validated to be used during pregnancy [22]. This measurement tool has been used and validated in other African contexts; however, there is no avaliable validated version of the EPDS in Mandinka or Wolof even though it has been used in The Gambia before [23]. The Self-report Questionnaire (SRQ-20) [24] is a 20-item scale developed by the World Health Organization to measure anxiety and depression symptoms in a variety of cultural contexts. It has been used in many different African contexts such as Ethiopia [19], South Africa [25] and Rwanda [26] and as a way to measure perinatal mental health [23]. However, the SRQ-20 has never been used in the Gambian context nor has it been translated into Wolof or Mandinka. Demographic outcomes We will collect demographic information about all participants. The data we will collect is as follows: date of birth, gestational age, time taken to get to the health centre, parity, gravida, place of birth, current place of residence, ethnic group, history of serious illness, occupation, husband's occupation, marital status, educational background and amount of regular musical engagement. Feasibility outcomes The feasibility outcomes are as follows: Recruitment rate Retention and attrition rates of participants Clinics' adherence to stepped wedge schedule Completeness of data by site and over time Video and audio recording of sessions to determine fidelity of the intervention at each site, i.e. whether key content emphasised in training workshops was being delivered at each site. Qualitative interviews with participants after the intervention to capture enjoyment and perceived benefit. Recruitment Four antenatal clinics will be chosen to take part in the study based on three criteria: (1) availability of a local Kanyeleng group to deliver the intervention, (2) the language group predominantly spoken in the area (with at least one clinic being in a predominantly Wolof speaking area) and (3) the type of community the clinic serves (with at least one within an urban area). The health professionals working at the health centre will first approach participants for the study. If they meet the criteria, they will be given information about the study and asked if they would like to be referred to the RAs. They will then be put in contact with one of the RAs who will meet them privately face to face. The information sheet will be read out in their native language verbatim to ensure participants' ability to give informed consent. Consent will be taken orally by the RAs and recorded by signature or thumbprint. If participants do not choose to take part we will record their reason, if it is given, to help understand why women might not want or be able to participate. Incentive and participant retention Participants in both groups will be offered a total of 600 Dalasi (about 12 USD) for their time, 200 Dalasi for each of the three data collection time points (baseline, post, follow-up). All participants will be reminded of the data collection and the group-singing sessions by phone call. Calls will be made by the RAs 3 days and 1 day before as well as on the day of these appointments. Where possible, a record will be kept of the reasons women give for failing to join the intervention or data collection session. Sample size As this is a feasibility study, it is not designed to assess the efficacy of the intervention, although pilot data on this will be collected. We will evaluate the feasibility of study design, data collection and whether the intervention is deliverable and acceptable to the participants. In the study, we will gather information to be used in the design of the future definitive study including an estimate of the standard deviation of potential primary outcomes to inform the sample size. We aim to collect data from a total of 120 pregnant women, 60 in the control condition and 60 in the intervention condition [27]. This number will be sufficient to provide estimates of binary feasibility outcomes with precision of at least ± 9 percentage points for the 95% confidence interval. Trial schedule This trial design involves a sequential crossover of clusters whereby each cluster (antenatal clinic) receives the control condition followed by the intervention condition. The four chosen clinics will be randomised to two sequences of a 12-week phase. A separate cohort of participants will be recruited to the control group and the intervention (singing) group. Each cohort will be recruited around 4–6 months into their pregnancy. The 12-week phase for both the control and intervention cohort will include data collection at week 1 ("baseline") and week 7 ("post") after either group-singing (intervention) or standard care (control) as well as at week 11 ("follow-up"), 4 weeks after the intervention finished. Contamination will be avoided by having data for the control group collected before the intervention groups start at each clinic. See Fig. 1 for a schematic for the study. Fig. 1 figure1 Schematic of the study Full size image Assessment and management of risk There are no high risks within our study compared to standard care. We have identified three areas of ethical concern and have outlined how each of these issues will be managed. 1. Mothers may experience an adverse effect such as a miscarriage, difficult birth, still birth, a sudden drastic change in physical or mental health, infant health problems or even a serious adverse effect such as death during the intervention. It is possible that a participant experiencing such an adverse event may attribute a causal link between the adverse event and their involvement in the study. We will mitigate this association being made, firstly, by clearly explaining the nature of the intervention and any possible risks to the women when they are recruited into the study. If, despite this, an association of this nature was still made, we would enlist the help of the Ministry of Health & Social Welfare (our partner on the project) to disseminate information to the women and the community concerning the incidence of such events occurring in the general population in an attempt to reassure those concerned that such adverse events should not be attributed to involvement in the study. 2. It is possible that some of the themes involved in questionnaires could lead to the women revealing episodes of self-harm. If this is the case, the woman will receive in the moment front-line counselling to talk through these issues with the RAs who are trained psychiatric nurses. Then, if needed, she will be referred on to the community mental health team (CMHT) for further management. If the CMHT deems it appropriate, they may then refer her on to the psychiatric team. 3. It is possible that some of the themes involved in questionnaires may also lead the women to reveal domestic abuse. If this is the case, the woman will receive in the moment front-line counselling to talk through these issues with the RAs. For emergencies and cases that require immediate intervention, the RAs will connect with the Gender-Based Violence focal person. For other cases, the RAs will refer the woman to the One Stop Center at Serekunda General Hospital or Edward Francis Small Teaching Hospital. 4. Women throughout the study will be monitored by the RAs, both trained psychiatric nurses. If the RAs feel that at any point a woman's score indicates a high level of symptoms and/or the women reveal that they are particularly struggling, the RAs will refer the woman on to the Community Mental Health Team (CMHT) for further management. If the CMHT deems it appropriate, they may then refer her on to the psychiatric team. Data management All consent forms will be stored in a master file, which will be kept in a locked drawer where only members of the research team have access. All case report forms will not be linked to names, just a participant number, and kept in a separate locked cabinet where only the research team has access. All data, including video and audio recordings, will be held on an encrypted hard drive only members of the research team can access. Data will be stored for 5 years after the study and will then be deleted or destroyed. Analysis All data will be entered into a database by an RA and verified by the second RA using double data entry to ensure data quality. As this is a feasibility study, we will examine missing data as an outcome. Descriptive statistics will be summarised to understand the demographic variables relating to the recruited population. Descriptive statistics and plots will be used to assess the distribution of the measurement tools, repeated at baseline and follow-up and by each arm. We will also examine the distributions of scores in the different language groups to see to what extent item scores and overall distributions differ or are similar. Correlations between our two measurement tools will be calculated. To determine if the intervention is deliverable, we will record the number of sessions that the Kanyeleng groups delivered, aiming to deliver two thirds of the sessions, and the duration of each session, aiming to last between 45 and 75 min. We will also perform a qualitative evaluation, using the video and audio recordings, to determine intervention fidelity at the four sites. Both RAs will watch the video and audio recordings of the first and fourth group-singing sessions at each clinic and complete a checklist to determine if all the necessary elements—as outlined in the training workshops—were included in the intervention. Reliability of the fidelity measure will be ascertained by measuring inter-rater consistency. We will also calculate the proportion of clinics approached that consented, aiming to reach over 50% recruitment rate, and record any scheduling problems in keeping with the stepped wedge timeline. Recruitment, adherence and completeness of data will be calculated for both groups. We aim to achieve a 60% recruitment rate and no more than 30% attrition in both arms. To determine if the intervention was culturally appropriate and well received by the community and health workers, we will collect qualitative data from post-intervention interviews and perform a thematic analysis. Discussion The absence of mental health services in The Gambia, coupled with the stigma associated with mental illness in general, results in high levels of unmet need for pregnant women dealing with mental distress in The Gambia. The development of a low-cost, low-resource intervention, which is rooted in local health and cultural practices, is of high priority, and the feasibility study we intend to carry out will inform a full-scale trial to investigate efficacy of such an approach. By employing local research assistants and creating a partnership with governmental agencies, such as The Ministry of Health & Social Welfare and The National Centre for Arts and Culture, this study brings the understanding of existing health services and access to a network of primary healthcare workers throughout the country as well as the diversity of local musical practices and the meanings attached to them. This valuable knowledge will help us cope with the practical and operational issues that may arise. We hope to disseminate our findings within various scientific publications, during field days in various areas in The Gambia, and during a meeting in London which will bring together the researchers as well community members, academic colleagues and health professionals interested in hearing about this work. Trial status This article describes the protocol for a Community Health Intervention through Musical Engagement (CHIME) for perinatal mental health in The Gambia (version 1.0, 11/11/18). The sponsor for this trial is Goldsmiths, University of London. The project is funded by the MRC and the AHRC. Ethical approval was obtained from the Goldsmiths University Ethics Committee, the Research and Publication Committee (RePubliC) from the University of The Gambia and the Australian National University ethics committee. 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Funding The funders (MRC and AHRC) and sponsor (Goldsmiths) have no roles or responsibilities in the design, conduct, data analysis and interpretation, manuscript writing and dissemination of results. Author information Author notes Katie Rose M. Sanfilippo and Bonnie McConnell are joint first authors. Affiliations Goldsmiths, University of London, London, UK Katie Rose M. Sanfilippo & Lauren Stewart The Australian National University, Canberra, Australia Bonnie McConnell Imperial College London, London, UK Victoria Cornelius & Vivette Glover The Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, Banjul, The Gambia Buba Darboe, Hajara B. Huma & Malick Gaye The National Centre for Arts and Culture, Banjul, The Gambia Hajara B. Huma, Malick Gaye & Hassoum Ceesay University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK Paul Ramchandani & Ian Cross Contributions LS is the principal investigator and obtained grant funding and conceived of the study. KRMS wrote the first draft of this publication manuscript, helped with the ethics and grant application, the intervention design, and the data monitoring and data collection plan. BM helped with the ethics and grant applications, translations of questionnaires, administration of focus groups and design of the intervention. VC obtained study funding, designed the study and statistical analysis plan, contributed to writing the manuscript. BD helped with the grant and ethics application, translations of questionnaires, administration of focus groups and design of the intervention. HBH and MG helped with the translation of the questionnaires, administration of the focus groups and design of the intervention. HC helped with planning the logistics for running the study as well as with the translation of the questionnaires. IC, VG and PR all helped with the grant application and advised on research and intervention design. All authors reviewed and had input into the final submission. All authors read and approved the final manuscript. Corresponding author Correspondence to Katie Rose M. Sanfilippo. Ethics declarations Ethics approval and consent to participate Ethical approval was obtained from the Goldsmiths University Ethics Committee, the Research and Publication Committee (RePubliC) from the University of The Gambia and the Australian National University ethics committee. Members of the research team will carry out the consenting and conduct of this study orally. It will be emphasised that any participant is able to withdraw from the study at any point without any consequences. Consent for publication Not applicable. Competing interests The authors declare that they have no competing interests. Additional information Publisher's Note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Supplementary information Additional file 1. SPIRIT Checklist. Rights and permissions Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made. The Creative Commons Public Domain Dedication waiver (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/) applies to the data made available in this article, unless otherwise stated. Reprints and Permissions About this article Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark Cite this article Sanfilippo, K.R.M., McConnell, B., Cornelius, V. et al. A study protocol for testing the feasibility of a randomised stepped wedge cluster design to investigate a Community Health Intervention through Musical Engagement (CHIME) for perinatal mental health in The Gambia. Pilot Feasibility Stud 5, 124 (2019) doi:10.1186/s40814-019-0515-5 Download citation Received 22 February 2019 Accepted 15 October 2019 Published 07 November 2019 DOI https://doi.org/10.1186/s40814-019-0515-5 Share this article Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content: Get shareable link Keywords Perinatal mental health Feasibility trial The Gambia Music Singing group Kanyeleng Comments By submitting a comment you agree to abide by our Terms and Community Guidelines. If you find something abusive or that does not comply with our terms or guidelines please flag it as inappropriate. Please note that comments may be removed without notice if they are flagged by another user or do not comply with our community guidelines.