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"Ouvrage récompensé par l'Académie des Sciences morales et politiques (Concours Crouzet, 1923)" ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This paper show the main economic and military cooperation treaties between Colombia and United States governments, during the first years after World War II, when the Cold War began and the United States adopted a policy of economic liberalism. Within this framework a new commerce and friendship agreement took place between them, and the Colombian government opened his doors to foreign capitals. Furthermore, the military treaties between both countries strengthen in those years, due to the United States idea of a hemispheric defense against the international communism, and the Colombian intention to improved their armed forces formation and modernization. ; En este artículo se mostraran los principales acuerdos que en materia económica y de cooperación militar alcanzaron los gobiernos de Colombia y Estados Unidos en la primera etapa de la posguerra, momento en que se dio inicio a la guerra fría y el gobierno norteamericano impulsó una política de liberalismo económico. Es en este marco que se negoció un nuevo Tratado de Amistad y Comercio entre los dos países, mientras el gobierno colombiano pudo aumentar sus aranceles y abrió las puertas al capital extranjero. Además, en estos años se estrecharon los acuerdos militares bajo la idea estadounidense de garantizar la defensa hemisférica frente al comunismo internacional, y el interés colombiano por mejorar la formación y modernización de sus fuerzas armadas.

Economic determinants of Soviet and East European arms trade with the Third World; why Eastern Europe's military assistance has shifted from arms transfers to technical assistance; based on conference paper. Partial contents: Economic determinants of Soviet arms exports; Eastern Europe's role in East-South military transfers; Soviet-East European coordination of military production.

Something that has been needed for decades: a leftist foreign policy with a clear moral basis Foreign policy, for leftists, used to be relatively simple. They were for the breakdown of capitalism and its replacement with a centrally planned economy. They were for the workers against the moneyed interests and for colonized peoples against imperial (Western) powers. But these easy substitutes for thought are becoming increasingly difficult. Neo-liberal capitalism is triumphant, and the workers' movement is in radical decline. National liberation movements have produced new oppressions. A reflexive anti-imperialist politics can turn leftists into apologists for morally abhorrent groups. In Michael Walzer's view, the left can no longer (in fact, could never) take automatic positions but must proceed from clearly articulated moral principles. In this book, adapted from essays published in Dissent, Walzer asks how leftists should think about the international scene--about humanitarian intervention and world government, about global inequality and religious extremism--in light of a coherent set of underlying political values.

"Drawn together from four major sources: the original American state papers [documents of the U.S. Congress] published by Gales & Seaton between 1812 and 1861" and from other sources. ; v. 1-3. Policy and strategy of national defense.--v. 4-10. Combat operations.--v. 11-14. Institutional and military society ecology.--v. 15-18. National development and the military.--v. 19. The military during constitutional crisis, the secession winter. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Extant literature on divestment has repeatedly found that firms are likely to divest their poorly performing operations. In this paper, I consider how product market relatedness and geographic market differences in growth, policy stability, and exchange rate volatility can moderate the negative relationship between performance and divestment. Results from a comprehensive panel of U.S. multinational corporations (MNCs) reveal that conventional arguments about poor performance hold for both related and unrelated firm operations in countries characterized by low growth, policy stability, and exchange rate stability. However, the results also show that there are significant differences across the divestment decisions of firms for their related and unrelated foreign operations in countries characterized by high growth, policy instability, and exchange rate volatility. Although poor performance has been called the most significant predictor of divestment, this paper considers how interactions across multilevel factors influence the divestment decisions of firms and reveals how U.S. MNCs respond to both product and geographic market characteristics when making divestment decisions for their foreign operations.

The notion of the past as a foreign country has become a standard trope in contextual approaches to the study of history, emphasizing specificity, particularity and contingency. The logic of these approaches suggests that the future is equally foreign. While not dismissing the idea of context as useful and important in the study of history, politics, anthropology, sociology and most other disciplines in the humanities and social sciences for that matter, this article offers a critique of certain aspects of contextual approaches. More specifically, the discussion demonstrates that contextualist approaches posit an essential incommensurability between past and present, and by implication the future, that has quite profound implications for both normative theory and methodology. By way of illustration, the article considers the matter of responsibility or accountability for the past, present and future in relation to some specific examples. In concluding, it suggests a "project of commensuration" of past, present and future as both methodologically more coherent as well as more tenable in normative terms.

INDIA is six years old. Its reactions to the world are still largely a matter not of deliberate policy, but of a set of sometimes in consistent attitudes toward foreigners, attitudes which are only now, under Prime Minister Nehru's constant prodding, crystallizing into a foreign policy. A policy, whether foreign or domestic, is the pursuit by word and deed of a calculated line of action based on the interest, real or mistaken, of a country, or sometimes of its ruling classes. There is still no such calculation of risks and rewards in India's relations with the world, although a certain continuity of planning and thinking is beginning to emerge. Mr. Nehru's proclaimed "judgment of issues as they arise, on their own merits, with an open and independent approach" is by definition the negation of policy, since it precludes the pursuit of a pattern, or even the calculation of India's interests. To those accustomed to the history-rooted calculations of Europe, such an approach to policy-making seems odd.

"The . lectures were prepared as a part of the activities of the Army Dental School . [and] were delivered before the Study club of the District of Columbia Dental society." ; Mode of access: Internet.

This chapter reviews empirical literature on foreign aid and QoG. The chapter begins with a description of how scholarship on foreign aid and QoG developed in conjunction with prominent debates in the development community. The chapter discusses three major debates: whether or not QoG moderates foreign aid effectiveness, whether or not donors give aid selectively based on QoG, and whether or not foreign aid undermines or can help build QoG. With regard to aid effectiveness, the most recent literature suggests that aid can be effective even under conditions of poor QoG. With regard to selectivity, the existing literature shows an increasing selectivity for overall aid flows since the end of the Cold War and provides evidence of selectivity in terms of type of aid. The evidence that aid undermines QoG is not as strong as has been claimed by some of the initial studies in this literature. The chapter concludes by suggesting ways forward for all three literatures.

"This book studies the careers and political thinking of English martial men, left deeply frustrated as Elizabeth I's quietist foreign policy destroyed the ambitions that the wars of the mid sixteenth century had excited in them. Rory Rapple examines the experiences and attitudes of this generation of officers and points to a previously overlooked literature of complaint that offered a stinging critique of the monarch and the administration of Sir William Cecil. He also argues that the captains' actions in Ireland, their treatment of its inhabitants and their conceptualisation of both relied on assumptions, attitudes and political thinking which resulted more from their frustration with the status quo in England than from any tendency to 'other' the Irish. This book will be required reading for scholars of early modern British and Irish history."--Jacket