Suchergebnisse

Cyprus has been divided for more than four decades by a cease fire line known as "the Green Line". This long-standing partition has made the island infamous for the seemingly unsolvable antagonism between its "Turkish" and "Greek" inhabitants. In this article, we argue that, in order to better understand why this division has remained obstinately meaningful for Cypriots, we need to "delocalise" the Green Line that separates them. We contend that the foundation upon which the conflict between Greek and Turkish Cypriots has been built—and consequently also the location of the Green Line keeping them apart—does not lie in an indigenous hostility between the Greek-speaking and Turkish-speaking communities of Cyprus. Instead, we argue that this is the result of imperial puppeteering: Cyprus' Greco-Turkish enmity is largely based on perceptions of space, heritage and identification that were first introduced during the British colonisation and have been persistently—if not always deliberately—reinforced by chronic external intrusions and counter-productive conflict-resolution initiatives. We claim that a succession of British imperialism, Hellenic irredentism, Turkish nationalism, Cold-War geopolitics, UN conflict resolution and EU expansion have created, inculcated and reinforced cartographically organized perceptions of space, history and culture—a cartopolitics—that have invented the Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots as identitary categories and perpetuated their antagonism. Thus, rather than an essentially local and binary play, the Cypriot conflict should be regarded as a glocal drama in which outside actors have been pulling the strings of the island's politics. The readjustment of the historiographical and geographical limitations to which the Cypriot conflict has been confined so far has decisive implications for the island's reunification: merely to zoom in on the hostile dichotomy at work is insufficient. Rather, to understand the persistence of the Green Line fracturing the island we need to zoom out from Cyprus. ; published version ; peerReviewed

WOS:000464891100006 ; International audience ; The honeycomb worm Sabellaria alveolata is capable of building extensive bioconstructions, including what are currently considered Europe's largest biogenic reefs. The size and volume of these bioconstructions, however, vary greatly, such that not all habitats engineered by S. alveolata may be easily identified as reefs. Given that European environmental legislation protects marine habitats that are classified as "reefs", it is important to identity a clear set of definition criteria. Furthermore, quantifiable and unequivocal criteria are also needed to evaluate the ecological (health) state of these reefs, in order to best monitor and protect them. Here we propose new terminology to describe the physical appearance of these bioconstructions and attempt to link these physical criteria to the physiological state of the tube-building polychaete. We tested whether a bioconstruction displaying outward signs of growth is built by "healthy" worms devoid of physiological stress by analysing three macromolecules (carbohydrates, proteins, lipids), four polar lipid fatty acids, six neutral lipid fatty acid markers and three metabolic enzymes (citrate synthase, catalase and superoxide dismutase). The worms were sampled in bioconstructions of different "Type" (veneer vs. hummock), "Phase" (progradation vs. retrogradation), and "Shore Level" (high shore vs. low shore) at Champeaux in Mont-Saint-Michel Bay, France. Our results show that worms sampled in retrograding reefs (i.e. displaying signs of erosion and colonisation by epibionts such as oysters or mussels), were less physiologically stressed than worms sampled in prograding bioconstructions, possibly due to lower intraspecific competition and hence greater food availability. We therefore suggest management measures should encompass the whole mosaic of biogenic construction Types and Phases. We propose the inclusion of the polar lipid fatty acid arachidonic acid, in combination with the activity of two metabolic enzymes, ...

The aim of the article is the analysis of German policy in Reichsgau Wartheland, an area of western Poland annexed to Germany in the years 1939–1945. In scientific literature German rule in Warthegau with its capital in Poznań is often defined as ,,experimental training area of National Socialism", where the regime could test its genocidal and racial practices, which were an emanation of the German occupation of Poland. The Nazi authorities wanted to accomplish its ideological goals in Wartheland in a variety of cruel ways, including the ethnic cleansing, annihilation of Polish intelligentsia, destruction of cultural institutions, forced resettlement and expulsion, segregation Germans from Poles combined with wide-ranging racial discrimination against the Polish population, mass incarceration in prisons and concentration camps, systematic roundups of prisoners, as well as genocide of Poles and Jews within the scope of radical Germanization policy and Holocaust. The aim of Arthur Greiser, the territorial leader of the Wartheland Gauleiter and at the same time one of the most powerful local Nazi administrators in Hitler's empire, was to change the demographic structure and colonisation of the area by the hundreds of thousands of ethnic Germans Volksdeutschen from the Baltic and other regions in order to make it a ,,blond province" and a racial laboratory for the breeding of the ,,German master race". The largest forced labour program, the first and longest standing ghetto in Łódź, which the Nazis renamed later Litzmannstadt and the first experimental mass gassings of Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe carried out from autumn 1941 in gas vans in Chełmno extermination camp were all initiated in Warthegau, even before the implementation of the Final Solution. Furthermore, some of the first major deportations of the Jewish population took place here. Therefore in the genesis of the of the Nazi extermination policy of European Jewry Wartheland plays a pivotal role, as well as an important part of ruthless German occupation of Polish territories.

Rivers are the object of legislation encouraging their restoration, and dam removal operations represent one of the solution to achieve it in France. Riparian vegetation plays a fundamental role in stabilizing and maintaining fluvial systems, being at the interface between terrestrial and aquatic environments. It is therefore a very important component which has to be evaluated in river restoration operations. One of the consequences of dam removal on riparian vegetation is the colonization of the dewatered sediments in the reservoir. The objective of the thesis are to define short term colonization dynamics of vegetation in context of dam removal (Sélune River, Normandy), and to develop long term indicators for the monitoring of riparian vegetation. First, an analysis of intra and interannual colonization dynamics revealed the potential of using drone images to map riparian vegetation, and fast successional dynamics with high passive restoration and sediment stabilization potential. Secondly, the analysis of 3D point clouds extracted from LiDAR data acquired in winter and summer highlighted the complementarity of the two acquisition dates to map indicators of riparian status at large scale, such as main riparian species, shading or density of herbaceous and shrubby strata. These results make it possible to discuss the methodological and operational dimensions of the use of remote sensing approaches for the monitoring of riparian vegetation ; Les cours d'eau font l'objet de prescriptions législatives encourageant leur restauration, et l'arasement de barrages est une des solutions utilisées actuellement en France pour y parvenir. La végétation riparienne participe à l'intégrité et à la stabilité des systèmes fluviaux, Elle est donc une composante majeure à évaluer dans le cadre des actions de restauration .Les objectifs de la thèse sont d'analyser la dynamique de colonisation des berges exondées à court terme dans le contexte de l'arasement des barrages de la Sélune (Normandie) et de développer des indicateurs de ...

Résumé Après la colonisation, la plupart des leaders africains deviennent des dictateurs, et sont a l'origine des crises économiques, sociales et politiques dans la société africaine. Cette situation a motivé la plupart des jeunes africains de voyager à l'étranger pour survivre. Parmi ce group des jeunes, on a des écrivains qu'on appelle aujourd'hui les « écrivains de la migritude ». Le présent article tente d'étudier des conditions diasporiques des Noirs surtout des Africains en Occident. Pour cette étude, nous avons appliqué la théorie postcoloniale pour voir les mobiles et les conséquences psychologiques de la migritude dans Les paradis terrestres de Femi Ojo-Ade. Nous avons étudié la vie d'un immigrant africain dans un pays fictif de Concorde, suivant ses expériences troublantes et ses efforts pour s'intégrer dans ce pays étranger. Nous avons vu qu'Ojo-Ade expose les conditions de la plupart des immigrants africains qui cherchent à s'assimiler dans les sociétés occidentales construites sur le concept de stéréotype et de l'altérité ainsi que de racisme et des préjugés, ce qui fait que ces immigrants restent toujours des exclus de la société exotique. Abstract After colonization, most African leaders became dictators, creating economic, social and political crises in African societies. This situation motivated most young Africans to travel abroad in order to survive. Among this group of young people, we have writers we call today "writers of migritude". This article attempts to study the diasporic conditions of Blacks, especially Africans, in the West. For this study, we applied the postcolonial theory to see the motives and psychological consequences of migritude in Femi Ojo-Ade's Les Paradis Terrestres. We studied the life of an African immigrant in the fictitious country of Concorde, following his troubling experiences and his efforts to integrate in this foreign country. We were able to see that Ojo-Ade exposes the conditions of most African immigrants seeking to assimilate into Western societies built on ...

Rivers are the object of legislation encouraging their restoration, and dam removal operations represent one of the solution to achieve it in France. Riparian vegetation plays a fundamental role in stabilizing and maintaining fluvial systems, being at the interface between terrestrial and aquatic environments. It is therefore a very important component which has to be evaluated in river restoration operations. One of the consequences of dam removal on riparian vegetation is the colonization of the dewatered sediments in the reservoir. The objective of the thesis are to define short term colonization dynamics of vegetation in context of dam removal (Sélune River, Normandy), and to develop long term indicators for the monitoring of riparian vegetation. First, an analysis of intra and interannual colonization dynamics revealed the potential of using drone images to map riparian vegetation, and fast successional dynamics with high passive restoration and sediment stabilization potential. Secondly, the analysis of 3D point clouds extracted from LiDAR data acquired in winter and summer highlighted the complementarity of the two acquisition dates to map indicators of riparian status at large scale, such as main riparian species, shading or density of herbaceous and shrubby strata. These results make it possible to discuss the methodological and operational dimensions of the use of remote sensing approaches for the monitoring of riparian vegetation ; Les cours d'eau font l'objet de prescriptions législatives encourageant leur restauration, et l'arasement de barrages est une des solutions utilisées actuellement en France pour y parvenir. La végétation riparienne participe à l'intégrité et à la stabilité des systèmes fluviaux, Elle est donc une composante majeure à évaluer dans le cadre des actions de restauration .Les objectifs de la thèse sont d'analyser la dynamique de colonisation des berges exondées à court terme dans le contexte de l'arasement des barrages de la Sélune (Normandie) et de développer des indicateurs de ...

International audience ; The article traces back the main historical roots of the discourses and dialectics hostile to homosexuality still in force today in Martinique. The research supports the fact that colonization has imposed upon the Antilles the same Judeo-Christian norms from which Continental France drew its inspiration to develop its homophobic discourse. The difference though lies in the fact that rejection of sodomy represented a political stake once colonization set in, affixing its seal to the social and legal norms still alive today within the Antillan Arc. The article contends that the Antillan population's owning of the colonial anti-sodomy norms led to the conscious perpetuation of the legislative and social norms hostile to homosexuality until today. ; Este articulo presenta las principales origines históricas de los discursos y dialécticas hostiles à la homosexualidad que se usan en Martinica en nuestros días. Confirmara que la colonización impuso en las Antillas las mismas normas occidentales y judeocristianas al origen del discurso homofobo presente en la parte continental de Francia. Explicara además que el rechazo de la sodomía fue un reto político desde las primeras horas de la colonización de las Américas. Dejo su marca en las normas sociales y en las legislaciones todavía vigentes en el archipiélago antillano. La apropiación de las normas anti sodomía de origen colonial por las poblaciones antillanas permitió la persistencia y la conservación concientizadas de normas legislativas y sociales hostiles à la homosexualidad, hasta el día de hoy. ; Cet article présentera les principales origines historiques des discours et dialectiques hostiles à l'homosexualité que l'on peut relever en Martinique de nos jours. Il confirmera tout d'abord que la colonisation a imposé aux Antilles les mêmes normes occidentales et judéo-chrétiennes sur lesquelles s'appuient les discours homophobes en France continentale. Ce qui semble avoir fait la différence, c'est que le rejet de la sodomie a constitué un ...

International audience ; The island of Mayotte is an integral part of French republic despite its local and customary rules. "L'île aux parfums" went through many vicissitudes since its colonization in 1841, and to its departmentalization in 2011. In 1966, Mahoran women stood against the Comorian domination and ended up defending the departmentalization project. They forever will shape the island's story. The evolution of the women's status is a corollary to Mayotte progress towards the ordinary law. Therefore, the departmentalization process is a milestone for Mahoran women's history. In addition to the first recognized rights (right to marriage and economic, social and political rights), Mahoran women have new opportunities due to the department's new status and the DROM one. Significant progress has been made with the participation of the French State and of the European Union; however much remains to be done. Today, Mahoran women are not entitled to equal rights as much as women in Metropolitan France and overseas. They face many difficulties. Anyway, following the example of their elders, Mahoran women continue to mobilize themselves at the education, health, political and economic levels in the name of equality. They don't have another alternative because they are the future of this 101st French department of the Indian Ocean. ; Mayotte fait partie intégrante du territoire de la République, mais ses singularités locales, ses règles coutumières et musulmanes ont souvent interpellé. De sa colonisation en 1841 à sa départementalisation en 2011, l'« île aux parfums » a connu bien des vicissitudes. Quand en 1966, les femmes mahoraises se dressent contre la domination comorienne et finissent par épouser la cause départementaliste, elles vont marquer l'histoire de l'île. Le cheminement de Mayotte vers le droit commun a eu pour corollaire l'évolution du statut de la femme. Du fait du processus de départementalisation, il y a un avant et un après 2011 pour les femmes mahoraises. Aux premiers droits reconnus (droit ...

La thèse a pour but de caractériser la pauvreté en milieu rural algérien et d'identifier les causes de paupérisation des populations locales par une recherche des causes à la fois historiques, sociales et politiques, ainsi que de leurs effets sur les populations de deux communes représentatives de Sidi Sémiane et de Menaceur dans la wilaya de Tipaza. Deux séries de causes sont principalement explorées : des causes historiques remontant à la colonisation, et des causes liées à la perte des moyens d'existence des populations locales provoquée par le terrorisme qui a frappé toute l'Algérie pendant les années 1990. La pauvreté est un concept qui ne cesse d'évoluer et sa dimension est plurielle, de la dimension absolue à subjective, en passant par la dimension relative. L'approche adoptée dans cette thèse est celle des « capabilités » d'Amartya Sen, pour qui la pauvreté n'est pas seulement un manque de revenus, mais aussi un manque de libertés qu'a un individu à choisir sa vie. Aussi originale qu'innovante, la plus grande difficulté de cette approche réside dans la fixation d'indicateurs objectivement mesurables ; nous avons donc procédé à un essai de standardisation de ces indicateurs dans les deux communes rurales étudiées. Les méthodes, à la fois qualitatives et quantitatives, ont été adressées à deux groupes de populations pauvres et non pauvres dans les deux communes. Le choix de ces deux communes s'est basé sur plusieurs critères que sont leur pauvreté selon l'étude du PNUD de 2006 et sur un ensemble d'indicateurs de développement de ces communes définis dans l'étude de typologie des communes du ministère délégué au Développement Rural en 2004 et dans celle du Renouveau Rural réalisée par le ministère de l'Agriculture et du Développement Rural en 2006. Les résultats de notre étude ont été obtenus grâce à des comparaisons entre populations pauvres et non pauvres de ces mêmes communes.

The article discusses the most significant extralinguistic factors which have an influence on the formation of oiconyms of the Polish-Belarusian borderline. The most crucial ones include historical, cultural and linguistic processes. The most important changes were brought about along with the colonisation and settlement in that area. Historical and political processes, which had a particularly strong impact on the culture and economy of the researched area, determined the emergence of new phenomena and concepts, which was reflected in various oiconyms. Another source of a considerable influence on the form, pronunciation and meaning of modern oiconyms was the language policy connected with processes of assimilation and adaptation of names in the researched area. ; Nazwy własne jako odzwierciedlenie procesów historycznych, kulturowych oraz językowych (na przykładzie ojkonimów pogranicza polsko-białoruskiego)W artykule omówiono najważniejsze czynniki pozajęzykowe wpływające na kształtowanie nazw miejscowości pogranicza polsko-białoruskiego, a mianowicie procesy historyczne, kulturowe oraz językowe. Najistotniejsze zmiany odbywały się równocześnie z kolonizacją i osadnictwem na tych ziemiach. Procesy historyczno-polityczne, które w sposób szczególny wpłynęły na kulturę oraz gospodarkę badanego terenu, uwarunkowały pojawienie się nowych zjawisk i pojęć, co znalazło swoje odzwierciedlenie w nazewnictwie miejscowości. Istotny wpływ na formy, brzmienie oraz znaczenie współczesnych ojkonimów miała polityka językowa, związana z procesami asymilacji i adaptacji nazewnictwa na tym terenie. ; У артыкуле прааналізаваны найважнейшыя экстралінгвістычныя з'явы, якія паўплывалі на фарміраванне назваў населеных пунктаў польска-беларускага памежжа, сярод іх – гістарычныя, культурныя і моўныя фактары. Найбольш істотныя змены мелі месца адначасова з каланізацыяй і асваеннем гэтых тэрыторый. Гістарычна-палітычныя працэсы, якія ўздзейнічалі на культуру і эканоміку даследаванага абшару, абумовілі ўзнікненне новых прадметаў, з'яў і паняццяў, адлюстраваных у мясцовых найменнях. Істотны ўплыў на формы, гучанне, а таксама значэнне сучасных айконімаў аказала моўная палітыка, звязаная з працэсамі асіміляцыі і адаптацыі найменняў на гэтай тэрыторыі.

La thèse a pour but de caractériser la pauvreté en milieu rural algérien et d'identifier les causes de paupérisation des populations locales par une recherche des causes à la fois historiques, sociales et politiques, ainsi que de leurs effets sur les populations de deux communes représentatives de Sidi Sémiane et de Menaceur dans la wilaya de Tipaza. Deux séries de causes sont principalement explorées : des causes historiques remontant à la colonisation, et des causes liées à la perte des moyens d'existence des populations locales provoquée par le terrorisme qui a frappé toute l'Algérie pendant les années 1990. La pauvreté est un concept qui ne cesse d'évoluer et sa dimension est plurielle, de la dimension absolue à subjective, en passant par la dimension relative. L'approche adoptée dans cette thèse est celle des « capabilités » d'Amartya Sen, pour qui la pauvreté n'est pas seulement un manque de revenus, mais aussi un manque de libertés qu'a un individu à choisir sa vie. Aussi originale qu'innovante, la plus grande difficulté de cette approche réside dans la fixation d'indicateurs objectivement mesurables ; nous avons donc procédé à un essai de standardisation de ces indicateurs dans les deux communes rurales étudiées. Les méthodes, à la fois qualitatives et quantitatives, ont été adressées à deux groupes de populations pauvres et non pauvres dans les deux communes. Le choix de ces deux communes s'est basé sur plusieurs critères que sont leur pauvreté selon l'étude du PNUD de 2006 et sur un ensemble d'indicateurs de développement de ces communes définis dans l'étude de typologie des communes du ministère délégué au Développement Rural en 2004 et dans celle du Renouveau Rural réalisée par le ministère de l'Agriculture et du Développement Rural en 2006. Les résultats de notre étude ont été obtenus grâce à des comparaisons entre populations pauvres et non pauvres de ces mêmes communes.

Abstract: This essay addresses two unanswered questions on gender justice in postcolonial Francophone Africa. It asks why countries of Francophone Africa invariably occupy the lowest ranks in global gender equity tables, and why this underperformance continues to map onto the colonial geography of the continent three generations after the end of colonial rule. Existing sociological methodologies aimed at evaluating gender equity are failing to identify why gender inequalities in countries of the former French African empires remain more pronounced than in any other part of the world. Drawing from fieldwork and research conducted in countries across Francophone Africa, it is argued that the creation and persistence of such inequalities are better understood if evaluated in the context of the cultural histories of the regions in which they persist. As the cultural histories of the former colonies are still being written, the discussion incorporates new and emerging historical research on earlier studies of African women led by female researchers during the 1930s. These include the reports and correspondence of a substantial colonial tour commissioned by the French Socialist government of 1936 to record the social impact of colonisation on African women living in seven colonies of French West Africa. In addition, analysis of the records of two pioneering French researchers, the first women to conduct anthropological fieldwork in French Africa, is helping illuminate how gender has been perceived by colonisers in this part of the world, and combined with contemporary fieldwork and policy analysis, contributing to our growing understanding of why inequality persists in certain geographical contexts that share a colonial history, and why in the former colonies of French Africa, the path gender equity has been following differs from those observed in all other postcolonial developing areas to the point where the situation in Francophone Africa is historically unique.

The Tunisian colonial society was characterised by a strong presence of Italian nationals who for a long time were the largest group of foreigners in the Protectorate, outnumbering, at least until the thirties of the 20th century, the French population. Even though the period between the end of the 19th century and the First World War has been understudied in the research on the Italians of Tunisia, in those years there was a strong immigration in the Regency and, at the same time, a reconfiguration of Italian colonial ambitions in Africa. The first part of the thesis explains the diachronic pathways of Mediterranean mobility which allowed the settling in the Beylicat of groups recognised as Italian nationals, after the political unification of Italy. In 1896, Conventions regulate the Franco-Italian diplomatic tension that had begun after the French occupation of Tunisia. This diplomatic agreement guarantees to Italian nationals the maintenance of national citizenship for children born in Tunisia, as well as the preservation of the associative and school network previously established. The second part analyses the structure and the social dynamics of associations and schools, which aim to build a sense of national belonging. The purpose of this associative network, managed by the upper-class and supported by the consular institutions, is to make the group of Italian citizens of Tunisia an Italian community within the Tunisian colonial society. Finally, the third part examines how the Tunisian production of extraterritorial Italianness overlaps both with Italian colonial ambitions and with processes of racialisation within the community. The Italo-Turkish war and the First World War are analysed as a vector of the nation-building in this community. The support of the Italians of Tunisia for the conquest and colonisation of Libya, and their military, social and economic engagement in the Great War, show us the project of a particular form of colonial Italianness formed within the French Protectorate of Tunisia. ...

The Tunisian colonial society was characterised by a strong presence of Italian nationals who for a long time were the largest group of foreigners in the Protectorate, outnumbering, at least until the thirties of the 20th century, the French population. Even though the period between the end of the 19th century and the First World War has been understudied in the research on the Italians of Tunisia, in those years there was a strong immigration in the Regency and, at the same time, a reconfiguration of Italian colonial ambitions in Africa. The first part of the thesis explains the diachronic pathways of Mediterranean mobility which allowed the settling in the Beylicat of groups recognised as Italian nationals, after the political unification of Italy. In 1896, Conventions regulate the Franco-Italian diplomatic tension that had begun after the French occupation of Tunisia. This diplomatic agreement guarantees to Italian nationals the maintenance of national citizenship for children born in Tunisia, as well as the preservation of the associative and school network previously established. The second part analyses the structure and the social dynamics of associations and schools, which aim to build a sense of national belonging. The purpose of this associative network, managed by the upper-class and supported by the consular institutions, is to make the group of Italian citizens of Tunisia an Italian community within the Tunisian colonial society. Finally, the third part examines how the Tunisian production of extraterritorial Italianness overlaps both with Italian colonial ambitions and with processes of racialisation within the community. The Italo-Turkish war and the First World War are analysed as a vector of the nation-building in this community. The support of the Italians of Tunisia for the conquest and colonisation of Libya, and their military, social and economic engagement in the Great War, show us the project of a particular form of colonial Italianness formed within the French Protectorate of Tunisia. ...

The African reality is multiple: victim of regional conflicts, coup d'état, endemic diseases, illiteracy, hunger, corruption, terrorism and social breakdown, unable to commit to development and to secure a better future for future generations. Africa is diverse: political, economic and religious. After decades of colonial occupation, slave trafficking, exploitation and subjection of European metropolis from the 15th century onwards, it was recently in the 1960s that many territories became independent states, following the essential intervention of the Committee on Decolonisation. The end of the Second World War, the resulting international context and the creation of the United Nations, led to the beginning of decolonisation in Africa. This colonisation process enabled the major powers, based on the simultaneous exploitation of resources and cheap labour, to produce products for the international market, depriving traditional African society of its autonomy and any prospect of change. With very few exceptions (Madagascar, Lesotho, Ethiopia and Swaziland), the current states are inherited from colonial social training, lacking national sovereignty. Still today, they symbolise an extension of the colonial state, unable to control the population living on its territory. It is true that these states, characterised as 'fragile', face different threats on a daily basis such as civil wars, large-scale atrocities and humanitarian emergencies. Through the media, we are only spectators of a number of testimonies related to violent extremism in Africa. However, its destructive scope and consequences are among the main peace challenges that the international community is currently facing. Department of International Security and Defence. Institute for International Relations ; La realidad africana es múltiple: víctima de conflictos regionales, golpes de Estado, enfermedades endémicas, analfabetismo, hambre, corrupción, terrorismo y desestructuración social, incapaz de apostar por el desarrollo y de asegurar un futuro mejor ...