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Effect of economic performance on support for the various parties in elections between 1974 and 1984.

In an economic theory of voting, voters have positive or negative costs of voting in favor of a proposal and positive or negative benefits from an accepted proposal. When votes have equal weight then simultaneous voting mostly has a unique pure strategy Nash equilibrium which is independent of benefits. Voting with respect to (arbitrarily small) costs alone, however, often results in voting against the "true majority". If voting is sequential as in the roll call votes of the US Senate then, in the unique subgame perfect equilibrium, the "true majority" prevails (Groseclose and Milyo, 2010, 2013). In this paper, it is shown that the result for sequential voting holds also with different weights of voters (shareholders) or with multiple necessary majorities (EU decision making). Simultaneous voting in the general model can be plagued by non-existent or non-unique pure strategy equilibria under most preference constellations.

Based on surveys conducted for the research institute of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation.

The article presents theoretical and methodological foundations for the application of the spatial-econometric approach in electoral processes. The analysis based on spatial-econometric approach that underlies an assumption about interdependence of processes occurring in adjacent objects. Theoretical framework of research is devoted to social-political assumptions that allow to explore the existence of interdependence of political processes occurring in neighboring objects. Empirical research is accomplished on local constituencies data from all parliamentary elections that took place in Russia in 1995–2016. The research involves addressing the concept of spatial autocorrelations – Moran, Geary and Getis – Ord indices. The research focuses on issue about the degree of spatial differences between regional and local voting. The results of research demonstrate that there is a high spatial interdependence in local voting in Russia. A comparative analysis of spatial autocorrelation on local and regional levels demonstrates that the municipal districts are most prone to spatial interdependence. This finding allows to trace a hidden tendences on local level of elections. Such differences between local and regional spatial autocorrelation identify that regional political regime can be an obstacle on the way of restraining the territorial distribution of local communities with similar electoral behavior. Finally, the research proves that the role of place is significant in Russian electoral space.

Voting describes a joint decision making process where voters choose winners out of a set of candidates. Many voting systems entail difficult computational problems. This work investigates the winner and possible winner determination and the influence an external agent can exert by adding or deleting candidates. Taking into account the computational difficulty, that is, NP-hardness of the studied problems, the work applies a multivariate complexity analysis aiming at identifying tractable scenarios or showing intractability.

Voting describes a joint decision making process where voters choose winners out of a set of candidates. Many voting systems entail difficult computational problems. This work investigates the winner and possible winner determination and the influence an external agent can exert by adding or deleting candidates. Taking into account the computational difficulty, that is, NP-hardness of the studied problems, the work applies a multivariate complexity analysis aiming at identifying tractable scenarios or showing intractability.

Why do some people go to the polling station, sometimes up to several times a year, while others always prefer to stay at home? This question has launched a wide theoretical debate in both economics and political science, but convincing empirical support for the different models proposed is still rare. The basic rational voting model of Downs (1957) predicts zero participation because each individual vote is extremely unlikely to be pivotal. One prominent modification of this model is the inclusion of a civic duty term into the voter's utility function (Riker and Ordeshook, 1968) which has been the basis of structural ethical voting models such as Coate and Conlin (2004) and Feddersen and Sandroni (2006). Another branch of structural models looks at informational asymmetries among citizens (Feddersen and Pesendorfer, 1996, 1999). This paper tests the implications of these two branches of structural models by exploiting a unique variability in compulsory voting laws in Swiss federal states. By analyzing a newly compiled comparative data set covering the 1900-1950 period, we find large positive effects of the introduction of compulsory voting laws on turnout. Along with the arguably exogenous treatment allocation, several specification and placebo tests lend support to a causal interpretation of this result. The findings of this study lend support to the ethical voting models since citizens do react to compulsory voting laws only if it is enforced with a fee. At the same time, the informational aspect of non-voting is questioned as new voters do not delegate their votes.

AbstractThis paper examines some of the issues and debates surrounding the voting and non‐voting of the UK electorate. It attempts to compare and contrast voter behaviour from both a political science perspective and a consumer buying behaviour perspective. In particular, the paper details the output of primary research into non‐voter behaviour and attempts to cluster these motivations and rationales into psychographic segments of non‐voting behaviour. Issues such as alignment and dealignment, social and inherited values are debated in detail, with particular attention being paid to party identification, issue voting and social determinant theory. The paper both challenges and supports previously presented arguments regarding political issues and voting. In addition, electoral turnout and voter participation are analysed and the consequences for democracy discussed. Copyright © 2003 Henry Stewart Publications

OBJECTIVES: Much of what we know about voting behaviors is based on cross-sectional comparisons of voters at different ages. This study draws on a unique linkage between the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study and state voter files to characterize voting trajectories in later life and explore their determinants. METHODS: Using sequence analysis, we identify 5 voting typologies based on turnout and voting methods over 8 biennial elections. Using multinomial logistic and Poisson regressions, we examine the role of physical, cognitive, and mental health and wealth in shaping enfranchisement and civic participation at older ages. RESULTS: Health and wealth are both positively associated with voter turnout, but the negative impact of poor health on voting declines with increasing wealth. Voting at the polls and early voting are more common among healthier older adults, whereas absentee voting is more common among older voters who are more affluent, less healthy, or both. Among those less wealthy, absentee methods mitigate the impact of poor health for previously active voters, but do not compensate for a lower turnout rate. In addition to physical and cognitive limitations, emotional difficulties and depression reduce turnout, particularly among the least wealthy. DISCUSSION: In this sample of older, largely White, primarily Midwestern committed voters, civic participation at older ages is shaped by individual experiences with wealth and health across the life course as well as political structures that facilitate or restrict the ability of individuals to consistently participate in elections.

Proportional electoral systems tend to be more beneficial for women's descriptive representation than majority systems. However, within proportional systems the gender equality of election outcomes differs, highlighting the importance of studying the actual use of electoral provisions in proportional representation (PR) systems. Therefore, we investigate the determinants of voting for female candidates in Belgium's local elections. This case is particularly interesting given the equal number of men and women on the candidate lists due to quota regulations, the possibility to cast multiple preference votes (lowering competition), and the high visibility of these local elections and its candidates. At the individual level, we find that women are more likely than men to vote for several women, yet same-sex voting is more common among men. Politically sophisticated respondents vote more often for candidates of both sexes. Against our expectations, a left-wing orientation does not increase the likelihood of voting for women. At the electoral district level, a larger supply of women at the top list position increases the chance to vote for this top woman, but there is no spillover effect to women lower on the list. District magnitude affects the number of preference votes but, against expectations, not the likelihood of voting for women.