Suchergebnisse

A citizen is a person with membership in a political community such as a country or city. This person owes loyalty to the state by birth or naturalization and in return enjoys the protection of the state or nation. A citizen is also a resident of a city or town, especially one entitled to vote and enjoys other privileges there. Citizenship education seeks to train persons living within specified boundaries on how to relate in their political locality, hence, emphasis is placed on gaining knowledge, skills, methods and values needed to function effectively within the political community. From this study, we are able to confirm that teachers and learners alike understand the essence of citizenship and the need for citizenship education. Over 85% and 88% of learners and teachers respectively believe such education brings about the development of civic competences and participation to make learners critical thinkers and enlightened citizens.

National spirit education is an important content of ideological and political theory courses in colleges and universities. Currently, national spirit education should follow the development vein of national spirits. The development of the Chinese national spirits follows the development vein from the emergence of national consciousness, to self-denial of the national spirits, to its self-affirmation. Meanwhile, the development vein of the national spirits includes the characteristics of inheritance, times, and development of the national spirits. Thus, all the above constitute the basic teaching content of national spirit education in China.

One of the more important aspects of federalism lies in the relationship which has been established between state and federal courts. The interworkings of the judicial process involve power in some in-stances and principles of comity in others. The purpose of this article is to examine this relationship, including possible areas of abrasion resulting from the interworkings between the two court systems.

This book focuses on the financing of religions, examining some European church-state models, using a philosophical methodology. The work defends autonomy-based liberalism and elaborates how this liberalism can meet the requirements of liberal neutrality. The chapters also explore religious education and the financing of institutionalized religion. This volume collates the work of top scholars in the field. Starting from the idea that autonomy-based liberalism is an adequate framework for the requirement of liberal neutrality, the author elaborates why a liberal state can support religions and how she should do this, without violating the principle of neutrality. Taking into account the principle of religious freedom and the separation of church and state, this work explores which criteria the state should take into account when she actively supports religions, faith-based schools and religious education. A number of concrete church-state models, including hands-off, religious accommodation and the state church are evaluated, and the book gives some recommendations in order to optimize those church-state models, where needed. Practitioners and scholars of politics, law, philosophy and education, especially religious education, will find this work of particular interest as it has useful guidelines on policies and practices, as well as studies of church-state models.

Production of INCASI Project H2020-MSCA-RISE-2015 GA 691004 ; Este artículo analiza la manera en que las políticas públicas de Educación Superior (ES) de Argentina y Finlandia contribuyen o no a reducir las desigualdades sociales en sus respectivos sistemas universitarios. Realizamos un análisis genealógico de documentos y un análisis interpretativo de las políticas para encontrar similitudes y diferencias, desarrollamos interpretaciones plausibles ubicándolas en su contexto social e histórico. Comparamos las características de los sistemas sociales y las tendencias de las políticas implementadas en las instituciones de ES en Argentina y Finlandia, mostrando su cercanía o lejanía respecto de los principios originariamente estatuidos en torno a la ES en cada país. Estudiamos los casos de Argentina y Finlandia, mediante el análisis de las políticas de ES en la era democrática para conocer si las políticas contribuyen a reducir las desigualdades sociales en la ES. Concluimos que las políticas educativas cuanto más se basan en la lógica del mercado, las desigualdades en la ES tienden a incrementarse, incluso, en el país nórdico con estado de bienestar. ; This article studies the development of higher education (HE) policies in Argentina and Finland and examines what are the principles behind HE laws and policies, and whether the policies promote or prevent social equality. We apply genealogical document analysis and interpretive policy analysis to look for differences and similarities, and to place them in societal and historical context in order to make plausible interpretations. We contrast properties of social systems and patterns of policy practices that describe the character of HE institutions in Argentina and Finland. By creating country cases, we, analyze the HE policies of the democratic era in Argentina and Finland to find out whether and how the policies aim at reducing social inequalities in HE. We conclude that along with market logic in education policies, inequalities in HE tend to increase even in a Nordic welfare state like Finland.

In 2020, the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) was incorporated into Swedishdomestic law. In the proposals for new legislation, it is emphasised that steps be taken to develop knowledge of children's rights among professionals at all levels. This article explores the presence and status of children's rights in Swedish teacher education. A total of 362 teacher-education course plans and syllabi at 12 universities were examined, and a questionnaire was conducted among 156 teacher educators. Although teacher educators judge knowledge around children's rights to be important for pre-service teachers, the syllabi provide little guidance as to what knowledge pre-service teachers need. Using the framework for analysing human rights education designed by educational specialist Felisa Tibbitts, it is concluded that Swedish teacher education fits with a Values and Awareness Model, which is associated with socialisation but not with social change.

Salamanca Statement in 1994 laid the foundation for including children with special needs in regular schools. Mushrooming non-governmental organizations and parents of children with special needs started asserting their rights in India, resulted drafting progressive legislations like Persons with Disabilities Equal Opportunities Full Participation Act 1995 gave voice to the inclusion movement in India. In the recent past, United Progressive Alliance Government passing the Right to Education (RTE), ratifying legally binding United Nations Convention on Rights of Persons with Disabilities Document are few noteworthy milestones. Inclusive Education Movement in India stands for inclusion of socially economically disadvantaged and children with special needs. Post independence various constitutional and policy provisions to empower them. This paper hopes to throw ligh on India government's response in promoting inclusive education and challenges. This paper is a qualitative analysis and has also utilized secondary empirical data wherever necessary. This paper tries to provide a historical outline of Indian scenario and challenges. This paper has been divided into five chapters which include a brief overview of inclusion of children with special needs, review of literature followed by the role of international organizations. Resumo A Declaração de Salamanca de 1994 estabeleceu as bases para incluir crianças com necessidades especiais em escolas regulares. A proliferação de organizações não-governamentais e os pais de crianças com necessidades especiais começaram a reivindicar os seus direitos na Índia, resultando em legislações progressistas como a Lei de Participação Total de Pessoas com Deficiência de 1995, que deu voz ao movimento de inclusão na Índia. No passado recente, o United Progressive Alliance Government (Governo da Aliança Progressista Unida), a aprovação do Direito à Educação (RTE) e a ratificação do documento juridicamente vinculante da Convenção das Nações Unidas sobre os Direitos das Pessoas com Deficiência são alguns marcos notáveis. O Movimento de Educação Inclusiva na Índia traduz-se na inclusão de crianças socialmente e economicamente desfavorecidas e crianças com necessidades especiais. Este artigo procura lançar uma luz sobre a resposta do governo da Índia na promoção de educação inclusiva e os seus desafios. Este artigo utiliza uma análise qualitativa e também dados empíricos secundários sempre que necessário e tenta fornecer um esboço histórico do cenário e dos desafios indianos. Este artigo foi dividido em cinco capítulos que incluem uma breve visão geral da inclusão de crianças com necessidades especiais, revisão da literatura seguida do papel das organizações internacionais.

This article disrupts the logic of the "just-a-tool" argument, a powerful rhetorical device commonly offered as a rationale for using computers in education (and health care and other areas of society). Although this argument is articulated in many ways, its essence is the contention that computers are merely instructional tools, like blackboards or pencils, that can be used to enhance learning and therefore should be used in classrooms. The just-a-tool argument is difficult to challenge because it automatically constructs counterarguments as illogical; they necessarily become arguments against using technology to improve the human condition. However, an analysis of the just-a-tool argument reveals that far from being logical and unassailable, it is both invalid and unsound. This "techno-illogic," as the author calls it, arises when wisdom is subjugated to the dictates of technological "rationality," and it is something that people must learn to recognize and defend against.