This study examines how negative oil shocks affect military expenditures and the quality of democracy in the oil rentier states of the greater Middle East using annual data from 1990 to 2018, inclusive. The theoretical analysis suggests that a reduction in oil revenues decreases the government spending on patronages and public goods and may challenge the political power of the incumbent leader. The results of the impulse response functions based on the estimated panel vector autoregressive models indicate that the responses of the military burden and non-military expenditures (as a percentage of GDP) to negative oil shocks become negative and statistically significant after three to four years. Reductions in the financial capability of a rentier government and spending on patronages improve the political environment and quality of democracy. However, this political improvement takes some time to develop as the government may resist the reduction in its expenditures during the initial phase of oil shocks. The policy implication of these results is informative for organizations and policymakers interested in the security and political impact of oil sanctions. Restrictions on oil exports decrease the military spending of the oil rentier states and improve their democracy indices in the long run, although the short-run impacts can be negative. These results are not sensitive to different proxies for oil abundance, alternative data on military expenditures, different indicators of democracy, and different groups of oil-dependent countries.
Purpose Societal barriers continue to cause gender disparities in women's share of political authority. As a representative case study for the Arab Gulf region, this paper aims to investigate public opinion on adopting a nationwide quota for women's participation in top government offices in the Qatar context. It gathers insights on the following question: How does public opinion respond to a proposed new political arrangement of implementing gender quota laws in Qatar?
Design/methodology/approach Data were collected via a national telephone survey of a representative sample of 660 Qatari nationals chosen by simple random sampling. A regression analysis was performed for the primary outcome: support for a gender quota system that guarantees a specific proportion of places for women in the government and executive positions.
Findings Unsurprisingly, the findings reveal gender variations in support for the three distinct types of egalitarian policy examined (i.e. a quota for women in top government positions; a quota for women in executive positions in public ministries; and equal wages), with women being more supportive than men.
Research limitations/implications Assessing the public attitudes toward adopting legislative gender quotas is of interest to policy-makers and civil organizations alike that seek to advance women's political status and democratic representation.
Originality/value This study is among the very few to empirically examine public opinion on quotas as state-directed initiatives to promote the involvement of women in political power in Qatar.
This study examines how negative oil shocks affect military expenditures and the quality of democracy in the oil rentier states of the greater Middle East using annual data from 1990 to 2018, inclusive. The theoretical analysis suggests that a reduction in oil revenues decreases the government spending on patronages and public goods and may challenge the political power of the incumbent leader. The results of the impulse response functions based on the estimated panel vector autoregressive models indicate that the responses of the military burden and non-military expenditures (as a percentage of GDP) to negative oil shocks become negative and statistically significant after three to four years. Reductions in the financial capability of a rentier government and spending on patronages improve the political environment and quality of democracy. However, this political improvement takes some time to develop as the government may resist the reduction in its expenditures during the initial phase of oil shocks. The policy implication of these results is informative for organizations and policymakers interested in the security and political impact of oil sanctions. Restrictions on oil exports decrease the military spending of the oil rentier states and improve their democracy indices in the long run, although the short-run impacts can be negative. These results are not sensitive to different proxies for oil abundance, alternative data on military expenditures, different indicators of democracy, and different groups of oil-dependent countries.
The COVID-19 pandemic urges the central government to develop various policies, rules, standards, guidelines, and criteria to deal with COVID-19, but the problem lies with local governments. Therefore, regional heads are required to use their political will to control COVID-19 cases and overcome the impacts caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. This study aims to analyze the political will of the Mayor of Kediri in overcoming the COVID-19 pandemic through the seven components of Brinkerhoff's political will. Using a qualitative approach which was analyzed descriptively. Data collection techniques were carried out by in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. The results show that the Mayor of Kediri has tried to use his power and authority to the maximum extent possible on the six components of political will, namely government initiative; priority/choice of policy; mobilization of stakeholders; public commitment and allocation of resources; continuity of effort; and learning and adaptation. But unfortunately weak in the component of the application of credible sanctions. The Mayor of Kediri feels the need to form experts in the field of law to improve the quality and quantity of legislation and conduct academic studies and discussions before deciding policies in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic to be effective and solution-oriented In addition, consistency in enforcing the rules, not half-way in carrying out road closure policies that seem just a formality is also a concern of researchers.
Purpose This paper aims to investigate the political involvement of a corporate foundation (CF) though CSR under two perspectives: CF managers and the sponsor firm managers.
Design/methodology/approach A single case with a Brazilian CF was conducted. Interviews with sponsor firms and foundations managers were combined with firms' sustainability reports data and CF's website information.
Findings It was found that CF acts as an ambassador and can be a source of political legitimacy for their sponsor firm. They intermediate in governance challenges as the goals and working style of the CF, firms and municipalities can be sometimes antagonistic.
Research limitations/implications The authors could not reach the municipalities officials and their perception of the Public Management Program (PMP).
Practical implications The PMP creates personal and organizational relationships with public officials, a resource that can be employed to impact the political strategies of the sponsor firm.
Social implications The authors also show how CF's may help managers to deal with the typical Brazilian peculiarity of policy discontinuity in local governments.
Originality/value This case study sheds light a new phenomenon: CF's support on public management. It adds to the CSR and corporate political activities literature, the role of foundations as ambassadors of the relationship between the firm, government and society. They are not only filling gaps left by the State but are also dealing with local governments administrative deficiencies.
The history of politics in Indonesia, especially Orde Baru is indeed inseparable from the conflict between Islam and the state, especially the problem of ideology. This was seen when the Orde Baru applied a non-aspirational political strategy to Islam, one of them is asas tunggal Pancasila. The inequality of political views with the government caused various reactions and resistance from radical Islamists. One of the incidents is the Borobudur Temple bombing in 1985. The methods used in this study were historical research methods, this is: (1) Heuristics, (2) Source Criticism, (3) Interpretation, and (4) Historiography. The results of this study indicate that there are factors underlying the occurrence of the Borobudur Temple bombing, this is: (1) Political factors, the reactions of various Orde Baru policies which were considered to marginalize Islam, (2) Social factors, the emergence of a sense of injustice conducted by the government in the Tanjung Priok tragedy 1984, (3) Religious and ideological emotional factors, the desire to carry out a revolution like in Iran by revenge for bombing. The handling of the government in this case took two months, until the incident of Pemudi Express Bus exploded which resulted in the arrest of the perpetrators. This bombing resulted in the destruction of nine Borobudur Temple stupas which led to the restoration and improvement of the temple area security system. This incident also had an impact on the tourism, social and political economy in Indonesia. Keywords:Bombing, Borobudur Temple, Social History
Much to their own surprise, successive Danish governments have succeeded in maintaining the highest level of public support among the nations contributing to the NATO mission in Afghanistan, while suffering the highest number of fatalities per capita. We explain this puzzle in a parsimonious fashion manner using a novel analytical framework derived from elite-competition theory, the event-driven school and the literature on strategic narratives. The Danish government initially built strong political and popular support by making a case for war that resonated with broadly shared pre-existing interests and values (national defence and support for democracy and human/women's rights), and role conceptions (supporting NATO and US-led military operations as a responsible member of international society). Succeeding governments subsequently maintained a high level of political consensus on Afghanistan through a process of continuous consultation and consensus-building. The political elites supporting the mission then sustained the high level of public support by defining success in ways that did not involve 'winning' but focused instead on the attainment of realistic short-term, tactical objectives such as police training and building of schools, and by speaking with one voice to the media. This effectively reduced the Danish media to a conveyor belt passively transmitting the positive views of the political parties supporting the Afghanistan operation and the officers and soldiers carrying it out.
In some democracies judiciaries have developed the political question doctrine to jurisprudentially resolve political questions and define their relationship with other branches of government. This doctrine is a function of the principle of the separation of powers and provides that there are certain questions of constitutional law that are constitutionally committed to the elected branches of government for resolution. As a result, such questions are non-justiciable and require the judiciary to abstain from deciding them if doing so would intrude upon the functions of the elected branches of government. This article examines the evolution and current status of the political question doctrine in Ghanaian jurisprudence, which developed from American jurisprudence. It begins by briefly discussing the history of the doctrine and its modern application in America. It then discusses how this doctrine was imported into Ghana and applied by the Ghanaian judiciary. The article argues that while there are differences of opinion around the application of the political question doctrine within Ghana's judiciary, the doctrine is firmly part of Ghanaian constitutional law. The article observes that the difference of opinion among judges is over the proper application of the doctrine rather than on whether it forms part of Ghanaian constitutional law. The article also discusses a related issue of the constitutional status of Directive Principles of State Policy in chapter 6 of the Constitution of Ghana.
Despite decades of efforts to achieve gender equity in political life, women remain under-represented in nearly all levels of government. In this paper, we explore the experiences offered by women who have been elected to local government in the province of British Columbia, Canada, to illustrate the persistence of gendered discourses and patriarchal practices within political systems. Drawing upon Bashevkin's (2009) recent discussion of how women's political roles are undermined through the discomfort equation, we consider how feminist, adult education offers the potential for creating critical spaces that will support women's greater inclusion in local government. Keywords: feminist adult education, political learning, gender, politics ; Malgré des décennies d'efforts en faveur de l'égalité des sexes dans la vie politique, les femmes restent sous-représentées à presque tous les niveaux du gouvernement. Dans cet article, nous nous intéressons aux expériences partagées par des femmes qui ont été élues dans une collectivité locale de la province de la Colombie-Britannique, au Canada, afin d'illustrer la persistance du sexisme systémique ainsi que des pratiques patriarcales au sein des systèmes politiques. S'appuyant sur la récente analyse de Bashevkin (2009) sur la façon dont les rôles des femmes en politique sont minés par l'équation de l'inconfort (femme + pouvoir), nous examinons comment l'enseignement féministe pour adultes offre la possibilité de créer un espace critique qui va oeuvrer en faveur d'une meilleureintégration des femmes dans les collectivités locales.Mots clés : enseignement féministe pour adultes, apprentissage politique, genre, politique
Between 1976 and 1991, central Beirut, repository of centuries of historic structures, was substantially destroyed by civil war. In 1994, a private company known by its French acronym Solidère was created by government decree and given the task of reconstructing the center of Beirut. Despite political problems, the Solidère project brought the hope of social recovery through economic renewal; yet progress should not come at the cost of memory.How can Beirut, destroyed, be a site of both recovery and erasure? Even though traditional legal and political discourses acknowledge that cultural heritage holds a powerful position in reconstruction, there are few tools for capturing its functions. Using heuristics originally employed in archeology and art history, this article addresses psychological aspects of reconstruction by discussing contemporary Lebanese art. If culture is defined not only as what people do buthow they make sense of what they have done, the enormity of the political problems of post–civil war reconstruction become clear. National governments hoping to consolidate authority would do well to consider how best to approach public places resonant with emotionally charged memories.Policymakers should consider the complex benefits of negative heritage in drafting laws that will enable its protection. Legal reform carried out with the goal of balanced heritage policies that accommodate negative heritage is key for postconflict urban spaces. By acknowledging the weight of the past, such policies would also bolster confidence in the emergent government and the political process.
Automated information systems have been suggested by a number of theorists to aid public policy makers in acquiring more accurate, timely, and relevant information. This paper reports a study of the uses and impacts of automated systems for policy analysis in 42 municipal governments. Automated analyses are commonly used in municipal governments and are used to support policy suggestions which are often implemented. Automated systems in these settings serve in both educational and political roles. The utility of automated data systems for both rational and political uses increases with the extent that automated data is available in a given municipal government.In addition, we investigate the influence of computer-based policy analyses on the distribution of power in municipal governments. We find that computer-based systems reinforce the existing distribution of power in American municipalities. They provide differential support to mayors and city managers in smaller cities and to departments in the larger cities.More generally, this analysis indicates that the political arrangements of the social setting in which a computer-based system is utilized must be well understood, in addition to the technical features of the system, to predict its likely uses and impacts. This principle undermines the sufficiency of the formulations of rational and organizational process theorists who emphasize the technical characteristics of systems and neglect the political dynamics of the settings in which automated data systems are utilized.
A knowledge of judicial and administrative structure plays a vital part in understanding the government and politics of any society. In a Communist society, the administrative apparatus plays an important role, not only in controlling the society but also in implementing Party and government directives. To fully understand the government and politics of North Korea, it may prove helpful to investigate the administrative structure by which the North Korean leaders control the society and remain in power. After a decade and a half of political rule, these North Korean leaders are faced with constant social changes and rising pressures from below. The relations between political power and political institutions, between political ideal and social reality, between the formulation and implementation of policy, have in fact been a major ideological concern for North Korea's administrators, a preoccupation they share with the leaders of other Communist societies. The amount of information made available about the North Korean judicial and administrative system has been scanty at best. This article therefore is exploratory and not definitive in nature. By utilising the materials that are available this article attempts to present North Korean views and attitudes about law and administration, and to describe the institutional framework in which the legal and administrative apparatus functions; at the same time it also attempts to examine the Soviet and Communist Chinese impact on the development of North Korea's administrative system.
Shortages and unsanitary conditions characterized the French housing stock of 1939. The destruction caused by the Second World War and the demographic recovery following the conflict further accentuate this situation. To solve this serious housing crisis, « Ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme » (MRU-Ministry of Reconstruction and Town Planning,) mobilized during the 1950s, financial, land, legislative and technical resources unprecedented. How does this Ministry, created in 1944, manage to implement a real public housing policy? This thesis proposes to study the indispensable collaboration of the central and departmental services of the MRU with the different local actors (municipalities, municipal employees, inhabitants and companies). His approach by the local wants to nuance the idea of centralism and state leadership that seem at first sight to characterize this period.To answer this problem I chose to focus on the construction, rehabilitation and destruction of social housing in Montluçon from 1948 to 1988.This medium industrial town was bombed in June 1940 and especially in September 1943 but it is not declared « sinistrée » (disaster). A town is only declared « sinistrée » (to be affected –disaster) when more than 30% of its housing stock has been destroyed or damaged. The need for popular housing in this city is however very important to accommodate the workforce of the many steel, mechanical, chemical, pneumatic or electrical enterprises. « Office Public d'Habitation à Loyer Modéré de Montluçon » (OPHLM - Social Housing office) built more than 3,800 dwellings between 1956 and 1975, mostly in « Grands ensembles » (Housing Estates). These constructions contribute to reducing the shortage of housing in the agglomeration. But at least some of these dwellings are being put into service at a time when the European economic context is deteriorating as a result of « Choc pétrolier de 1973 » (1973 Oil crisis). The crisis was all the earlier in Montluçon that the steel companies were in great difficulty during the sixties. At the end of the seventies, the city's HLM park no longer corresponds to the needs of the inhabitants. Vacant housing, degraded housing and social problems led the communist municipality to consider the rehabilitation and even the destruction of buildings even before the end of their depreciation. The conventions « Habitat Vie Sociale (HVS-Habitat social life) », « Développement Social des Quartiers (DSQ- Social Development of Neighbourhoods ) » or « Banlieue 89 » (Suburb 89) accompany the local elected officials in the mutation of the « Grand ensemble » (Housing estate) of Fontbouillant. ; Pénurie et insalubrité caractérisent le parc immobilier français de 1939. Les destructions liées à la seconde guerre mondiale et la reprise démographique qui suit le conflit accentuent encore cette situation. Pour résoudre cette grave crise du logement, le Ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme (MRU), mobilise lors de la décennie 1950, des moyens financiers, fonciers, législatifs et techniques sans précédent. Comment ce Ministère, créé en 1944, parvient-il à mettre en mettre en œuvre une véritable politique publique du logement ? Cette thèse se propose d'étudier l'indispensable collaboration des services centraux et départementaux du MRU avec les différents acteurs locaux (municipalités, employés municipaux, habitants et entreprises). Son approche par le local veut nuancer l'idée d'un centralisme et d'un dirigisme étatique qui semblent à première vue caractériser cette période.Pour répondre à cette problématique j'ai choisi de m'intéresser à la construction, la réhabilitation et la destruction de logement sociaux à Montluçon de 1948 à 1988.Cette ville moyenne industrielle a été bombardé en juin 1940 et surtout en septembre 1943 mais elle n'est pas déclarée sinistrée. Une ville n'est déclarée sinistrée que lorsque plus de 30% de son parc de logements a été détruits ou endommagés. Les besoins en logements populaires de cette ville sont pourtant très importants pour loger la main d'œuvre des nombreuses entreprises sidérurgiques, mécaniques, chimiques, pneumatiques ou électriques. L'Office Public d'Habitation à Loyer Modéré de Montluçon (OPHLM) construit plus de 3 800 logements entre 1956 et 1975, très majoritairement dans des grands ensembles. Ces constructions contribuent à réduire la pénurie de logements de l'agglomération. Mais ces logements, tout au moins une partie, sont mis en service au moment où le contexte économique européen se dégrade à la suite du choc pétrolier de 1973. La crise est d'autant plus précoce à Montluçon que les entreprises sidérurgiques sont en grandes difficultés au cours des années soixante. A la fin des années soixante-dix, le parc HLM de la ville ne correspond plus aux besoins des habitants. Logements vacants, habitat dégradé et problèmes sociaux conduisent la municipalité communiste à envisager la réhabilitation et même la destruction d'immeubles avant même la fin de leur amortissement. Les conventions Habitat Vie Sociale (HVS), Développement Social des Quartiers (DSQ) ou encore Banlieue 89 accompagnent les élus locaux dans la mutation du grand ensemble de Fontbouillant.
Shortages and unsanitary conditions characterized the French housing stock of 1939. The destruction caused by the Second World War and the demographic recovery following the conflict further accentuate this situation. To solve this serious housing crisis, « Ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme » (MRU-Ministry of Reconstruction and Town Planning,) mobilized during the 1950s, financial, land, legislative and technical resources unprecedented. How does this Ministry, created in 1944, manage to implement a real public housing policy? This thesis proposes to study the indispensable collaboration of the central and departmental services of the MRU with the different local actors (municipalities, municipal employees, inhabitants and companies). His approach by the local wants to nuance the idea of centralism and state leadership that seem at first sight to characterize this period.To answer this problem I chose to focus on the construction, rehabilitation and destruction of social housing in Montluçon from 1948 to 1988.This medium industrial town was bombed in June 1940 and especially in September 1943 but it is not declared « sinistrée » (disaster). A town is only declared « sinistrée » (to be affected –disaster) when more than 30% of its housing stock has been destroyed or damaged. The need for popular housing in this city is however very important to accommodate the workforce of the many steel, mechanical, chemical, pneumatic or electrical enterprises. « Office Public d'Habitation à Loyer Modéré de Montluçon » (OPHLM - Social Housing office) built more than 3,800 dwellings between 1956 and 1975, mostly in « Grands ensembles » (Housing Estates). These constructions contribute to reducing the shortage of housing in the agglomeration. But at least some of these dwellings are being put into service at a time when the European economic context is deteriorating as a result of « Choc pétrolier de 1973 » (1973 Oil crisis). The crisis was all the earlier in Montluçon that the steel companies were in great difficulty during the sixties. At the end of the seventies, the city's HLM park no longer corresponds to the needs of the inhabitants. Vacant housing, degraded housing and social problems led the communist municipality to consider the rehabilitation and even the destruction of buildings even before the end of their depreciation. The conventions « Habitat Vie Sociale (HVS-Habitat social life) », « Développement Social des Quartiers (DSQ- Social Development of Neighbourhoods ) » or « Banlieue 89 » (Suburb 89) accompany the local elected officials in the mutation of the « Grand ensemble » (Housing estate) of Fontbouillant. ; Pénurie et insalubrité caractérisent le parc immobilier français de 1939. Les destructions liées à la seconde guerre mondiale et la reprise démographique qui suit le conflit accentuent encore cette situation. Pour résoudre cette grave crise du logement, le Ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme (MRU), mobilise lors de la décennie 1950, des moyens financiers, fonciers, législatifs et techniques sans précédent. Comment ce Ministère, créé en 1944, parvient-il à mettre en mettre en œuvre une véritable politique publique du logement ? Cette thèse se propose d'étudier l'indispensable collaboration des services centraux et départementaux du MRU avec les différents acteurs locaux (municipalités, employés municipaux, habitants et entreprises). Son approche par le local veut nuancer l'idée d'un centralisme et d'un dirigisme étatique qui semblent à première vue caractériser cette période.Pour répondre à cette problématique j'ai choisi de m'intéresser à la construction, la réhabilitation et la destruction de logement sociaux à Montluçon de 1948 à 1988.Cette ville moyenne industrielle a été bombardé en juin 1940 et surtout en septembre 1943 mais elle n'est pas déclarée sinistrée. Une ville n'est déclarée sinistrée que lorsque plus de 30% de son parc de logements a été détruits ou endommagés. Les besoins en logements populaires de cette ville sont pourtant très importants pour loger la main d'œuvre des nombreuses entreprises sidérurgiques, mécaniques, chimiques, pneumatiques ou électriques. L'Office Public d'Habitation à Loyer Modéré de Montluçon (OPHLM) construit plus de 3 800 logements entre 1956 et 1975, très majoritairement dans des grands ensembles. Ces constructions contribuent à réduire la pénurie de logements de l'agglomération. Mais ces logements, tout au moins une partie, sont mis en service au moment où le contexte économique européen se dégrade à la suite du choc pétrolier de 1973. La crise est d'autant plus précoce à Montluçon que les entreprises sidérurgiques sont en grandes difficultés au cours des années soixante. A la fin des années soixante-dix, le parc HLM de la ville ne correspond plus aux besoins des habitants. Logements vacants, habitat dégradé et problèmes sociaux conduisent la municipalité communiste à envisager la réhabilitation et même la destruction d'immeubles avant même la fin de leur amortissement. Les conventions Habitat Vie Sociale (HVS), Développement Social des Quartiers (DSQ) ou encore Banlieue 89 accompagnent les élus locaux dans la mutation du grand ensemble de Fontbouillant.
Shortages and unsanitary conditions characterized the French housing stock of 1939. The destruction caused by the Second World War and the demographic recovery following the conflict further accentuate this situation. To solve this serious housing crisis, « Ministère de la Reconstruction et de l'Urbanisme » (MRU-Ministry of Reconstruction and Town Planning,) mobilized during the 1950s, financial, land, legislative and technical resources unprecedented. How does this Ministry, created in 1944, manage to implement a real public housing policy? This thesis proposes to study the indispensable collaboration of the central and departmental services of the MRU with the different local actors (municipalities, municipal employees, inhabitants and companies). His approach by the local wants to nuance the idea of centralism and state leadership that seem at first sight to characterize this period.To answer this problem I chose to focus on the construction, rehabilitation and destruction of social housing in Montluçon from 1948 to 1988.This medium industrial town was bombed in June 1940 and especially in September 1943 but it is not declared « sinistrée » (disaster). A town is only declared « sinistrée » (to be affected –disaster) when more than 30% of its housing stock has been destroyed or damaged. The need for popular housing in this city is however very important to accommodate the workforce of the many steel, mechanical, chemical, pneumatic or electrical enterprises. « Office Public d'Habitation à Loyer Modéré de Montluçon » (OPHLM - Social Housing office) built more than 3,800 dwellings between 1956 and 1975, mostly in « Grands ensembles » (Housing Estates). These constructions contribute to reducing the shortage of housing in the agglomeration. But at least some of these dwellings are being put into service at a time when the European economic context is deteriorating as a result of « Choc pétrolier de 1973 » (1973 Oil crisis). The crisis was all the earlier in Montluçon that the steel companies were in great ...
