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En América Latina, el capital social se ha convertido en un componente importante para el establecimiento de acciones dirigidas a fomentar la participación comunitaria, a fin de dar solución a problemas económicos y sociales derivados de la aplicación de políticas neoliberales. De esta manera, una parte de la población más desprotegida pone en marcha mecanismos de participación comunitaria. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo conocer cómo este capital social comunitario es un elemento sustancial para el desarrollo de comunidades marginadas de América Latina, y presenta el estudio de un caso: la región Maya Ch´ortí de Guatemala, donde el capital social se dinamizó en un periodo relativamente corto y se comprobó, además, que valores ancestrales de los grupos indígenas pueden ser utilizados positivamente para la conformación de una perspectiva más amplia para el desarrollo social y económico requerido. ; Recently social capital has turned into an important component to establish community participation in Latin America, especially to solve problems brought in by neoliberal forces. In this context, a sector in the community has set up new participation mechanisms. This work demonstrates how communal social capital has been a significant factor to organize within marginalized areas in Latin America. To show the development of social capital, this work offers a specific case: The Maya Ch'orti of Guatemala. Through this case, it is demonstrated that social capital can be successfully attained in a relatively small amount of time. Also, this work illustrates that indigenous values can be utilized in a positive way for the development of social and economic capital.

Research has shown that countries with weak institutions are more likely to experience higher levels of protest as a means to achieve political objectives or express policy demands. A growing body of literature portrays Argentina as a case of widespread institutional weakness, and the country currently sustains the highest rates of protest participation in Latin America. However, existing literature has yet to explain why apparently similar subnational units within the same national democratic regime experience different levels of protest. By moving down to a subnational level of analysis, this article explores the political factors that shape protest activity across the country's 23 provinces and the city of Buenos Aires for the period 1993-2005. It demonstrates that the electoral incentives created by shifting patterns of political competition and the nature of partisan opposition influence the spatial and temporal unevenness of subnational protest activity. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

Introduction:Economic analysis, democratic procedure, and distributional assessment in environmental policy --Valuation, justification, and participation in contemporary environmental policy --Capabilities, well-being, and social justice --A capabilities approach to environmental valuation --A capabilities approach to policy justification --A capabilities approach to democratic participation in regulatory rulemaking --Conclusion:Climate justice, political capabilities, and the future of human fellowship

A fundamental fact seems relatively clear: Americans do not personally like to fight in wars, especially and most particularly as members of ground forces. Indeed, Americans have greatly and often passionately-sometimes even violently-resisted personal participation in combat and have used various means including political efforts, to avoid circumstances that could require such participation.

Government secrecy (GS) is a significant social, political, and policy issue and often presents as a barrier to civic participation, public right-to-know, historical understanding, and institutional accountability. This volume examines GS in a variety of contexts, including comparative examination of government control of information, new definitions, categories, censorship, ethics, and secrecys relationship with freedom of information and transparency. It investigates GS in terms of its current theoretical descriptions as power over and concealment of information (Bok 1983), a tampering of communications (Friedrich 1972), the compulsory withholding of knowledge, reinforced by the prospects of sanctions for disclosure (Shils), or Georg Simmels (1906) idea of secrecy creating the possibility of a second world. Following the introduction this book is divided into the following six sections: Government Secrecy: Theoretical Musings; Government Secrecy and the Media; Government Secrecy and Technology; Freedom of Information; Government Secrecy: Current Policy; and Ethics. Articles are sourced from around the world and include some from USA, Mexico, Africa, Israel and Britain.

En democracia los límites al poder político no se reducen exclusivamente a las dimensiones positiva y negativa también se traducen en la exclusión de ciertos temas a la deliberación y regla de las mayorías. La democracia como modelo de organización social y participación política se construye sobre la base de dos presupuestos: el consenso y el disenso. A partir de allí en el juego democrático se justifica la exclusión de ciertos asuntos a la deliberación y regla de las mayorías. Lo anterior constituye un límite impuesto por los propios individuos a partir del consenso que podría denominarse la "paradoja del consenso". El constitucionalismo limita la deliberación y la regla de las mayorías para evitar la "tiranía de la mayoría" lo anterior, ¿supondría una suerte de erosión de la democracia? Nos enfrentamos a la tensión entre derechos y democracia. Aquella dimensión del constitucionalismo que excluye ciertos asuntos de la deliberación política y del principio de las mayorías resulta sospechosa en la medida que nos aproxima a planteamientos iusnaturalistas ; In democracy, the limits to political power are not exclusively extended to the positive and negative dimensions, but also translate into the exclusion of certain topics from the deliberation and rule of majorities. Democracy as a model of social organization and political participation is built on the basis of two presuppositions: consensus and dissent. From then on in the democratic game, the exclusion of certain matters from the deliberation and rule of the majorities is justified. This is a limit imposed by the individuals themselves based on the consensus that could be called the "consensus paradox". The constitutionalism limits the deliberation and the rule of the majorities to avoid the "tyranny of the majority" then, would suppose a luck of erosion of the democracy? We are facing the tension between rights and democracy. That dimension of constitutionalism that excludes certain issues from political deliberation and the principle of majorities is suspect in the measure that brings us closer to natural law approaches

Gender inequality as well as violence against women is a major problem in Latin America and the Caribbean. It is manifested in issues such as gender violence, lower political participation by women, employment and wage inequality, female illiteracy and the difficulty women have gaining access to full sexual and reproductive health. The Latin American continent has achieved progress towards gender equality and women's empowerment under the Millennium Development Goals, including equal access to primary education between girls and boys. However women and girls continue to suffer high rates of discrimination and violence in most Latin American countries.In this specific region of the world, mentalities of both civil and political actors of the society, need to fully process the fact that gender equality is not only a fundamental human right, but a necessary foundation for a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable society. Women's economic empowerment is defined as a transformational process, in which women gain increased access to and power over economic assets and economic decisions. Through programs like Eurosocial and alfa III financed by the European Commission, the European Union has been seeking to increase its cooperation with Latin America in this domain. Some projects like Equality, carried out within the framework of these programs, directly or indirectly aimed at providing women and girls with equal access to education, health care, decent work, and representation in political and economic decision-making processes.Achieving these goals would certainly contribute to develop more sustainable economies and benefit societies and the population on its whole, as it partially did already. Nevertheless it has been made clear over the years, with a low financial aid dedicated to the problem, that this aspect of the cooperation was not the very first priority of the European Union in Latin America. As for today, 17 years after setting the millennium goals, one thing is sure: there is yet a lot to be done to promote gender equality and women empowerment in Latin America.

Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales. Maestría en Derecho ; The right to vote for Mexican women was recognized until 1953, opening the doors to them for the exercise of citizenship. Sixty years later, as part of the 2014 political electoral reform, concrete and determined measures were taken to guarantee the full exercise of their right to be voted and, their access to positions of popular representation and decision-making, seeking to increase and ensure their political participation. Those affirmative actions, such as gender quotas and participatory parity, represent concrete steps in building a democratic and inclusive society, however, it is undeniable that a long way must be taken to achieve not only real equality but rather substantive in Mexican society. The present research analyzes the causes of this reform, as well as the results obtained in the short term and what is still required to achieve the full exercise of women's political rights and, consequently, equality. ; El derecho a votar para la mujer mexicana fue reconocido hasta 1953, abriéndose con ello las puertas para el ejercicio femenino de la ciudadanía. Sesenta años después y como parte de la reforma político-electoral de 2014, se establecen, a nivel normativo, medidas concretas y decididas para garantizar en pleno ejercicio de su derecho a ser votada y, acceder así, a los cargos de representación popular y de toma de decisiones, buscando incrementar y asegurar su participación política. Si bien el establecimiento de medidas de acción afirmativa, tales como las cuotas de género y la paridad participativa, representan pasos concretos en la construcción de una sociedad democrática e incluyente, es innegable que hace falta recorrer un largo camino para lograr la igualdad no solo formal sino sustantiva de la sociedad mexicana. La presente investigación realiza un análisis de las causas que generaron dicha reforma, así como también de los resultados obtenidos en el corto plazo y de lo que aún se requiere para lograr el ejercicio pleno de los ...

The paper compares the actual patterns of agencification and depoliticisation in Lithuania and explains the extent to which the EU contributed to these changes. Based on the transformational approach and theories of public policy process, our framework for analysis links external factors (including the EU's influence), internal factors and our dependent variables (changes in public administration and the impact of the EU). Our research employs (descriptive and inferential) statistical analysis of data on the organisational changes of Lithuanian agencies and political participation of their managers. Furthermore, it follows a longitudinal approach to observe 'net changes' by mapping agencification and politicisation throughout the period 1990–2012.The paper found that the EU made a significant contribution to the establishment of new agencies driven by the exigencies of EU accession, but its impact on the survival of Europeanised agencies was much smaller after enlargement. Changes in the scope of politicisation can be explained by a combination of evolution in the political conditionality of EU membership and wholesale government changes. The differentiated impact of the EU on public administration changes was observed with the management of the Europeanised agencies becoming increasingly professional over time. Overall, the results of our research confirm the stronger and more enduring impact of specific acquis rules in the EU policy domains compared to the much weaker influence of the EU's political conditionality. Furthermore, it points to the importance of interactions between domestic actors that realise particular beliefs and pursue certain strategies to understanding institutional and policy changes at domestic level. ; Šiame straipsnyje siekiama aprašyti ir paaiškinti esminius agentūrų vadovų politizacijos, agentūrų skaičiaus ir jų valdymo pokyčius, taip pat nustatyti, koks buvo ES poveikis tiems dalykams. Straipsnis pagrįstas teorinių europeizacijos ir viešosios politikos požiūrių sinteze, taip pat turimos informacijos ir statistinių duomenų analize. Nors ES reikšmingai prisidėjo prie naujų agentūrų įsteigimo, jos poveikis šių agentūrų išlikimui išsiplėtus ES buvo kur kas mažesnis. ES darė įtaką agentūrų vadovų politizacijos mažėjimui per specifinius acquis reikalavimus, o ne politines narystės ES sąlygas. Tyrimo rezultatai rodo diferencijuotą ES poveikį: europeizuotų agentūrų valdymas po truputį darosi profesionalesnis, palyginti su neeuropeizuotomis agentūromis.

В статье анализируются теоретико-методологические подходы к трактовке политического участия, являющегося одним из показателей самоопределения личности, качественно иным, практическим уровнем включенности индивида в политику, в отличие от эмоциональных оценок и суждений. Опираясь на социологические опросы, автор обосновывает свою позицию о возможности возобновления в стране широкомасштабных протестных акций декабря 2011 февраля 2012 года в преддверии избирательного цикла 2016 года. Cделан вывод о протестном потенциале как ее сущностной характеристике, а также наличие не только негативного, но и позитивного аспектов протеста. Высказывается мнение о необходимости пристального внимания политической власти к различным формам проявления активности молодежи и управления ею с целью направления молодежной энергии в социально полезное русло, популяризации общественно значимых инициатив, организации конструктивного перманентного диалога, минимизации негативного влияния на общество и личность протестной идеологии и психологии. Делается вывод о наличии не только негативного, но и позитивного аспектов протеста, необходимости пристального внимания политической власти к молодежи, различным формам проявления ее активности. ; The article analyzes theoretical and methodological approaches to the treatment of political participation, which is one of the indicators of self-identity, qualitatively different, a practical level of involvement of the individual in politics, as opposed to emotional evaluations and judgments. Based on the polls, the author proves its position on the possibility of resumption of wide-scale protests in December 2011 February 2012, the eve of the election cycle in 2016. The conclusion is drawn on the protest potential as her essential characteristics and the presence of not only the negative but also the positive aspects of the protest. It has been argued the need to scrutiny of political power to the different forms of youth activity and management to guide the youth energy in a socially useful direction, promotion of socially significant initiatives, the organization of a permanent constructive dialogue to minimize the negative impact on society and the individual protest ideology and psychology. Concludes that there is not only negative, but also positive aspects of the protest, the need for attention to the political power of young people, various forms of manifestation of its activity.

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschreibt den Kampf der Frauen von 1848 bis 1933 um eine Verbesserung vor allem in den Bereichen der Bildung und des Erwerbs, sowie bei der politischen Partizipation, im Ländervergleich Deutschland, Österreich und Schweiz. Die Weiterentwicklung über die Jahrzehnte und die daraus resultierenden normativen Errungenschaften werden insbesondere an Hand der Chronologie der Bildung der verschiedenen Vereine und Organisationen dargestellt, da so das Fortschreiten der Bewegung deutlich wird. Es soll zum Einen untersucht werden, in wie weit die Forderungen der Frauen in Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz durchgesetzt werden konnten. Zum Anderen gilt es herauszufinden, ob die Frauenbewegung in diesen drei Ländern als eine einheitliche angesehen werden kann oder ob doch jedes Land für sich aktiv werden musste, um seine Ziele zu erreichen. In allen drei Ländern wurde als Erstes die Forderung nach besserer Bildung und besseren Erwerbsmöglichkeiten laut. Erst nach und nach rückte ebenfalls die politische Mitbestimmungsmöglichkeit in den Fokus der Kämpferinnen. Es gab vor allem auf Grund der geografischen Nähe und der ähnlichen politischen Verhältnisse viele Parallelen und Interaktionen zwischen den Frauenbewegungen von Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz. Jedoch wird deutlich, dass jede eine eigenständige war. Jedes Land hatte seine eigenen Persönlichkeiten und Institutionen, um durch individuelle Initiativen seine Ziele zu erreichen. ; The present diploma thesis deals basically with the struggle of women to achieve better chances for education and acquisition, as well as for political participation, from 1848 to 1933 by comparing Germany, Austria and Switzerland. Further development and its normative achievements are shown by using the examples of the foundation of the different unions and organizations. On the one hand it is the ambition to find out if, and by how far, women in Germany, Austria and Switzerland were able to achieve their postulations. On the other hand it is the attempt to discover if the women?s movement of these three countries can be respected as one homogeneous movement, or if any of these states had to find their own way to achieve their goals. The first postulation of each of these three countries was to achieve the chance for a better education, and for a better possibility to earn a living. Bit by bit the political codetermination also became a focal point of the women?s struggles. Primarily because of the close geographic proximity and the similar political environment, there are a lot of analogies and interactions between the women?s movements in Germany, Austria and Switzerland. But when you take a closer look, it becomes clear that each movement was unique. Each country had its own characters and institutions to help achieve their goals through individual initiatives. ; eingereicht von Katharina Ertl ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2012 ; (VLID)224649