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The Role of Support in the Right to Health. -- Abstract: The role of support or safeguards are presented in the evolution of the right to health as highly personal and universal. The CPCD incorporated into our domestic law raises challenges regarding the accessibility of the rights of people with disabilities, universal design and reasonable accommodations, facing the legal capacity of formal acts (arts. 31, 32 and 43 CCyC) and the exercise of an independent life. Its incidence in the medical benefits of both public and private providers highlights the revision of the limits to its granting, as well as its correlation with related figures such as the home assistant, therapeutic companion and personal assistant. ; Fil: Moreno, María Fernanda. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Elementos de Derecho Civil. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Fil: Moreno, María Fernanda. Universidad de Lomas de Zamora (UNLZ). Facultad de Derecho. Cátedra Derecho de los Contratos. Lomas de Zamora, Argentina ; Sección: Artículos recibidos por convocatoria abierta.--Resumen: El rol del apoyo o salvaguardias se presenta en la evolución del derecho a la salud como personalísimo y universal. La CPCD incorporada a nuestro derecho interno plantea desafíos en torno a la accesibilidad de los derechos de las personas con discapacidad, el diseño universal y los ajustes razonables, frente a la capacidad jurídica de los actos formales (arts. 31, 32 y 43 CCyC) y por otro lado al ejercicio de una vida independiente. Su incidencia en las prestaciones médicas tanto de efectores públicos como privados resalta la revisión de los límites a su otorgamiento. Así como su correlato con figuras afines como el asistente domiciliario, acompañante terapéutico y asistente personal.

En tanto expresión estética, la literatura no escapa al influjo del poder asumido como forma de control social. En ese sentido, cabe preguntarse cómo obras escritas por autores no consagrados por las élites intelectuales y económicas, asumen y explican las arremetidas de los discursos hegemónicos que excluyen, homogeneízan y consolidan discursos monológicos. Teóricamente, será la biopolítica, concepto propuesto por Michel Foucault en 1978, la que mejor explique la relación entre sujeto, sociedad y poder que plantea este texto de Manuel Zapata Olivella a partir de un viaje realizado a los Estados Unidos. ; As aesthetic expression, literature does not escape the influence of the power considered as a form of social control. In that sense, it is worth asking how the works written by authors not consecrated by the intellectual and economic elites, assume and explain the onslaught of the hegemonies that exclude, homogenize, and tend to consolidate monological discourses. Theoretically, it will be biopolitics, a concept proposed by Michel Foucault in 1978, what best explains the relationship between subject, society, and power that this text by Manuel Zapata Olivella proposes based on a trip made to the United States.

The Lao People's Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) is in the middle of the Southeast Asian peninsula. It is bounded by five countries: China in the north, Viet Nam in the east, Cambodia in the south, and Thailand and Myanmar in the west. The Lao PDR has a total area of 236,800 square kilometres, about 70% of which is covered by mountains. In 2017, the country had a population of 6.787 million people, with an average population density of 28.66 persons per square kilometres (Lao Statistics Bureau, 2017). The country's geographical administration comprises 18 provinces, with Vientiane as the capital. Since the country shifted to an open-door economic policy in 1986, the Lao PDR has experienced rapid growth and poverty reduction through its openness to trade, investment, and integration to the regional and world economies. The gross domestic product (GDP) in 2015 increased 7.56% from the previous year, increasing to KN39,647 billion at 2010 constant prices (Lao Statistics Bureau, 2017). This is equivalent to US$140,814 million, bringing the per capita income to US$1,628. The economy has been gradually changing from agricultural-oriented activities to a wider range of activities such as services and industry. While electricity generation is expected to increase due to large investments in the mineral and hydropower sectors, the construction business is benefiting from foreign direct investment in hydropower and transport projects, such as the railway line from Vientiane to the border with China, which is under construction and almost completed. The population and sustained economic growth are the main contributing factors to the increasing energy demand in the Lao PDR. Also, the fast connectivity in terms of the electricity grid extension to remote areas brings additional demand in tandem with increasing per capita income.

On 25 October 2020, Malaysian King Sultan Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah declined to declare a National Emergency, despite Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin's urging that such an emergency was necessary in the face of an intensifying "Third Wave" of COVID-19 transmission. In a media statement relaying the decision, His Majesty reminded Malaysia's politicians to "stop all politicking that might disrupt the stability of the national government." Analysts and followers of Malaysian politics are watching these emerging national-level developments closely, in so far as they signal potentially rough political waters for Budget 2021, or may be taken as signs of "politicking" or attempts at democratic subversion by the ruling coalition. This article offers a complementary perspective to these national-scale dynamics by turning to more regional developments in Sabah – the state currently most affected by the "Third Wave" sweeping across Malaysia. Much attention was paid to Sabah in September 2020 during the run-up to its state election, when the uneasy, Muhyiddin-led Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) alliance ousted the incumbent Warisan Plus coalition. Comparatively little attention, however, has been paid to Sabah's post-election landscape. Basic questions remain about how COVID-19 and Movement Control Orders have impacted everyday life in Sabah, or how these issues relate to longer-term issues, namely undocumented immigrants.

The first rendition of Malaysia's Shared Prosperity Vision (SPV) 2030 was presented by Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad on 5 October 2019. The past year witnessed propagation of shared prosperity as the nation's new development banner, featured in a few landmark Prime Ministerial speeches1 and increasingly referenced by Cabinet members on an array of issues. Those brief mentions foreshadowed the fuller version – a 30-page summary and 190-page report – now in the public domain. This policy document signals priorities and goals for the coming decade. Its official launch next year, as part of the 12th Malaysia Plan, succeeds the iconic Vision 2020 promulgated by Mahathir in 1991. On the heels of this draft SPV launch, Malaysia's 2020 Budget speech by Finance Minister Lim Guan Eng projected the theme "Driving Growth and Equitable Outcomes Towards Shared Prosperity". National policy expectedly reflects the interests and priorities of the parties in power, but there are exceptional political contexts and partisan dynamics to the SPV. The Mahathir administration seeks to seize on an unprecedented opportunity to capture the public imagination, given that it will be Malaysia's first long-term plan under a non-Barisan Nasional federal government. The SPV is also distinguished by the lead role that a political party-linked think tank has played in its drafting, even while the released document bears the Ministry of Economic Affairs' (MEA) seal and will eventually be fully owned by MEA.

The last decade has seen an increased recognition of the rights of persons with disabilities (PWD) and a call to action to put rights into practice, both internationally and in Mongolia. In 2006, the United Nations adopted the Convention of the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, ratified by 177 countries. The convention aims to ensure equal rights and full and effective participation in society of all PWD. The Sustainable Development Goals, with their call to leave no one behind, refer to PWD in various targets and require the disaggregation of key indicators for disability to reveal existing inequities and trigger actions to address them. The 2012 Incheon Strategy to "Make the Right Real" for PWD in Asia and the Pacific preceded the progressive new Law on the Rights of PWD passed by the Parliament of Mongolia in February 2016. While various forums recognize and promote the rights of PWD and a more holistic approach to disability, the reality lags. Information on the actual living conditions of PWD is still relatively limited and more effort is needed to implement policies that contribute to the creation of truly inclusive societies. This is also true for Mongolia. Despite adopting progressive legislation on the rights of PWD, PWD in Mongolia continue to face significant challenges in their daily lives. If Mongolia is to meet the aims of the United Nations convention and facilitate the equal inclusion and participation of PWD in society, more needs to be done. This brief looks at the current environment for PWD, presents data, and draws on international good practice to make achievable policy recommendations to help Mongolia become a more inclusive and barrier-free society for PWD. Policy suggestions cover reforms ranging from improved understanding of disability to greater efforts to promote inclusive education, employment, and accessible infrastructure.

The power and energy sector is one of the success cases of the present government during its earlier regimes. This has happened because of undertaking targeted initiatives over the last one decade with a view to come out from the crisis of electricity in the country. The sector is moving towards attaining long term goals for ensuring energy sustainability: 27,400 MW (in 2030), and 51,000 MW (in 2041) (PSMP, 2016). It is the appropriate time to revisit the achievements till date. The main objective of this paper is to analyse the performance of the power and energy sector over the last one decade with a view to identify the areas of weaknesses and challenges and to put forward a set of recommendations on long term sustainability. From methodological point of view, present exercise is a gap analysis on the sector with a view to identify the weaknesses (Fig. 1). Most of the data has been collected from the secondary sources such as Bangladesh Power Development Board (BPDB), Petrobangla, Rural Electrification Board (REB), Bangladesh Economic Review and World Bank. Besides, various newspaper reports (national and abroad) have been used as references. The structure of the document is to highlight the key issues of concerns and to raise questions which need to be answered. However, one of the limitations of the study is that some of the information collected from the newspaper reports which have been used in the report as references need cross-checking. The paper highlights fifteen different issues related to the power and energy sector value chain. These include condition of energy and power sector value chains, access and quality of demand for electricity, power sector Master Plan and power generation, concerns on selected power plant projects, efficiency in power generation, situation of country's gas reserve, challenges in gas exploration, direction of the energy mix, import of LNG in the country, regulating LPG market, administered energy tariff and beyond, growing concerns in the governance system which include lack of transparency, corruptions and irregularities and concluding remarks.

The Petroleum Exploration and Production Association of New Zealand (PEPANZ) commissioned NZIER to estimate the macroeconomic and regional economic impacts of the Government decision to ban the granting of new oil and gas exploration permits outside onshore Taranaki. This ban was given effect through the Crown Minerals (Petroleum) Amendment Act 2018, and this report refers to this policy in shorthand as "the ban" To date, publicly available economic analysis on the decision has been limited to primarily the fiscal analysis contained in the Regulatory Impact Statement (RIS) accompanying the Cabinet paper, prepared in support of the Crown Minerals (Petroleum) Amendment Bill. This outlined the regulatory changes required to implement the ban and focused on the fiscal impacts to the Government through taxes and royalties, rather than the wider economic impacts. It is important to note that this analysis on financial impacts to the Crown was conducted after the policy had already been announced.

This energy sector assessment, strategy, and road map documents the status and strategic priorities of the Government of the Philippines in the energy sector. It highlights sector performance, development constraints, government plans and strategies, past support of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and other development partners, and the strategy for future ADB support in the energy sector. It also provides sector background information for investment and technical assistance operations. The assessment is based on a systematic review of the Philippines' energy sector and consultations with the government and other development partners.

For any new policy, intervention or "solution", a starting point is often asking what is the problem you are trying to solve? The draft Amendments to EA2003 appear to focus on distribution companies (Discoms) as the problem area for the Indian power sector, which is not a new revelation, and in many ways would be correct. A more nuanced examination of the issues, however, would find that it's not Discoms per se that are the problem (they're not purposely inefficient or malicious), it's the political environment in which they operate, that they do not have the resources or the freedom to operate in a commercially viable manner. While issues of affordability and the social contract for electricity as a basic public utility may necessitate changes to purely market operations, there are a number of different instruments available to address such issues, not all of which have been examined fully, let alone tried.

As member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) attempt to reduce their fossil fuel consumption in the face of rising electricity demand, they have come to view the introduction of nuclear generation under certain conditions more positively. However, especially after the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant accident in 2011, a surge of public anxiety and the ensuing difficulty in securing societal agreement for nuclear power has led many governments to consider suspending installation of new nuclear facilities.